*  .^   ••  N 


c 

"I 

LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

University  of  California. 

Mrs.  SARAH  P.  WALSWORTH. 

Received  October,  i8g4, 
^Accessions  No . 6~^t)  ^^  •      Class  No. 


h 


i 


/  /    7 

FREE  MAN'S 

COMPANION; 

A  NEW  AND  ORIGINAL  WORK, 

CONSISTING  OP  NUMEROUS 

MORAL,  POLITICAL  AND  PHILOSOPHICAL  VIEWS,  EXAMPLES  AND 

EXPLANATIONS, 

TENDING  TO  ILLUSTRATE  THE   GENERAL  CAUSE  OP 
TRUTH,  JUSTICE,  VIRTUE,  LIBERTY,  ^ND  HUMAN  IMPROVEMENT; 

AND  TO 

EXPOSE,  CONTRAST  AND  DEFEAT    THE  SYSTEMS,  POLICIES  AND 
CONDUCT   OP   A 

CONTRARY  AND  FATAL  TENDENCY. 


Liberty  has  crept  and  cringed,  long  enough — It  is  high  time  she  stood  upright 
and  boldly  maintained  her  true  dignity  and  independenxe. 

CiVONIOUS. 


HARTFORD, 

PUBLISHED  BY  ABEL  BREWSTER. 

P.  Canfield,  Printeb. 
1827. 


l^f 


DISTRICT  OF  COJSTJ^ECTICUT,  ss. 
Be  it  remembered,  That  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  September,  iu  the  fifty- 
Xa.  8>  second  year  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  Abel 
Brewster,  of  the  said  District,  hath  deposited  in  this  office  the  title  of  a 
Book,  the  right  whereof  he  claims  as  author  and  proprietor  in  the  words  following, 
to  wit  :  "  Free  Man's  Companion  ;  a  new  and  original  work,  consisting  of  nume- 
rous moral,  political  and  philosophical  views,  examples  and  explanations,  tending 
to  illustrate  the  general  cause  of  truth,  justice,  virtue,  liberty,  and  human  improve- 
ment ;  and  to  expose,  contrast  and  defeat  the  systems,  policies  and  conduct  of  a 
contrary  and  fatal  tendencv,"— in  conformity  to  the  act  of  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  entitled  "  An  act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by  securing  the  co- 
pies of  Maps,  Chartsand  Books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies,  dur- 
ing the  times  therein  mentioned." — And  also  to  the  act,  entitled,  "  An  act  supple- 
mentary to  an  act,  entitled  '  An  act  for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  by  secur- 
ing the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to  the  authors  and  proprietors  of  such 
copies  during  the  times  therein  mentioned,'  and  extending  the  benefits  thereof  to 
the  arts  of  designing,  engraving,  and  etching  historical  and  other  prints." 

CHAS    A.  INGERSOLL, 
Clerk  of  the  District  of  Connecticut. 
A  true  copy  of  Record,  examined  and  sealed  by  me, 

CHAS.  A.  INGERSOLL, 
Clerk  of  the  District  of  Connecticut 


PREFACE. 

IN  offering  this  volume  to  the  public,  it  is  unnecessary  to 
say  much  in  the  preface.  The  work  mainly  answers  for  itself. 
The  matter  has  been  the  production  of  an  arduous  and  sincere 
devotion  to  the  general  cause  of  truth  and  human  happiness. 

Whatever  errors  may  have  occurred,  in  the  selection  of  subjects, 
in  the  arrangement  of  matter,  or  in  the  reasoning  indulged  on  the 
same,  only  requires  pointing  out,  by  fair  and  manly  explanation 
and  argument,  to  be  acknowledged  and  corrected  in  a  future  edi- 
tion. But  what  has  been  said  in  truth  and  reason,  it  is  hoped 
may  be  duly  appreciated  and  regarded. 

Perhaps  the  language,  in  some  instances,  may  be  considered 
too  strong  to  suit  weak  or  diseased  palates  ;  but  if  this  should 
prove  the  case,  it  will  be  observed,  that  it  was  not  the  design  of 
this  undertaking,  to  nurse  the  vices  or  follies  of  mankind — but  to 
enlighten  the  ignorant  ;  to  caution  the  unwary  ;  to  strengthen  and 
confirm  the  virtuous  ;  and  to  detect  and  defeat  error. 

Brevity,  and  the  use  of  plain  language,  has  been  studied  in  the 
composition  ;  so  as  to  render  the  matter  comprehensible  to  people 
of  common  talents  and  information,  without  being  tedious  or  ob- 
scure. Possibly  it  may  be  too  brief,  on  some  subjects,  to  satisfy 
a  judicious  inquiry  ;  if  so,  the  matter  may  be  improved  in  a  future 
edition. 

By  pursuing  the  volume  through,  the  reader  will  find  many  in- 
quiries that  may  arise,  from  the  perusal  of  a  separate  article,  set- 


4 

tied  by  matter  in  others.  Different  subjects  mutually  assist  in 
explaining  and  extending  the  information  of  each  other. 

Society  is  made  up  of  a  great  variety  of  different  professions, 
occupations,  characters,  habits,  interests  and  conditions  ol  life, 
each  of  which  have  their  peculiar  qualities,  inclinations,  connec- 
tions, bearings  and  final  results.  In  order  to  effect  an  actual  im- 
provement  in  the  great  moral  and  political  condition  of  a  nation  or 
people,  these  parts  should  be  examined  separately,  and  then  the 
whole  viewed  in  operation  together.  The  same  as  a  skilful  and 
judicious  mechanic,  engineer,  or  builder,  examine  their  materials, 
and  arrange,  proportion  and  construct  their  work  and  designs,  to 
produce  the  most  perfect  and  desired  result,  and  in  the  best  possi- 
ble manner. 

Perhaps  it  would  be  impossible,  to  avoid  the  injurious  prejudi- 
ces of  weak  minds,  and  the  unjust  and  deceptive  constructions 
4ind  imputations  of  interested  and  evil  minded  adversaries  :  ii  is 
however  the  good,  and  the  approbation  of  the  common  people — 
chiefly  the  American  farmers  and  mechanics,  that  is  here  [>artic- 
ularly  sought  and  desired. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


Page 

Truth,              ..... 

9 

Prejudice, 

10 

Education, 

12 

Freedom  of  Speech, 

13 

Disinterested  Actions, 

16 

Monopolies, 

17 

Party, 

18 

Charity, 

21 

Novels, 

23 

Public  Schools, 

26 

Philosophical  Debating  Societies, 

28 

Chief  Cause  of  Virtue  and  Vice, 

31 

Pillars  of  a  Republic, 

34 

Remarks  on  the  Acquisition  of  Property, 

34 

Indolence  inclined  to  Despotism, 

35 

Honesty  the  Best  Policy, 

36 

Honour,            .... 

38 

Justice,              .... 

39 

War,                  .... 

40 

Slavery,             .... 

43 

Distinctions  of  Birth, 

44 

Credit,               .... 

44 

Commerce, 

46 

Fine-spun  Arguments, 

48 

Public  Celebrations, 

49 

Costly  Local  Monuments, 

50 

Duelling,  or  the  Club  Law, 

50 

Civilization, 

52 

Kingcraft,          .... 

55 

Ruling  Principles  of  Different  Governments, 

60 

Human  Improvement, 

67 

Effects  of  Habit, 

69 

Fool,                 ,            .             .             . 

70 

Lying,               ..... 

72 

Monarchy  in  Disguise, 

73 

The  Press,  and  its  Allurements, 

79 

Newspapers,                   .... 

83 

Public  Sentinel, 

88 

VI. 


TABLE  OP  CONTENTS. 


Education  and  Instruction  of  the  People, 

Page 

93 

A  few  words  of  Advice  to  Freemen  or  Republican  Electors, 

94 

Virtuous  and  Wise  Policy 

,  No.  1, 

. 

98 

No.  2, 

. 

102 

Established  Rate  of  Interest  for  the  use  of  Money, 

104 

Remarks  on  Taxation, 

. 

. 

106 

Political  Knowledge, 

. 

108 

A  Brief  Contrast  between 

some  of  the  leading  particulars 

of  Monarchy  and 

Republicanism, 

. 

109 

Juryman's  Guide, 

. 

110 

British  System  and  Policy, 

112 

The  most  truly  Just  and  Honourable  Profession  of  Men, 

114 

True  Pride  of  Civilized  Man, 

118 

Warning  concerning  three  Professional  Characters, 

119 

The  Light  of  Heaven  no 

Mystery, 

120 

Oratory, 

126 

Lawyers, 

127 

Remarks  on  Government,  No.  1, 

136 

No.  2, 

139 

No.  3, 

140 

Judiciary  Censor,  No.  1, 

142 

No.  2, 

144 

No.  3, 

146 

No.  4, 

148 

No.  5, 

150 

No.  6, 

152 

No.  7, 

156 

No.  8, 

160 

No.  9, 

162 

No.  10, 

163 

No.  11, 

105 

No.  12, 

166 

No.  13, 

168 

No.  14, 

169 

Arbitrations, 

171 

A  Brief  Contrast  between 

a  Miser  and  Spendthrift, 

180 

Remarks  on  the  Education  of  Children,  No  1, 

181 

No.  2, 

185 

Systems  of  Education, 

. 

187 

College  Learning, 

. 

194 

Republican  Encyclopedia, 

. 

196 

Craft, 

• 

199 

Conversation  between  a 

Lawyer,  a   Farmer,  and 

iMe- 

chanic,  respecting 

the  formation  of  a  State 

Con- 

, 

stitution, 

. 

• 

203 

TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


VII. 


Page 

Literary  Craft,             .....  205 

Old  Family  Compacts,             ....  209 

Systems  of  Religion,               .             .             .             .  210 

Medical  Craft, 211 

Religious  and  Political  Reviews,         .             .             .  213 

Rogues'  Policy,          .                         .            .            .  216 

A  Hypocrite,               .....  218 

Robbers  in  Disguise,                ....  221 

Equality  of  Prices  for  Nominally  the  same  Personal  Servi- 
ces,                 .....  222 

Satan's  Tax  Gatherer,             ....  224 

Speculating  Nobility,               ....  225 

Balance  of  Power,                   ....  228 

Caucus  System,           .....  229 

Sovereignty  of  the  People,                    .             .             .  231 

Improvements  in  Legislation,               ,             .             .  232 

Mercy,            ......  233 

Litigation,                   .....  234 

Keeping  Justice  Off,                ....  237 

Terrors  of  Law,          .....  239 

Most  Honourable  Profession,                .             .             .  240 

Contempt  of  Court,                 ....  242 

Court  of  Chancery,                  ....  242 

Common  Law,            .....  243 

Independent  Judiciary,           .             .             .             .  247 

Law-craft,                    .....  251 

Samples  of  Law-craft,  No.  1,              .             .             .  261 

No.  2,              ...  264 

Interest  and  Duty  of  Freemen,           .             .             .  272 

General  Policy  and  Fruits  of  a  System  of  Bankruptcy,  275 

Conversations  between  a  Monarchist  and  a  Republican,  276 

Political  Reflections,  No.  1,                .             .             .  302 

No.  2,                ...  309 

The  Policy  of  Satan,               ....  314 

Brief  General  Remarks  on  a  Variety  of  Subjects.  315 


ERRATA. 

The  reader  will  please  correct  the  foUowingf  errors,  which  escaped  the 
press  : 

13th  pag-e,  near  the  middle,  for  exert  in  them,  read,  excites  io  them 
14th  8th  line  from  bottom,  for  plausible,  read  peaceable 

23rd         for  interesting-ly,  read  interestedly 
^S  15th  for  deserving',  read  discerning 

369  near  the  middle,  for  arts  are  base,  read  acts  are  base. 


^^. 


TRUTH. 

We  are  generally  inclined,  at  first  thought — from  the  natural 
sincerity  of  the  human  senses,  to  consider  those  who  flatter  and 
deceive  us,  as  our  friends,  and  those  who  tell  us  the  truth,  as  our 
enemies :  but,  surely,  no  one  can  wish  to  he  deceived — although 
they  may  wish  to  deceive  others.  Hence  it  is  plain,  if  you  are 
my  friend,  you  will  tell  me  the  truth — if  not,  you'll  deceive  me. 

That  person,  who  is  offended  at  merely  the  truth,  must  be  weak, 
or  wicked,  indeed. 

Knaves  and  tyrants  dread  the  truth,  because  it  exposes  their 
wickedness  and  deformity. 

By  encouraging  others  to  tell  us  the  truth,  concerning  ourselves, 
it  enables  one  to  know  himself 

Truth  never  injured  any  ones  real  character;  but  error  has 
robbed  thousands,  and  of  that  which  is  far  more  precious  than 
silver  or  gold. 

Truth  is  the  noblest  attribute  of  human  virtue  and  wisdom — the 
guardian  of  justice  and  humanity ;  and  the  foe  to  fraud,  oppression 
and  cruelty. 

The  general  pnwczpZes  of  truth,  are  self-evident,  immutable  and 
eternal  ;  and,  properly  regarded,  they  have  a  powerful  tendency  to 
exalt  the  human  character  to  happiness  and  glory.  But  error  has 
no  principle.  It  is  a  mere  fiction,  the  fruits  of  ignorance,  or  the 
artifice  of  vice  ;  and  which  generally  leads  men  downwards  to 
darkness  and  misery. 

The  mode  of  truth,  is  light,  simple  and  easy  ;  but  the  fashion  of 
error,  is  dark,  crooked  and  complex.  It  is  even  within  the  capa- 
city of  a  child,  to  tell  the  truth,  when  he  knows  it ;  but  it  often 
baffles  the  skill  of  an  unprincipled  and  experienced  lawyer,  to 
find  a  substitute  for  truth. 

There  can  be  only  one  true  account,  given  of  any  particular 
matter,  transaction  or  circumstance  ;  but  a  thousand  partial  or  er- 

2 


10  PREJUDICE. 

roneous  statements  may  be  made  of  the  same,  and  much  learning 
employed  to  embellish  and  render  them  plausible  or  pleasing. 

Truth  needs  no  apology ;  but  error  requires  all  the  arts  of  so- 
phistry to  give  it  currency. 

Confirmed  bigots  and  designing  knaves,  hypocritically  cry  be- 
ware of  PHILOSOPHY,  because  philosophy  is  the  light  of  the  world, 
the  key  to  truth,  the  actual  science  of  reasoning,  whereby  the 
cause  and  effect  are  correctly  ascertained,  and  error  and  hypocrisy 
detected. 

Truth,  like  the  light  of  the  sun,  banishes  the  creatures  of  dark- 
ness and  superstition. 

Error  vanishes  like  the  phantoms  of  a  dream,  on  inspection  ; 
but  truth  shines  forth  in  all  its  glory. 

The  fool  marvels  at  the  mysterious  darkness  and  complexity  of 
error,  and  confides  in  what  he  cannot  comprehend  ;  but  the  wise 
man  admires  truth  for  its  simplicity,  consistency  and  usefulness^ 
and  pities  or  despises  those  who  disregard  it. 


Prejudice. 

Prejudice,  is  principally  imbibed  by  education ;  and  those  who 
have  the  chief  management  of  education,  are  most  inclined  to 
impose  on  their  fellow  beings.  Learned  men,  for  the  most  part, 
combine  to  keep  the  common  people  ignorant — to  let  them  have 
no  information,  only  such  as  forms  them  for  the  purpose  of  subor- 
dination, imposition  and  slavery. 

Prejudice  is  a  tyrant  of  the  human  understanding — that  blinds 
men,  and  often  makes  the  best  disposed,  counteract,  even  that 
which  they  most  desire  success.  Hence  men  blunder  into  un- 
wise measures — monarchy  and  slavery  ;  and  three  fourths  of  the 
world  are  already  shackled  with  chains  of  their  own  forging. — 
(Is  man,  indeed,  any  where  enslaved  or  degraded,  and  he  hath 
not  done  it  himself  1  Who  is  there  on  this  globe,  to  persecute  or 
tyrannise  over  man,  except  his  fellow  man  ?) 

The  powers  of  prejudice,  when  contrasted,  are  truly  wonderful : 
when  ones  prejudice  is  inclined  against  a  person  or  character, 


PRRJUJMCE.  11 

jealousy  magnifies  a  mite  to  a  monster,  and  he  criticises  only  to 
Jind  fault ;  but  when  our  prejudices  are  in  favour  of  an  object, 
charity's  mild  influence  reduces  every  thing  offensive  to  a  mere 
shadow,  and  we  seek  only  to  commend  and  approve.  And  there  is 
few  persons  or  characters  under  heaven,  but  may  be  censured,  or 
approved,  in  numerous  instances. 

Nothing  perhaps  shows  the  powers  of  prejudice  more  clearly, 
than  the  opinions  entertained  of  the  same  act,  in  different  coun- 
tries. For  instance,  self-murder ^  is  considered  one  of  the  most 
odious  offences,  in  christian  countries  ;  but  such  is  their  opinion 
in  Hindostan,  that  the  surviving  widow  of  a  deceased  husband, 
abandons  her  tender  offspring,  and  voluntarily  hums  to  death,  in 
the  full  faith  that  she  shall  inherit  eternal  bliss/br  the  deed! 

Suppose  two  persons,  of  equal  abilities,  and  of  similar  disposi- 
tions— one  of  whom  should  hear  the  evidence  and  pleadings  of 
only  one  of  the  parties,  (plaintiff  or  defendant,)  as  they  are  usually 
employed  in  a  complicated  suit  at  law,  and  the  other  person 
should  hear  only  the  opposite  evidence  and  pleadings — would  they 
not  differ  in  their  opinions  on  the  merits  of  the  case  ?  Such  is 
the  case  of  those,  who  read  or  hear,  only  one  side. 

"  If  every  body  would  hear  and  believe  me,"  says  unprincipled 
ambition,  *'  I  would  soon  ride  on  the  top^ 

Men  who  read  or  hear  both  sides,  do  not  always  judge  fairly, 
for  mankind  are  too  apt  to  form  opinions,  and  then  seek  only 
such  information  as  pleases  them  and  strengthens  the  prejudices 
already  contracted.  Hence  men  of  violent  tempers  and  strong  ♦ 
passions,  frequently  get  their  prejudices  so  clinched,  as  to  stran- 
gle reason,  and  absolutely  set  truth  at  defiance  !  Such  people  may 
be  truly  said  to  commit  violence  on  their  own  understandings. 

It  is  disagreeable  to  hear  our  own  faults  and  errors  ;  although 
nothing  is  more  generally  beneficial  to  mankind,  than  to  knoio  the 
truth. 

Every  man  is  naturally  inclined  to  consider  his  own  acts  or 
opinions,  as  wise  or  consistent. 

It  is  very  difficult  to  reason  with  prejudice — it  may  be  conquer^ 
ed  by  stratagem  or  surprise. 

The  following  story  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  subject.     Some 


12  EDUCATION. 

fifty  years  ago,  or  better,  an  old  man,  manifesting  his  attachment 
to  ancient  customs,  by  the  singular  antiquity  of  his  dress,  and  the 
equipage  of  his  horse,  standing  out  at  the  door  of  his  house,  in 
the  country,  and  just  in  the  act  of  putting  a  large  round  stone  in- 
to the  mouth  of  a  bag  to  balance  a  bushel  of  grain  on  horse-back, 
to  be  carried  to  mill,  an  enlightened  and  friendly  gentleman  who 
happened  to  be  passing  by  at  the  moment,  very  civilly  accosted  the 
old  man,  to  know  why  he  did  not  divide  the  grain  in  the  bag  and 
let  it  balance  itself ,  and  so  avoid  the  necessity  of  carrying  the 
great  stone  :  at  which  the  old  man  i«plied,  with  an  air  manifest- 
ing his  contempt  of  his  adviser,  "  Do  you  think  you  know  more 
than  me,  my  father ,  and  my  grandfather  before  me  7    we    have 

ALL  CARRIED  THAT  SAME  STONE  !" 

When  we  reflect  on  the  facility  with  which  man  harnesses  and 
drives  about,  large  animals  of  the  brUte  creation,  vastly  his  supe- 
riors in  bodily  strength,  we  often  feel  a  degree  of  pity  for  the  ig- 
norance of  the  poor  brutes  ;  but  when  we  behold  millions  of  ra- 
tional beings,  reduced  to  the  lowest  servitude  and  degradation — 
subject  to  the  will  of  a  single  fellow  being,  our  astonishment  is 
complete — until  we  comprehend  the  powers  of  prejudice,  that  fy- 
rant  of  the  human  understanding. 


Educatimu 

Nature  endows  men  with  genius  or  talents,  and  art  or  educa- 
tion cultivates  and  expands  them.  It  is  not  to  be  presumed  that 
a  man  is  good,  just,  virtuous  and  well  disposed,  merely  because 
he  has  had  an  education  ;  but  frequently  the  contrary. 

The  means  which  education  furnishes  men  with  to  commit 
fraud,  and  to  avoid  detection  and  punishment,  are  often  strong  ex- 
citements to  acts  of  injustice  and  cruelty.  Education  sometimes 
furnishes  men  with 

"  skill  to  grace, 
A  devil's  purpose  with  an  Angel's  face.'' 

Education,  especially  that  which  is  confined  to  polite  or  fash- 


FREEDOM  OF  SPEECH.  13 

ionable  accomplishments,  is  too  often  directed  to  arts  of  hypocri- 
sy and  oppression  ;  instead  of  cultivating  and  expanding  the  vir- 
tuous and  useful  faculties  and  propensities  of  the  body  and  mind. 
The  youth  of  both  sexes,  often  fancy  themselves  wonderfully  ac- 
complished, when  they  can  successfully  disguise  an  evil  disposition, 
or  bad  complexion  ;  the  loss  of  virtue,  or  the  lack  of  money  or  an 
ample  fortune. 

Learned  men  frequently  seem  to  think  better  of  fraud,  commit- 
ted learnedly,  than  of  a  virtuous  deed  performed  clumsily  or  with- 
out ceremony. 

Men  of  education  generally  seem  to  have  a  kind  of  sympathy 
for  the  fortunes  and  feelings  of  those  of  their  own  standing  or 
condition  in  society  ;  while  they  often  treat  with  indifferei>ce  or 
contempt,  the  wrongs  and  sufferings  of  those,  who  are  unable  to 
remonstrate  or  state  their  cases  in  what  is  termed  *'  respectful 
language.'^ 

Liberal  educations,  as  they  are  usually  termed,  do  not  give  men 
liberal  minds ;  but  too  often  puff  them  up  with  hy^cjriUcal  and 
vain  ideas  of  their  own  worth  and  consequence,  and  «i^t  in  them 
a  kind  of  hankering  for  extra  privileges. 

Every  man  is  learned,  in  what  he  knows — but  ignorant  of  every 
thing  else.  A  person  the  most  learned  in  law,  divinity,  or  the 
like,  frequently  appears  like  a  novice,  in  a  tinker's  shop.) 


Freedom  of  Speech. 

Republicans,  should  be  bold,  manly  and  ingenuous,  in  their 
investigations.  Sophistry  and  quibbling  becomes  the  creeping 
slaves  of  bigotry  and  despotism. 

The  freedom  of  speech  is  the  very  soul  of  liberty ;  without 
which  there  can  be  no  such  thing  as  just,  rational  or  manly  privi- 
leges. 

No  persons  should  ever  be  punished,  or  harmed  for  what  they 
had  written  or  said,  without  the  clearest  evidence  of  malice,  and 
an  intention  to  injure,  without  any  reasonable  or  just  cause  of  re- 
sentment ;  and  then,  generally,  not  until  they  had  been  duly  noti- 


14  FREEDOM  OF  SPEECH. 

tied  of  the  offence,  and  allowed  fair  time  and  a  reasonable  oppor- 
tunity to  retract  or  correct  themselves,  as  far  as  practicable,  by 
peaceable  means. 

I  have  known  many  serious  lawsuits,  for  alleged  violations  of 
the  freedom  of  the  press,  or  privileges  of  speech  ;  three  fourths 
of  which  evidently  originated  in  treachery  or  malice  ;  and  were 
eventually  productive  of,  perhaps  ten  times  the  evil  consequences 
to  society,  as  the  alleged  offences — by  exciting  and  indulging 
treachery,  revenge,  persecution  and  oppression,  and  spreading  the 
contagion  of  human  depravity  and  misery,  far  and  wide. 

And  after  all,  the  public  will  believe  just  as  they  please  about 
the  matter  written  or  uttered.  A  legal  decision  does  not  always 
alter  the  case.  A  wrong  verdict  may  have  been  procured  by  false 
swearing,  or  other  erroneous  evidence,  or  through  the  secret  and 
extraordinary  arts,  interests,  designs  and  management  of  the 
court,  or  lawyers  ;  or  it  may  have  happened  through  the  prejudice, 
ignorance,  fear,  or  even  treachery,  of  a  jury.  It  might  also  result 
from  accidental  causes,  in  bringing  forward  evidence  ;  a  defendant 
may  not  have  been  able  to  prove  all  that  he  had  said  in  truth. 

It  has  not  been  uncommon  for  unprincipled  men,  when  their 
conductor  character  has  been  exposed,  and  they  think  the  facts 
cannot  he  proved,  to  make  a  mighty  bluster,  and  perhaps  appeal  to 
law — especially  when  against  one  whom  the  court  and  lawyers  de- 
sire to  sacrifice  !  Some  times  this  is  done  to  get  a  person's  money 
wrongfully,  or  to  indulge  a  persecuting  and  oppressive  disposition, 
or  policy,  in  order  to  intimidate  and  overawe  honest  men,  or  si- 
lence them  against  knaves,  hypocrites  and  tyrants,  by  the  quibbles, 
quirks  and  terrors  of  lawcraft. 

It  is  very  seldom  necessary  to  appeal  to  ,^^  p  defence  of  ones 
real  character,  for  there  is  generally  a  piMBJWe,  and  pretty  sure 
way  of  refuting  falsehood,  and  of  repelling  scandal,  that  is  within 
the  power  of  most  people  ;  and  which  is  far  preferable  to  any  pro- 
tection the  laws  afford  us,  generally,  and  particularly  taking  their 
present  obscure,  tedious,  vexatious,  expensive  and  uncertain  issue, 
into  full  consideration. 

Falsehood  and  scandal  often  defeat  themselves,  by  their  malig- 
nance and  inconsistency ;  and  at  other  times,  simply  to  deny  a  false 


FREEDOM  OF  SPEECH.  15 

charge,  is  sufficient  to  render  it  harmless,  or  repel  it  against  its 
author.     It  is  generally  a  pretty  true  saying,  that, 

"  Let  envy  alone,  and  it  will  punish  itself." 

Every  printer  who  publishes  a  false  and  defamatory  charge, 
should  be  legally  bound  to  insert  a  confutation  or  reply,  if  offered, 
and  particularly  if  required  by  the  injured  party  ;  so  that  the  anti- 
dote might  retrace  the  poison  in  the  same  channel  in  which  it  ori- 
ginated, or  as  nigh  so  as  practicable. 

To  write  or  print,  openly,  what  one  has  to  say  on  any  subject  of 
public  notoriety  or  importance,  so  that  their  exact  words  and  mean- 
ing cannot  easily  be  denied,  or  misunderstood,  is  infinitely  more 
fair  and  honorable,  than  to  circulate  the  same  by  secret  or  verbal 
reports,  subject  to  boundless  additions,  alterations  and  equivoca- 
tions. What  is  said  openly  and  definitely  of  a  person,  may  be  met 
and  contradicted  or  refuted,  if  false  ;  but  who  can  reach  the  bane 
of  secret  falsehood,  which  ofi;en  preys  upon  its  intended  victim  like 
a  cancer  nigh  the  heart,  out  of  sight  and  the  reach  of  remedies. — 
It  robs  you  in  the  dark,  and  then  sets  the  premises  on  fire  to  con- 
ceal the  escape  of  the  cowardly  and  infamous  assassin.* 

Fools  and  knaves  dread  the  general  freedom  of  speech,  because 
it  has  a  tendency  to  expose  their  weakness  and  depravity. 

*  When  Job's  envious  neighbours  defamed  him,  during  his  awful  re- 
verse of  fortune,  he  exclaimed,  •'  O,  that  mine  enemy  had  written  a 
book*' — ardently  and  honorably  wishing,  thereby,  that  they  had  written 
their  charges  against  him,  instead  of  verbally  giving  vent  to  the  same — 
that  he  might  have  fairly  met  and  confuted  them.  This  is  the  only  plain 
and  reasonable  construction  the  matter  admits  of;  and  yet,  some,  from 
a  dread  of  such  a  custom — a  fear  of  having  their  own  unjust  or  infa- 
mous conduct  or  policy  brought  to  light,  through  the  definite,  loud  speak- 
ing and  durable  language  of  the  press,  endeavour,  hypocritically,  to 
stigmatize  such  a  custom — as  if  it  really  was  a  reproach  of  ignorance 
and  folly,  for  a  person  to  write  or  print  openly,  manfully  and  fairly,  what 
they  think  proper  to  promulgate  or  make  public  against  others. 

Note  : — The  article  we  now  call  book,  was  not  known  when  the  histo- 
ry of  Job  was  written.  A  bit  of  bark  or  skin  written  upon  and  rolled 
up,  was  called  a  book.  So  that  any  considerable  and  distinct  piece  of 
writing,  might  then  have. been  termed  "  a  book."*' 


16  DISINTERESTED  ACTIONS. 

Speak  the  truth  out,  boldly,  and  fear  not,  and  eternal  infamy 
be  on  those  who  would  abridge  the  common  freedom. 

There  is  always  a  fair  presumption,  of  those  who  wish  to  en- 
tangle, intimidate,  cramp  or  destroy  the  general  freedom  of 
speech,  or  of  the  press,  that  their  policy  and  conduct  will  not  bear 
the  light  of  truth  and  public  inspection. 


Disinterested  Actions. 

We  certainly  mistake  mankind,  and  thereby  often  subject  our- 
selves to  the  various  hypocritical  arts  and  designs  of  intriguing 
politicians,  and  other  unprincipled  persons,  when  we  give  credit 
to  their  various  disinterested  pretensions. 

Self-love,  is  obviously  the  ruling  passion  of  man  ;  and,  because 
we  do  not  always  comprehend  the  motives  that  influence  or  con- 
trol human  actions,  is  no  evidence  that  mankind  art  without  mo- 
tives. For  my  part,  I  frankly  confess  I  feel  a  controling  impulse 
that  rules  me  throughout  all  my  voluntary  transactions.  This 
moment  while  I  write,  I  feel  a  desire  to  do  good,  and  defeat  evil — 
that  I  may  participate  in  the  former,  and  avoid  the  latter. 

The  better  the  deed,  the  greater  the  motive  in  performing  of  it^ 
with  a  sensible  and  good  man. 

The  vigilant  and  upright  judge,  has  the  honor  and  emolument  of 
his  office,  constantly  in  view. 

Even  the  Holy  Scriptures,  promise  a  reward  of  fourfold,  for 
whatever  is  given  in  cbarity  to  the  poor. 

^  2>i.<f-interest,  really  has  no  other  practical  meaning,  than  to  say, 
no  interest ;  and,  if  it  be  proper  in  any  sense  of  the  word,  to  say 
that  a  man  acts  disinterestedly,  it  must  be  in  cases  where  he  is  in- 
different—don't care  a  cent,  or  has  no  direct  interest.  But,  di- 
rectly, or  indirectly,  a  man  must  have  some  interested  motives,  in 
order  to  act  as  an  intelligent  and  rational,  or  consistent  being. 

It  is,  indeed,  both  dangerous  and  absurd,  to  suppose  that  men 
are  disinterested,  in  the  voluntary  transactions  of  life. 

Every  rational  being,  certainly  conceits  he  shall  derive  a  benefit, 
or  satisfaction,  directly  or  indirectly,  by  every  considerable  act 
which  he  intentionally  performs  ;  and  when  we  seek  our  own  hap- 


MONOPOLIES.  n 

piness,  in  a  manner  consistent  with  the  general  good  of  society, 
in  a  moral  and  political  point  of  view,  we  clearly  perform  all  that 
is  required  of  us,  either  as  christiafts,  or  good  citizens.     It  is  ^elf 

CONSISTENT   WITH    THE  WHOLE. 

Hence,  women  and  children,  sensible  of  their  own  weak  and 
defenceless  condition,  are  generally  the  first  to  appeal  to  the  laws 
of  humanity.  It  has  also  been  the  policy  of  weak  or  defenceless 
states,  to  encourage  humane  treatment  to  prisoners  of  war,  and 
others  in  the  power  of  hostile  nations  or  commanders. 

Humanity  is  nevertheless  a  noble  impulse,  and  the  more  honora- 
ble to  those,  who  have  it  in  their  power  to  he  tyrants  with  impuni- 
ty ^  as  it  manifests  their  rule  of  virtue  and  reason. 

We  should  therefore  learn  to  calculate,  and  to  understand  the 
probable  motives  that  influence  or  control  the  particular  professions, 
and  actions  of  our  fellow  beings. 


Monopolies. 

Monopolies,  like  tigers,  in  their  infancy,  seem  innocent  or 
harmless  ;  but  when  full  grown,  like  tyrants,  they  little  regard  the 
cries  of  justice  and  humanity. 

Some  men  unite  their  powers  and  efforts,  to  promote  the  public 
good,  and  to  support  their  natural  and  just  rights  ;  and  some  there 
are,  who  combine  their  talents  to  set  the  rights  of  others  at  defi- 
ance. 

Tyranny,  by  whomsoever  exercised,  and  under  whatever  name 
it  may  exist,  consists,  simply  in  compelling  others  to  do  that  which 
justice  and  reason  forbids, 

A  tyrannical  government,  is  only  a  combination  of  monopolies, 
commanding  the  necessaries  of  life,  and  abridging  the  freedom  of 
speech,  and  actions,  necessary  to  the  pursuit  of  human  happiness. 

I  think  I  see  the  hand  of  craft,  under  a  variety  of  plausible, 
and  even  charitable  forms  and  pretensions,  already  busily  fabrica- 
ting these  fatal  engines  of  tyranny,  in  this  celebrated  land  of  lib- 
erty. 


18  PARTY. 


Party, 


Party,  like  6i7c,  agitates  all  its  subjects  from  one  extreme  to 
the  other,  and  neutralizes  the  product ;  or,  as  the  extremes  of 
weather  renovates  and  tests  the  soundness  of  the  human  constitu- 
tion, so  does  the  variety  of  views  and  opinions  entertained  in  soci- 
ety, tend  to  enlighten  mankind,  and  to  expose  the  truth  of  men 
and  measures :  and,  although  they  are  all  disagreeable  in  extremes y 
yet  they  are,  on  the  whole,  necessary  and  important. 

Under  free  government,  human  passions  are  vented  in  frequent, 
and  \\ghx flashes  and  breezes j  without  effecting  any  material  injury 
to  the  great  body  of  society  ;  but  where  the  iron  hand  of  despot- 
ism stifles  the  voice  of  truth  and  the  cries  of  suffering  humanity, 
(as  in  the  calm  of  despotism,)  pain  engenders  secret  indignation^ 
until  it  bursts  forth,  like  the  fiery  lava  from  Mount  Etna  and  Vesu- 
vius, overrunning  countries  and  kingdoms,  by  turns. 

Were  there  no  difference  in  the  views  and  opinions  entertained 
in  society,  there  would  be  no  discussion — and  soon  no  liberty. — 
Discussion  is  the  very pruning-hook  of  liberty,  that  plucks  up  the 
weeds  of  aristocracy,  and  lops  off  the  useless  and  unhealthy  shoots 
and  branches. 

Who  indeed  would  dare,  or  even  what  individual  could  effectu- 
ally expose  the  wrong  actions  and  unprincipled  designs  of  men  in 
power,  without  the  aid  and  support  of  a  considerable  and  active 
party. 

It  is  not  more  wonderful  that  mankind  should  differ  in  opinions, 
than  in  looks ;  and  especially  when  they  get  their  information  from 
flb  different  and  partial  sources,  as  they  too  generally  do. 

Nine-tenths  of  mankind,  at  least,  have  the  same  general  object 
in  view  ;  and  the  only  reason  why  they  do  not  unite  more  cordially 
in  pursuit,  is,  they  are  deceived.  Those  who  wish  to  monopolize 
the  fruits  of  others  labor,  unite  in  schemes  and  efforts  to  blind, 
confuse,  mislead,  and  if  possible  to  hustle  the  common  people  out 
of  their  rights  and  liberties. 

The  chief  object  of  party  strife,  should  be,  excellence  in 
PATRIOTIC  DEEDS — efforts  to  cxcel  each  other  in  good  principles 
and  practices — the  efficient  promotion  of  human  improvement — 


PARTY.  19 

the  perfection  of  human  happiness  :  not  persecution,  deception, 
or  relaxing  the  laws  to  injustice,  to  gratify  envy,  avarice,  or  re- 
venge, or  to  gain  a  momentary  and  party  triumph.  The  former 
would  exalt  mankind,  by  exciting  and  cultivating  the  noblest  im- 
pulse and  faculties  of  human  nature  ;  while  the  latter  gives  ex- 
citement and  scope  to  the  vilest  passions,  and  tends  to  degrade 
man,  even  below  the  brutes. 

The  main  object  of  contention  among  mankind,  may  be  gen- 
erally summed  up  in  two  words — right  and  wrong.  The  common 
people  say,  '*  give  us  our  natural  and  just  rights,  and  we  are  satis- 
fied ;"  but  men  of  unprincipled  and  despotic  minds,  cry,  "  give  us 
POWER,  and  we  will  soon  fix  every  thing  to  our  minds  .'" 

Extreme  party  spirit,  evinces  a  depraved,  contracted,  or  heedless 
understanding. 

To  proscribe  or  persecute  a  man  for  an  honest  difference  of 
opinion,  is  despotism,  in  the  extreme,  and  ought  to  be  abhorred  by 
every  friend  of  mankind. 

That  germ  of  liberty,  which  has  been  engrafted  and  preserved 
in  the  British  government,  by  the  exertions  of  a  spirited  and  truly 
wonderful  people,  has,  to  a  degree,  maintained  the  freedom  of  the 
press,  and  trial  by  jury,  and  otherwise  contributed,  greatly,  to  the 
general  prosperity  and  glory  of  that  nation.*     It  was,  indeed,  this 

*  These  two  essential  agents  of  justice  and  human  liberty — the  liber- 
ty of  the  press,  and  trial  by  jury,  have  been  so  tortured  and  hampered 
by  their  designing  foes,  as  only  to  have  partially  performed  their  several 
duties. 

As  to  the  freedom  of  election  in  Britain,  I  consider  it  httle  more  than 
a  mere  farce,  since  it  is  only  partial,  in  its  professed  indulgence  ;  and  is 
unprotected  against  the  bribery  and  corruption  of  a  wealthy  and  over- 
bearing monarchy  and  aristocracy  combined. 

They  have  indeed  made  laws,  professedly  for  the  protection  of  elec- 
tions against  bribery  and  corruption  ;  but  the  glaring  manner  in  which 
these  laws  are  evaded  and  set  at  defiance,  shows  plainly  the  hostility  of 
their  chief  national  rulers,  to  this  branch  of  republican  freedom.  That 
is,  the  monarch  and  his  aristocratic  liege,  have  relinquished^  (by  com- 
pulsion,)  a  degree  of  usurped  authority  over  the  people,  and  professedly 
made  laws  for  protecting  them  in  the  full  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  the 
same,  and  then,  indirectly  licensed  and  employed  agents  and  other 
means  to  prevent  them  from  getting  actual  possession  ! 


20  PARTY. 

good  impulse  that  drove  our  forefathers  from  the  bigotry,  persecu- 
tion and  oppression  of  those  who  ruled  the  old  world,  to  seek  an 
asylum  for  oppressed  humanity  in  this  new  world,  and  finally  to 
lay  the  foundation  for  this  Christian  and  republican  community, 
out  of  the  immediate  reach  of  despotic  governments. 

There  is  often  a  wide  difference  between  the  people  and  the 
government  of  a  country.  While  the  British  government  were 
using  their  despotic  and  utmost  power  to  crush  the  noble  spirit  of 
virtue,  justice  and  human  liberty,  that  was  growing  in  this  coun- 
try, and  were  actually  exciting  and  employing  savages  and  foreign 
mercenaries  to  butcher  our  inhabitants  and  lay  waste  the  country, 
the  people  of  the  mother  country  were  mainly,  it  is  believed,  in 
fellow  feelings  with  us. 

But  this  is  not  all  the  glaring  hostility  manifested  by  the  British  sove- 
reign and  his  privileged  participators,  against  the  people.  The  house  of 
lords,  who  are  the  creatures,  tools  and  participators,  of  the  sovereigo 
power,  receive  an  annual  pension,  from  '*  the  crown"  while  the  people's 
representatives,  (part  of  the  members  of  the  house  of  commons,  the  only 
branch  in  which  they  have  any  choice,)  are  neither  allowed  pay  nor  sup- 
port, from  government,  for  their  official  services  :  that  is,  the  sovereign 
^nA  his  privileged  creatures ^  are  extravagantly  pensioned,  hwi  the  peo- 
ple's agents^  are  neither  allowed  pay  nor  support !  Besides,  there  is  no 
justice  or  equality,  in  the  qualifications  of  electors,  nor  in  their  appor- 
tionment or  representation,  in  the  different  districts  or  sections  of  coun- 
try. By  which  the  sovereign  and  his  liege,  seem  to  say  to  the  people, 
"  Hang  ye — you  clamorous,  rebellious  and  vulgar  dogs  !  if  we  must 
give  you  a  degree  of  republican  freedom,  in  a  lower  house  of  legislation, 
you  shall  be  subject  to  as  much  inequality,  unfairness  and  corruption, 
aa  possible,  in  the  location  and  choice  of  your  representatives,  in  order 
t6 defeat  your  choice,  in  the  first  place,  and  then  to  buy  over  those  you 
make  choice  of,  for  our  use  and  convenience." 

It  is  said  that  a  man  may  spend  a  fortune  to  get  into  the  house  of  com- 
mons, and  notwithstanding  he  is  neither  allowed  pay  nor  support,  for  his 
services,  come  out  with  more  money  than  he  expended  in  getting  elect- 
ed. This  is  probably  effected  by  the  selling  of  his  vote  to  the  ministry, 
or  others,  and  by  various  other  corrupt  exercises  of  his  power,  secret 
intelligence,  influence  and  situation. 


CHARITY.  21 


Charity. 


The  term  charity ^  seems  often  misunderstood,  or  its  practical 
sense  perverted  or  misapplied  :  for  instance,  if  A.  has  the  "  char- 
ity to  believe,"  (as  the  term  is  usually  applied,)  that  his  neighbour 
B.  is  innocent  of  a  particular  charge,  of  which  B.  is  in  fact  guilty, 
it  is  no  evidence  of  A.'s  virtue,  but  rather  of  Ais  ignorance  ofB.'s 
offence ;  for  virtue  is  an  active  intelligence. 

Acts,  as  well  as  professions  of  apparent  charity,  are  often  dicta- 
ted by  the  most  wicked  policy — namely,  to  seduce  the  innocent  and 
unsuspecting,  or  to  screen  the  guilty  from  suspicion,  detection  or 
punishment. 

Truly  then,  charity  covereth  (not  cancels)  a  multitude  of 
sins.  But  how  does  it  cover  them,  from  detection  or  punishment, 
the  same  as  a  cloak  often  conceals  the  truth  from  our  view  1  or  as 
artifice  or  power,  screens  the  offender  from  justice  1  How  then, 
shall  we  judge  of  apparent  charity,  without  knowing  the  motive 
that  dictates  or  controls  the  action  ? 

Unprincipled  men  are  perpetually  striving,  by  a  variety  of  little 
arts  and  affectations,  to  extend  human  confidence  in  external  ap- 
pearances,  in  order  to  divert  our  attention  and  inspection  from 
their  motives — the  real  source  of  human  actions  ;  and  ultimately 
to  favor  the  accomplishment  of  their  crooked  designs  and  purpo- 
ses. 

There  certainly  can  be  no  harm  in  looking  well  to  the  policy,  or 
chief  motives  that  dictate  and  control  human  actions. 

Thousands  and  millions  of  virtuous  and  worthy  people  have 
been  ruined  or  injured,  by  putting  too  much  confidence  in  the  {yF- 
pocritical  actions  and  pretensions  of  others. 

An  honest  man,  is  not  only  willing,  but  often  anxious  to  have 
his  conduct  examined  into,  and  his  transactions  and  motives  truly 
understood  ;  but  a  rogue  is  alarmed  at  the  mere  suggestion  of  in- 
spection and  accountability. 

A  lost  pocket  book  was  once  proclaimed  in  a  company  of  re- 
spectable looking  men,  and  a  general  search  proposed,  when  one 
of  the  company  objected,  and  blusteringly  said,  among  other 
things,  that  it  was  not  only  an  insult,  to  propose  searching  such  a 


22  CHARITY. 

fespectable  company  of  gentlemen,  as  a  set  of  pickpockets,  but  it 
would  be  an  outrage  upon  common  justice  and  decency  to  attempt 
to  enforce  it,  and  surely  none  but  a  slave  or  fool  would  submit  to 
the  humiliating  and  degrading  transaction.  A  discerning  individ- 
ual of  the  company,  replied,  most  probably,  thou  art  the  very  man, 
or  an  accomplice  in  villainy ,  or  one  of  the  same  character.  He 
further  said,  he  could  see  no  impropriety  in  a  general  search.  It 
was  due  to  the  occasion.  The  innocent  could  suffer  no  harm  from 
inspection — but  the  guilty  might  be  detected !  For  his  part,  he 
desired  the  search,  that  the  truth  might  be  known,  and  erroneous 
conjectures  avoided.  The  man  who  professed  so  much  apparent 
charity  for  the  respectable  company,  did  not  quite  cover  his  own 
sins,  for  the  search  was  made  and  the  pocket  book  found  in  his 
bosom. 

It  is  said  that  lord  Bacon  asserted,  that  base  natures  suspected, 
^  would  generally  prove  themselves  so.  But  was  it  not  this  same 
lord  Bacon,  who,  probably  from  not  being  sufficiently  suspected, 
or  known  and  guarded  against,  indulged  his  corrupt  or  unprinci- 
pled disposition,  (in  his  judicial  transactions,)  and  finally  proved 
himself, 

^'  the  meanest  of  maokind.' 

At  the  time  the  Roman  liberties  were  most  fatally  declining, 
one  half  the  people  were  considered  paupers,  or  in  a  greater  or 
less  degree,  subsisted  upon  what  was  called  the  charities  of  the 
church.  Whether  this  was  the  result  of  accident,  or  design,  it 
nevertheless  contributed,  in  a  powerful  degree,  to  the  downfall  of 
th^  general  freedom. 

While  Julius  Cesar  was  plotting  the  final  overthrow  of  Roman 
liberties,  as  a  cloak  for  his  designs,  and  to  aid  in  the  operation,  he 
supported  about  twenty  thousand  of  the  poor  ! 

The  system  of  begging,  and  of  cultivating  a  humble  depend- 
ence on  the  rich,  and  those  invested  with  authority,  or  the  man- 
agement and  distribution  of  the  charity  funds,  as  some  call  them, 
or  the  various  sums  raised  by  public  taxes  and  private  contribution 
for  the  support  or  temporary  relief  of  the  poor  and  needy,  in  Eng- 


NOVELS.  23 

land,  has  a  direct  and  extensive  influence  and  agency  in  keeping 
their  poorer  classes  of  people  in  a  cringing  submissive  posture. 

In  Scotland,  it  is  said,  they  cultivate  among  the  common  peo- 
ple, a  habit  and  system  of  self-dependence. 

Begging,  generally  has  a  powerful  tendency  to  destroy  that 
manly  and  noble  sense  of  liberty  and  self-dependence,  which  dis- 
tinguishes IX  free  man,  or  the  genuine  republican. 

The  knaves  and  tyrants  of  the  world,  in  their  efforts  to  pervert 
the  meaning  of  words,  and  the  application  of  principles,  to  their 
crooked  designs  and  purposes,  would  represent  charity  as  ignor- 
ant, thoughtless  and  unreasonable — bestowing  favors  indiscrimi- 
nately, on  impostors,  and  the  worst  and  most  undeserving  objects 
in  society  ;  and  consequently  nursing  the  vices,  follies  and  mise- 
ries of  mankind — instead  of  the  contrary. 

True  charity,  acts  discernedly,  interestingly,  and  discreetly — 
distinguishing  between  merit  and  imposture — bestowing  assistance 
and  favors  on  the  deserving  and  corrigible,  and  in  such  a  manner, 
as  to  produce  the  best  possible  general  results. 


Novels. 


Novel  writers,  for  the  most  part,  choose  imaginary,  or  extreme 
characters  and  cases  for  their  subjects — such  as  are  seldom  or 
never  realized.  Consequently,  like  dreams,  or  bubbles  in  the  air, 
they  are  apt  to  divert  our  attention  from  the  things  that  really  con- 
cern us. 

Novels  are  extremely  apt  to  make  young  people  giddy  headed^, 

An  eagerness  for  novels  or  romancing,  is  a  fair  indication  of 
the  ignorance  and  depravity  of  the  times. 

Those  who  wish  to  keep  mankind  in  a  state  of  ignorance,  delu- 
sion and  slavery,  could  hardly  desire  more  effectual  means  to  ac- 
complish their  purposes  with,  than  are  frequently  afforded  by  nov- 
els. 

Novelists  too  often  serve  as  a  kind  of  flutterers  or  decoys  to  al- 
lure ignorance  and  folly  into  the  snares  of  vice  and  slavery.  At 
the  best,  they  are  apt  to  draw  off  the  attention  of  eager  and  in- 


24  NOVELS. 

quisitive  youth,  from  the  acquisition  of  real  and  important  inform- 
ation, to  the  pursuit  of  fictions  and  trifles. 

We  certainly  have  no  time  to  waste  ;  but  novel  reading  is  gen- 
erally much  worse  than  a  mere  waste  of  time,  for  it  too  often  be- 
wilders the  understanding  and  corrupts  the  mind. 

In  the  early  stages  of  human  society,  before  there  was  much 
matter  for  real  history,  it  was  not  only  justifiable,  but  often  highly 
meritorious  and  important,  to  give  imaginary  sketches  of  human 
life  and  character  ;  and  even  at  the  present  time,  where  the  press 
b  not  free  for  the  promulgation  of  truth  and  useful  information, 
narrations  of  real  and  important  facts,  under  feigned  names  and 
outlines,  are  quite  justifiable :  but  in  our  day  and  country — al- 
though the  press  is  not  in  fact  free  from  the  snorts ^  terrors,  tricks 
and  quibbles  of  interested  and  designing  crafts  ;  there  are  an 
abundance  of  realities  to  furnish  subjects  and  matter  of  import- 
ance for  historical  and  other  writers,  without  having  recourse  to 
fictions  and/o% ;  and  who,  in  their  sober  senses,  could  possibly 
prefer  fictions  and  trifles,  to  matters  of  reality  and  importance. 

A  judicious  history  of  facts,  or  detail  of  useful  sciences  and 
improvements,  delights  our  senses  and  enriches  the  understanding  ; 
but  novels,  like  dreams,  too  often  bewilder  our  senses,  and  impose 
on  the  understanding. 

Novel  writers  generally  study  to  set  off  their  stories  in  the  most 
extravagant  and  bewitching  style  of  language  and  colouring — like 
artful  seducers,  so  as  to  engage  the  attention  of  eager  and  unsus- 
picious youth,  to  the  neglect  and  ultimate  exclusion  of  subjects  of 
truth  and  importance. 

After  a  person  has  once  had  their  senses  bewitched  by  the  en- 
chanting style  of  novel  reading,  realities  and  matters  of  usefulness, 
in  their  sober  and  unaffected  characters,  become  too  duU  and 
tasteless^  in  their  estimation,  to  engage  attention. 

Fancy  has  not  led  the  figure,  and  fiction  has  had  no  hand  in 
the  detail  or  colouring.  They  seem  to  say,  "  why — it  is  a  plain 
matter  of  fact,  and  what  person  of  taste,  would  be  entertained 
with  such  dull  stuff!" 

Novel  reading,  has  not  only  a  general  tendency  to  draw  off  the 
time  and  attention  of  inquiring  youtb^  from  realities  and  matters  of 


NOVELS.  25 

substantial  worth  and  usefulness  ;  but  ultimately  exerts  and  culti- 
vates a  talent  and  disposition  for  Jiction — hypocrisy  and  deceitful- 
hess. 

The  minds  of  novel  readers,  are  more  or  less  occupied  with 
visionary  ideas,  and  subjects  of  fancy,  to  the  exclusion  of  realities 
and  matters  of  importance. 

I  can  hardly  help  regarding  every  novel  as  a  lie  ;  and  often 
wonder  how  people  of  sense,  can  indulge  themselves,  or  their 
children,  (whose  tender  minds  deserve  a  friendly  care,)  in  such 
silly  and  mischievous  pursuits. 

Give  me  none  of  your  novel  readers,  says  a  wise  young  man,  in 
pursuit  of  a  bosom  friend  and  partner  for  life,  for  her  mind  will  be 
occupied  with  fictions  and  follies,  to  the  exclusion  of  realities  and 
matters  of  usefulness.  Neither  as  a  man  of  information  and  bu- 
siness, has  novel  reading  a  better  tendency. 

Every  virtuous  and  enlightened  man  and  woman,  will  generally 
study  to  avoid  novel  readers,  for  their  minds  are  apt  to  be  too  much 
like  a  toyshop — full  of  artificial  monsters,  images  and  play-things_, 
for  the  wonder  and  amusement  of  silly  minds  ;  or  something  like 
a  juggler's  performance — any  thing  but  what  is  real  and  useful. 

Artificial  shapes,  coloring  or  complexions  ; — imaginary  brains 
or  ideas,  and  matters  of  information  ;  fictitious  fortunes,  ac- 
quirements and  responsibility  ;  affected  smiles,  friendship  and 
animation  ;  a  feigned  sense  of  virtue,  justice,  humanity  and  hon- 
or :  in  short,  nothing  is  more  generally  real  with  thorough  bred 
novel  readers,  than  their  extreme  vanity  and  deceitfulness. 

People  educated  to  consider  an  useful  application  of  their  time 
and  talents,  as  degrading,  will  suffer  almost  any  thing,  rather  than 
do  good  in  society. 

Finally  : — the  study  of  novels,  or  pursuit  of  useless  information 
and  diversion,  steals  time,  fills  the  mind  with  worthless,  visionary 
or  vicious  ideas,  or  leaves  it  an  awful  blank. 

Seek  usefulness,  and  the  pursuit  will  soon  become  pleasing,  and 
the  result  beneficial. 


26  PUBLIC  SCHOOLS. 


Public  Schools. 


Public  schools,  affording  every  one  the  means  of  a  judicious 
COMMON  education,  are  by  far  the  most  important  establishments 
that  regard  the  freedom,  happiness  and  prosperity  of  a  nation. 
They  have  a  greater  tendency  to  promote  equality  among  men, 
than  any  thing  else,  perhaps  in  the  power  of  government ;  and  that, 
too,  by  giving  everyone  an  even  start  ^  on  the  great  journey  of  life  ^ 
and  which  is,  by  the  way,  no  more  than /air  play. 

Society  is  indeed,  hound  to  furnish  every  one  with  the  means  of 
common  information.  Teach  every  citizen  his  duty,  and  qualify 
him  to  perform  it,  and  then  justice  and  good  policy  would  require 
the  punishment  of  those,  who  wilfully  neglect  to  perform  their 
parts  as  good  citizens ;  but  to  those  who  have  been  basely  kept  in 
ignorance  against  their  own  will  or  understanding,  justice  should 
be  merciful. 

To  allow  any  one  an  extra  education  at  the  public  expense,  is 
not  only  unjust,  but  impolitic — it  is  unjust,  in  as  much  as  it  is^ar- 
tial ;  and  it  is  highly  impolitic,  especially  in  a  republic,  to  give 
any  one  the  advantage  of  his  fellow-men.  But  on  the  contrary, 
every  just  and  reasonable  means  should  be  employed  to  promote 
equality  among  men,  as  much  as  possible,  well  knowing  that  there 
will  be  unequality  enough,  in  spite  of  every  reasonable  exertion  to 
the  contrary. 

It  would  be  far  more  proper,  to  teach  the  agricultural,  mechan- 
ic and  others  arts  of  general  use,  at  the  public  expense,  than  to 
give  the  instruction  and  information  usually  acquired  at  colleges. 

Learning,  unless  applied  to  purposes  of  public  usefulness,  is 
generally  an  injury,  rather  than  a  benefit,  to  society. 

College  learning  insures  no  jwsitive  good  to  society.  The  stu- 
dent may  have  devoted  his  chief  time  and  attention  to  the  study  of 
obsolete  matter,  or  to  the  acquisition  of  superfluous,  or  mischiev- 
ous arts  or  information  ;  or  he  may  finally  prove  a  blockhead,  sot, 
or  knave,  and  either  sacrifice  the  money  expended  in  his  education, 
or  employ  his  extra  learning  in  imposing  upon  the  public  or  indi- 
viduals. And  after  all,  the  individual  educated  or  instructed  at 
the  public  expense,  will  expect  a  full  and  even  liberal  corapensa- 


PUBLIC  SCHOOLS.  27 

tion  for  whatever  services  he  may  render  the  public :  so  that  the 
public  generally  gain  nothing  by  the  most  fortunate  result. 

If  there  was  need  of  more  men  in  any  particular  profession  ;  or 
a  want  of  extended  skill  or  information,  in  any  art,  profession,  or 
branch  of  business,  the  demand  would  probably  regulate  itself,  by 
calling  forth  the  skill  or  exertions  most  wanted,  especially  under 
the  management  of  a  judicious  and  wise  government. 

People  would  be  much  more  likely  to  make  a  good  use  of  their 
time  and  talents,  when  they  studied  at  their  own  expense,  than  if 
they  were  supported  by  the  public. 

Ingratitude  is  the  predominate  impulse  of  the  human  character. 
"  Give  an  inch,  and  they  will  take  an  ell."  Giveanumber  of  indi- 
viduals extraordinary  advantages  in  their  education  or  acquire- 
ments, at  the  public  expense,  and  then  elevate  them  to  stations  of 
power  and  profit,  and  they  will  be  the  more  likely  to  imploy  schemes 
of  treachery  and  human  oppression,  than  if  they  had  shared  the 
common  lot  among  their  fellow  men. 

What,  in  fact,  are  most  of  the  college  learnt  men,  noio  doing 
for  the  actual  good  of  mankind  ?  How  great  a  proportion  of  them 
are  employing  their  extra  learning,  favourable  stations  and  opportu-j 
nities,  in  promoting  the  general  cause  of  truth,  justice,  virtue  and 
human  liberty  l  or  the  actual  independence,  and  prosperity  and 
happiness  of  the  people  of  this  republic  ? 

Many  of  our  college  learned  men,  certainly  appear  as  intently 
nursing  the  germs  of  human  ignorance,  depravity,  poverty  and 
dependence,  as  tho'  they  constituted  the  principal  sources  of  their 
present  gains,  and  the  substance  of  their  future  dependence. 

It  is  an  important  fact,  and  which  ought  to  be  duly  regarded, 
that  most  of  the  great  moral  and  political  changes  that  have  taken 
place  for  the  actual  benefit  of  mankind,  have  been  more  the  result 
of  necessity,  and  of  accidental  causes,  than  of  the  design  of  men 
indulged  with  extraordinary  advantages  of  education,  and  those 
who  exercised  the  chief  powers  of  human  government.  And  for 
the  plainest  reason  in  the  world — it  is  not  considered  for  theii^  in- 
terest. Men  in  possession  of  extraordinary  privileges  or  advanta- 
ges over  their  fellow  beings,  whether  by  the  result  of  accident,  or 
design,  certainly  will  never  understandingly  make  exertions 
against  themselves — or  voluntarily  relinquish  their  advantages. 


28  PHILOSOPHICAL  DEBATING  SOCIETIES. 

The  imposters  and  tyrants  of  the  world,  are  against  every 
change  or  measure  that  has  any  considerable  tendency  to  enlight- 
en the  people — releave  them  from  unjust  and  unnecessary  re- 
straint, and  finally  to  elevate  and  improve  the  general  character 
and  condition  of  the  human  family. 

Most  of  the  light  and  liberty  actually  gained  in  favor  of  justice 
and  humanity,  vi^as  obtained  against  the  will  and  designs  of  those 
most  indulged  with  education  and  the  means  of  doing  good  in 
Society. 

I  do  not  mean  to  include  those  self-taught  genius's,  who  have 
sometimes  grown  up  without  public  nursing — uncramped  by  the 
arbitrary  rules  of  education — uncorrupted  by  the  hypocritical 
arts  and  examples  of  the  learned  crafts — unintimidated  by  the  ter- 
rors of  arbitrary  rulers — for  such  characters  generally  grow  up  un- 
observed, because  where  system  controls  reason,  instead  of  reason 
regulating  system,  special  care  is  taken  to  watch  and  keep  down 
free  thinking  ;  but  secretly  and  silently  maturing  the  human  un- 
derstanding, until  the  manly  vigor  of  inlightened  and  expanded 
intellect,  burst  the  dark  and  contracted  cage  of  ignorance  and  op- 
pression, and  give  a  degree  of  wholesome  and  rational  light  and 
liberty  to  their  stifled  and  oppressed  brethren  of  the  human  family. 


Philosophical  Debating  Societies. 

Philosophical  debating  societies,  properly  arranged  and  con- 
ducted, are  very  important,  especially  in  a  free  country.  They 
are  schools  of  reason^  where  the  human  mind  is  cultivated  and  ex- 
panded, and  men  taught  to  arrange  their  ideas,  and  to  speak  in 
public  without  diflidence  or  hesitation  ;  and,  above  all,  where  mea 
are  learned  to  govern  their  passions — without  which  no  man  can 
reason.  One  may  passionate  or  opinionate  ;  but  without  cool  and 
deliberate  reflection,  men  seldom  compare  things  correctly  ;  and 
reasoning  isj^  simply  a  comparison  of  proved,  self-evident  or  ac- 
knowledged/ac^s.  s 

An  early  habit  of  debating,  with  regularity  and  decorum,  ena- 
bles men  to  express  themselves  with  correctness  and  ability,  in 
their  own  private  conversation. 


PHILOSOPHICAL  DEBATING  SOCIETIES.  29 

It  will  very  readily  be  foreseen,  that  those  who  make  a  profes- 
sion of  public  speaking,  will  be  interested  against  the  establish- 
ment and  usefulness  of  such  societies ;  but  an  object  of  such  im- 
mense importance  to  the  rising  generation,  cannot,  it  is  presumed, 
be  defeated,  by  a  comparative  few.  What  a  scene  for  contempla- 
tion, would  it  afford  the  patriot,  philanthropist  and  philosopher,  to 
see  such  societies  formed  in  every  considerable  town  or  village  in 
the  union,  and  regularly  attended,  at  convenient  and  stated  peri- 
ods, by  the  respectable  young  men  of  the  vicinity,  and  subjects  of 
interest  and  utility  discussed,  with  becoming  manliness,  order  and 
decorum  ! 

These  sehools  of  reason,  would  be  cultivating  and  testing,  as  it 
were,  the  talents  of  the  whole  youth  of  the  nation,  and  qualifying 
them  for  various  eminent  and  useful  stations  in  life. 

The  attendance  on  such  meetings,  would  soon  take  the  place  of 
idle,  expensive  and  vitiating  amusements  ;  and  not  only  enable 
the  common  people  to  speak  in  public  with  confidence  and  ability, 
on  their  own  private  concerns,  as  occasion  might  require,  but  ul- 
timately raise  up  more  Franklins,  and  republican  worthies.  We 
should  then  see,  after  a  while,  respectable  farmers  and  mechanics, 
qualified  for  every  station  in  the  union  ;  and  be  enabled  to  choose 
our  public  officers,  from  among  the  people,  and  not  from  among  the 
lawyers,  as  we  now  do,  fbr  the  most  part. 

In  learning  to  debate  or  reason  on  extensive  subjects,  with  abil- 
ity, the  youth  should  carry  a  memorandum  book,  and  enter  his 
ideas,  when  ever  they  occur  to  him  as  brilliant  or  useful  on  any 
subject.  By  this  habit,  the  mind  is  disincumbered  of  the  task  of 
retaining  the  fruits  of  former  labors,  and  left  free  to  range  for  new 
matter ;  and,  by  reading  over  or  reviewing  our  own  thoughts,  at 
leisure  intervals,  the  mind  is  enabled  to  refine  and  preserve  its  own 
productions,  for  useful  and  eminent  occasions.  A  memorandum 
book  thus  becomes,  as  it  were,  the  storehouse  of  deliberation,  to 
which  the  original  possessor  may  resort  for  the  resources  of  his 
mind,  and  thereby  often  command  a  victory,  without  much  imme- 
diate labour. 

Studying  to  write  correctly,  makes  more  practical  improvement 


30  PHILOSOPHICAL  DEBATING  SOCIETIES. 

on  the  mind,  by  far,  than  reading,  or  even  debating  without  notes 
or  previous  contemplation  and  arrangement. 

The  art  of  reasoning,  is  the  labouring  of  the  mind  ;  and  which 
frequently  requires  long  and  painful  exertions,  to  produce  a  merit- 
orious result. 

When  men  make  able  speeches,  or  communications,  on  exten- 
sive and  important  subjects,  apparently  on  sudden  emergencies,  it 
seldom  or  never  happens,  without  previous  study  and  arrange- 
ment.* 

Legislators,  generally  commence  making  memorandums  and  ar- 
rangements, for  debating  leading  subjects,  in  which  they  intend 
to  take  an  active  part,  as  soon  as  they  are  elected,  or  preparing 
for  a  session.  The  substance  of  the  general  arguments  or  plead- 
ings in  law,  are  not  only  familiar  to  experienced  lawyers ;  but 
they  always  make  notes  and  arrangements  beforehand,  of  the 
substance,  at  least,  of  matter  for  arguments  on  important  subjects. 

Mrinkind  are  generally  stimulated  to  argument,  by  a  desire  to 
gain  information,  to  convince  others,  or  to  display  their  learning, 
or  talents,  or  to  hear  themselves  prate. 

An  early  habit  of  reasoning,  philosophically,  on  useful  subjects, 
and  of  drawing  practical  conclusions,  gets  the  mind  in  a  train  of 
inquiry  and  reflection,  that  is  often  productive  of  important  bene- 
fits to  the  world  of  mankind,  as  well  as  to  the  individual  thus  ear- 
ly instructed.  The  human  mind,  without  being  early  directed  in 
this  proper  course,  wanders,  and  becomes  feeble  and  irresolute,  or 
wild  and  frivolous. 

To  trifle  or  jest,  in  reply  to  serious  or  just  argument,  evinces 
want  of  decency,  and  a  lack  of  sense,  as  well  as  a  deficiency  in 
argument. 

When  men  are  desperately  intent  on  opposition  to  the  works,  or 
arguments  of  others,  and  are  unable  to  point  out  any  actual  error 
or  deficiency  in  the  same,  they  too  fi-equently  forget  the  dignity 

*  When  legislators  have  retired  a  day  or  two,  making  preparations  for 
a  speech,  it  has  some  times  been  hypocritically  reported  or  pretended, 
that  they  were  sick  or  indisposed  I  Addresses  delivered  at  tables.  &c. 
are  generally  studied  and  prepared  beforehand — notwithstanding  the  par- 
ties would  often  pretend  they  were  taken  by  surprise ! 


CHIEF  CAUSE  OF  VIRTUE  AND  VICE.  31 

and  propriety  of  their  own  conduct,  by  attacking  the  person  of 
the  author,  instead  of  his  works.  I  consider  it  pretty  good  evi- 
dence that  a  man's  works  are  sound  and  good,  when  those  who 
wish  to  oppose  them,  have  to  look  some  where  else  for  something  to 
satisfy  their  hostility. 

The  members  of  such  societies,  should  generally  commit  to 
writing,  the  main  substance,  at  least,  of  their  intended  remarks. 
They  should  always  be  permitted  to  ready  all  or  any  part  of  what 
they  had  to  offer  in  debate  before  the  society. 

Any  society  of  young  men,  associated  for  intellectual  criticism 
and  improvement,  would  derive  great  benefit,  by  reading  their  own 
loritten  essays,  criticisms,  or  productions  on  any  useful  subject  ; 
and  also  by  reading  pieces  of  their  selection  from  newspapers, 
books  or  other  publications  ;  with  a  general  freedom  of  numbers 
remarking  upon  the  same. 

Reading  Socie'^ies,  established  for  such  purposes,  would  be  im- 
portant, in  cultivating  the  minds  of  youth,  by  mutual  criticism  and 
instruction  :  and  for  young  ladies,  too,  as  well  as  gentlemen. 

Such  associations,  in  order  to  prove  the  most  beneficial,  should 
be  composed  of  members  nighly  equal  in  age,  knowledge  and 
abilities  ;  for  if  any  one  or  more  possess  considerable  advantages 
over  the  rest,  it  tends  to  intimidate,  overawe,  and  finally  to  discour- 
age and  defeat  a  fair  competition,  or  a  judicious  emulation  among 
the  members. 


Chief  cause  of  Virtue  and  Vice. 

Virtue,  is  a  natural  affection  and  dictate  of  the  human  sences; 
and  VICE  is  mainly  acquired — the  effect  of  art,  or  a  delusion  of 
our  understandings. 

All  the  principal  virtues  of  the  human  character,  are  founded 
in  the  feelings,  dictates  and  affections  of  our  nature.  A  true 
sense  of  humanity,  gratitude,  good  fellowship,  and  a  general  sense 
of  right  and  wrong,  are  all  to  be  found  incorporated  in  the  human 
frame,  by  the  all  wise  and  bountiful  Creator. 

Education  may  cultivate  and  expand  these  good  and  useful 
qualities  of  our  nature  ;  but  it  never  can  add  one  essential  quali- 


32  CiJIKf'^  CAUSE  OF  VIRTUE  AND  VICE. 

iication,  that  is  not  founded  in  the  natural  dictates,  affections  and 
feelings  of  the  human  senses. 

Vice,  is  chiefly  acquired — the  effect  of  art,  or  a  misguided  ap- 
plication of  our  good  faculties  and  inclinations. 

The  guilty  wretch,  who  obtains  a  momentary  pleasure  or  grati- 
fication, at  the  injury  of  a  fellow  being,  is  perpetually  striving  to 
divert,  drown  or  other  ways  silence,  the  natural  dictates  of  his  bet- 
ter senses,  that  rise  in  judgment  against  him. 

The  robber,  and  the  assassin,  increase  their  natural  troubles, 
from  a  misguided  pursuit  of  human  happiness. 

The  young  virgin,  who  barters  her  chastity,  and  ultimate  hap=- 
piness,  for  the  false  flatteries  and  paltry  decorations  of  art,  is  the 
wretched  victim  of  delusion. 

Even  the  haughty  tyrant,  who  scornfully  rejects  truth  and  rea- 
son, and  wilfully  sacrifices  the  lives,  liberties  and  happiness  of  his 
fellow  beings,  is  himself  the  victim  of  delusion,  and  studies  to  di- 
rert  or  silence  the  better  dictates  of  nature,  in  order  to  diminish 
his  torments. 

The  malice  and  revenge,  which  agitate  their  unhappy  subjects, 
are  perpetually  struggling  against  the  better  aflfections  and  dictate? 
of  the  human  senses. 

Revenge,  is  indeed,  a  savage  impulse  ;  and  whoever  indulges 
or  harbors  its  dictates,  nurse  or  entertain  a  ferocious  and  relentless 
viper,  as  it  were,  in  their  bosoms,  to  poison  and  annoy  their  own 
happiness. 

There  is  a  natural,  intelligent  and  instructive  monitor  in  the 
human  frame,  that,  if  properly  cultivated  and  regarded,  generally 
tells  us  how  to  act  right.  Indeed,  no  rational  beings  ever  perform- 
ed a  wrong  action,  understandingly,  but  had  a  monitor  within  that 
warned  them  of  the  transgression. 

Virtue  and  happiness,  and  vice  and  misery,  are  inseparably  con- 
nected. This  demonstrates  the  justice,  wisdom,  goodness  and 
perfection  of  Nature  ;  which  is  every  where  rendered  consistent 
with  the  general  principles  and  purposes  of  eternal  justice  ; 
and  whoever  attempts  an  evasion  thereof,  ultimately  bring  trouble 
upon  themselves. 

Man  was  created  perfect  and  upright.  Justice  and  humanity 
are  the  attributes  of  his  nature.    But  he  has  been  corrupted  and» 


CHIEF  CAUSES  OF  VIRTUE  AND  VICE.  33 

degraded  by  false  precepts,  and  hypocritical  examples,  and  above 

all,  by  BAD  GOVERNMENT. 

The  simple  children  of  nature,  as  they  were  first  discovered — 
for  instance,  in  Hispaniola,  by  Columbus  ;  on  the  Friendly  Islands, 
by  Capt.  Cook ;  and,  in  a  degree,  the  more  polished  natives  of 
Mexico,  when  first  invaded  by  their  ferocious  and  greedy  foes ; 
were  virtuous  and  humane,  until  they  were  corrupted,  and  pro- 
voked to  acts  of  relaliation  and  self-protection,  by  the  hypocrisy, 
treachery  and  outrages  of  their  pretended  civilized  intruders. 

Man  was  evidently  created  for  industry  and  usefulness ;  and,  in 
his  natural  talents  and  disposition,  he  is  susceptible  of  the  noblest 
deeds  and  impressions. 

Industry  is  indeed  made  necessary  to  our  subsistence,  health, 
improvement  and  happiness. 

It  is  the  studied  deceptions  J  and  hypocritical  examples  ^  that  cor- 
rupts and  degrades  mankind,  more  than  every  thing  else. 

There  are  perhaps  ten  times  as  much  pains  taken,  from  igno- 
rance and  design,  to  promote  vice,  as  virtue,  in  the  moral  and  po- 
litical world. 

The  cause  of  truth  and  virtue  are  so  self-evident,  demonstrable,*, 
and  congenial  to  the  human  senses,  that,  with  equal  pains  to  pro- 
mote them  by  precept  and  example,  error  and  vice  would  stand  no 
chance  with  them. 

Nothing  in  fact  is  more  truly  ridiculous  and  contemptible,  than 
vice  and  ignorance,  when  fairly  contrasted  with  virtue  and  wis- 
dom. 

In  order  to  point  out  human  improvement,  in  the  clearest  and 
best  manner,  it  is  not  necessary  to  go  into  a  detailed  explanation 
of  the  infinite  errors,  absurdities  and  corruptions  that  exist  in  an 
old  and  diseased  state  of  society  ;  but  take  man  in  his  natural  state, 
uneducated,  uncorrupted,  undeceived,  and  make  the  impressions 
that  truth  and  reason  require. 

Man,  in  his  simple  and  untainted  character — undeceived,  and 
uncorrupted,  by  false  precepts  and  hypocritical  examples,  is  a  mo- 
ral, social,  and  reasonable  being,  susceptible  of  the  noblest  im- 
pressions— capable  of  the  highest  degree  of  moral  and  intellectual 
improvement.  Set  his  own  good  before  him,  in  a  plain  and  intel- 
ligent manner,  and  he  will  generally  make  choice  and  pursue 
a  right  course.  5 


34    REMARKS  ON  THE  ACQUISITION  OF  PROPERTY. 

Pillars  of  a  Republic. 

That  class  of  people,  who  possess  a  middling  or  small  property, 
and  are  of  steady  and  industrious  habits,  and  who  think  and  actj 
for  themselves,  are  by  far  the  most  important  members  of  society, 
especially  in  a  free  country  ;  and  should  always  enjoy  the  first 
rights  and  privileges  in  a  republican  community.  Their  industry 
is  the  source  of  wealth  ;  and  their  virtue,  intelligence  and  firm- 
ness, are  both  the  palladium  of  civil  justice,  and  the  bulwarks  of 
public  safety. 

The  interests  and  feelings  of  this  class  of  people,  whereever 
they  exist,  ought  to  be  regarded  as  the  actual  pulse  of  the  nation. 
They  are  neither  above  nor  below  a  proper  regard  for  the  rights, 
privileges  and  feelings  of  their  fellow  men.  They  participate, 
truly,  in  the  general  good,  and  see ,  feel  and  understand  the  things 
that  copcern  a  virtuous,  enlightened  and  free  people.  Their  sense, 
is  common  sense  ;  and  that  is  the  best  sense  in  the  world. 

That  country  which  possesses  the  greatest  proportion  of  this 
class  of  people,  (and  I  think  I  could  name  it,)  enjoys  the  most 
uniform  and  rational  happiness  and  independence,  of  any  place 
on  this  globe. 


Remarks  on  the  acquisition  of  propefty. 

In  all  the  numerous  employments  that  occupy  this  busy  world, 
there  are  but  two  ways  to  get  moneys-one  is  to  earn  it,  by  doing 
something  necessary  or  useful  in  society,  and  the  other  is  to  cheat 
it  out  of  others. 

A  person  may  have  heired  a  property,  from  diseased  ancestors 
or  connections,  or  obtained  it  by  the  free  gift  of  some  friend,  or 
become  possessed  of  it  by  flcciWenfaZ  causes  ;  in  which  cases  there 
might  have  been  no  merit  or  demerit,  in  the  possession. 

There  then  is  three  general  classes  in  society — the  earners  or 
producers,  the  drones,  and  the  despoilers : — the  producers  acquire 
their  property  and  means  of  subsistence,  by  the  habitual  exercise 
of  some  necessary  or  useful  calling,  or  industry  in  society  ;  the 


INDOLENCE  INCLINED  TO  DESPOTISM.  35 

drones  subsist  upon  what  they  have  heired,  or  obtained  by  free 
gift  or  chance,  without  earning  of  it,  or  wronging  others  ;  and 
the  despoiltrs,  obtain  their  property  and  means  of  support,  by 
treacherously  or  wrongfully  dispossessing  others  of  their  earnings 
or  property. 

A  despoilery  therefore,  however  artful  his  means  of  getting  pos- 
session of  others'  property,  would  be  viewed,  in  real  civilized  soci- 
ety, something  in  the  light  we  regard  animals  that  prey  upon  the 
fruits  of  human  industry  :  and  because  human  beings  generally 
know  better  J  and  the  brutes  do  not,  is  nothing  in  favour  of  the  for- 
mer. 

The  faithful  husbandman  makes  no  scruple  to  hunt  from  his  pos- 
sessions, by  force  of  arms,  the  wolves,  vultures,  and  other  brutes 
that  prey  upon  the  fruits  of  human  industry.  He  even  dreads  the 
sight  of  useless  animals,  however  tame  or  harmless  they  may  ap- 
pear, for  he  generally  knows  that  some  body's  interest  has  got  to 
suffer  for  their  support,  in  the  end. 

In  testing  men's  characters,  and  particularly  to  see  whether  they 
are  fit  for  public  trust  and  employment,  it  is  necessary  to  apply  the 
foregoing  rule,  and  to  ascertain  that  they  are  neither  despoilers,  in 
any  degree,  nor  drones. 


Indolence  inclined  to  Despotism. 

The  human  mind,  uncultivated,  or  occupied  with  useful  science 
and  employments,  either  lies  dormant  and  useless,  or  engages  in 
schemes  of  mischief  and  human  oppression. 

In  reflecting  on  the  cause  of  human  degradation,  oppression 
and  misery,  I  can  hardly  help  exclaiming  to  the  people  of  this 
new  and  rising  nation. 

Beware  of  Indolence, 

for  she  hath  many  mouths^  and  is  lapping  her  tongue^  and  smacking 
her  chops  J  for  the  *'  leeks  and  onions^'  of  despotism! 

Indolence  makes  men  ungrateful,  and  despotic— eager  to  pos- 
sess poz^cr,  so  as  to  gain  hy  force,  that  which  they  refuse  to  acquire 
by  honest  industry. 


TTWTSfa»i 


36  HONESTY  THE  BEST  POLICY. 

Indolence  produces  higratitude — ingratitude  leads  direct  to 
treachery^  and  treachery  ends  in  despotism. 

According  to  an  ancient  saying,  •" 

"  A>   IDLE  MAN  IS  THE  DeVIL's  COMPANION." 

Indolence  is  the  natural  enemy  of  industry,  and  of  human 
rights  ;  and  ultimately  subsists  upon  the  earnings  and  property  of 
others — not  its  own. 

So  when  I  see  a  youth  growing  up  in  indolence,  or  luxury  at 
others'  expense,  I  can  hardly  help  considering  him  as  probably  a 
young  wolf^  vulture^  or  other  animals  destined  to  prey  upon  the 
rights  of  others.  Sometimes  I  almost  wish  to  see  a  bounty  offer- 
ed for  the  scalps  of  all  animals  that  prey  upon  the  fruits  of  human 
industry,  whether  they  go  upon  four,  or  Uoo  legs. 

Despotism  is  nothing  but  oi^ergroton  indolence. 

Those  virtuous  and  industrious  villagers,  who  contribute  so 
much  to  enlighten,  enrich,  and  adorn  the  interior  of  our  country, 
view  an  idle  person,  who  has  no  honest  and  ostensible  business  or 
means  of  living,  something  in  the  manner  a  discerning  and  faith- 
ful  shepherd  would  regard  a  wolf,  lurking  in  the  vicinity  of  his 
sheep  fold. 


Honesty  the  Best  Policy. 

There  is  nothing  more  clear,  both  in  an  individual,  and  na- 
tional point  of  view,  than  that  honesty  is,  truly,  the  best  policy. 

However  individuals  may  attempt  to  reason  on  the  subject,  dis- 
honesty generally  terminates  in  the  end,  to  the  disadvantage  of 
those  who  practice  it. 

The  time  and  money  spent,  in  artifices  and  efforts  to  deceive 
and  wrongfully  deprive  others  of  their  rights  and  property,  is  a  sa- 
crifice, as  it  regards  mankind  generally,  in  the  end,  in  some  shape 
or  other  ;  and  what  is  unrighteously  taken  from  human  virtue  and 
industry,  not  only  has  a  direct  and  powerful  tendency  to  weaken 
and  discourage  their  useful  and  important  efforts  and  influence  in 
society  ;  but  the  amount  of  property  wrongfully  obtained,  general- 


HONESTY  THE  BEST  POLICY.  37 

]y  goes  to  strengthen  and  encourage  dishonesty — to  nurse  the  very 
wolves  and  vultures  of  society. 

Dishonesty  plays  the  very  devil  in  society,  by  deceiving  and  en- 
tangling the  innocent  and  unwary  ;  robbing  industry  and  merit ; 
and  destroying  the  peace,  vi^ealth  and  confidence  essential  to  hu- 
man prosperity  and  happiness.  It  subjects  the  intercourse  and 
transactions  of  business  between  mankind  in  general,  to  numer- 
ous and  otherways  unnecessary  delays,  vexations,  burdens  and  ex- 
pences.  It  greatly  abridges  human  liberty ;  wounds,  sickens  and 
finally  destroys,  incalculable  numbers  of  human  beings,  and  fills 
the  world  with  ignorance,  oppression,  poverty,  cruelty  and  woes. 

If  every  person  would  make  it  a  general  rule,  to  do  as  they 
would  be  done  by,  the  chief  ignorance,  poverty,  oppression  and 
cruelty  experienced  in  the  world,  would  soon  cease,  and  earth  be- 
come a  kind  of  moral  and  political  paradise.  But  as  this  christian 
rule  cannot  be  fully  accomplished  at  once,  the  nigher  we  come  to 
it  the  better  ;  and  every  precept  and  example  that  have  a  tendency 
to  promote  it  in  the  end,  are  highly  important. 
An  honest  man,  is  truly,  the  noblest  work  of  God. 
A  dishonest  person  is  generally  watched,  shunned  and  despised, 
by  every  virtuous  and  enlightened  member  of  the  community. 

The  established  and  well  known  honor  of  a  state,  nation  or  in- 
dividual, are  often  of  more  real  importance  to  them,  in  the  end, 
than  all  their  other  resources. 

Who,  that  knows  the  worth  of  an  honest  conscience,  would  ex- 
change it,  for  all  the  glitter,  empty  show  and  sounds  that  human 
cunning  could  contrive. 

The  peace  and  sweet  satisfaction  an  honest  man  enjoys  within 
his  own  conscience — that  intellectual  paradise  mthin  himself — 
which  no  evil  apprehensions  disturb,  and  especially  if  he  believes 
in  the  eternal  wisdom  and  justice  of  the  Supreme  Being  ;  the  rep- 
utation and  confidence  he  generally  enjoys  among  his  good  neigh- 
bours and  fellow  men  ;  and  the  great  saving  of  time  and  trouble, 
which  he  generally  derives  in  the  transactions  of  business,  are 
considerations  of  immense  importance. 

Two  individuals,  in  marketing  any  thing  they  have  to  sell  ;  or 
in  pursuit  of  employment,  as  master,  or  journeyman  mechanics. 


38  HONOUR. 

«lerks,  laborers,  servants,  6lc. — equal  in  every  other  qualification 
and  appearance,  except  that  one  is  known  to  be  honest,  and  the 
other  is  known  to  be  dishonest,  would  succeed  very  differently. 

Every  prudent  and  wise  person,  in  their  dealings,  would  natu- 
rally give  a  decided  preference  in  favor  of  an  honest  man. 

A  person  dealing  in  choice  articles,  subject  to  considerable  adul- 
teration and  deception  in  their  appearance,  quality  and  worth, 
difficult  to  be  immediately  detected  and  understood,  and  who  was 
known  to  be  honest,  and  well  acquainted  with  the  quality  and 
worth  of  the  articles  he  had  to  dispose  of,  would  command  a  very 
great  preference  with  every  judicious  purchaser. 

Were  I  to  set  out  with  a  determination  of  making  the  most 
money  I  possibly  could  by  the  final  result  of,  trading,  and  espe- 
cially by  dealing  in  articles  or  property  of  an  intricate  character, 
subject  to  considerable  adulteration  or  deception,  I  would^  make  it 
a  rule  to  be  uniform  and  inflexibly  honest  in  all  my  representa- 
tions and  dealings.  So  that  people  might  take  my  word  without 
the  least  doubt  or  delay,  or  send  any  distance,  and  trust  their  or- 
ders with  even  a  child,  with  the  utmost  certainty  of  being  dealt 
with  as  fairly  and  favorably  as  if  they  were  present  themselves, 
and  had  used  all  the  criticism  and  skill  at  inspection,  and  making 
a  bargain,  in  their  power.  Such  a  course  of  dealing  will  ulti- 
mately succeed,  if  the  person  thoroughly  understands  the  charac- 
ter, quality  and  worth  of  the  articles  or  property  he  deals  in,  and 
has  the  capital  and  other  means  necessary  to  conduct  his  business 
to  advantage. 

When  a  person  has  gained  the  reputation  that  a  long  course  of 
intelligent  and  honest  dealing  entitle  them  to,  more  especially  in  a 
business  or  situation  surrounded  by  evil  temptations,  what  indeed, 
would  induce  them,  understandingly,  to  part  with  their  character, 
or  to  change  their  feelings. 


Honour. 


Honour,  in  its  simple  and  genuine  character,  consists,  solely,  in 
that  which  evinces  human  excellence. 


JUSTICE.  39 

A  proper  sense  of  honour^  is  the  noblest  impulse  of  the  human 
mind.  It  excites  mankind  to  deeds  of  virtue,  justice,  humanity 
and  public  usefulness.  It  regulates  and  controls  the  actions  of 
men,  beyond  the  immediate  power  and  influence  of  servile  regula- 
tions and  restrictions. 

True  honour,  refines  our  senses — cultivates,  enlarges  and  exalts 
the  human  mind  and  understanding,  and  produces  an  excellent 
course  of  principles  and  habits  of  life. 

There  is  a  little  kind  of  craft,  or  cunning  cultivated  among 
thieves,  professed  gamblers,  libertines,  and  other  outlatos,  or  base 
characters,  to  keep  them  from  depredating  upon  one  another, 
which  they  call  honour.  Hence  the  saying  of  "  Honour  among 
thieves." 

Leading  monarchists  and  aristocrats,  have  also  a  standard  or 
rule  of  action  which  they  call  honour,  fitted  to  their  peculiar  poli- 
cy and  situation,  by  which  they  consider  themselves  bound  to  re- 
gard the  rights,  privileges  and  feelings  of  equals  ;  but  which  has 
no  great  restraint  upon  their  conduct  towards  those  whom  they  es- 
timate as  of  inferior  rank  or  condition  in  life. 

It  is  however  ridiculous  to  call  that  honour,  which  is  inconsist- 
ent with  virtue,  justice  and  humanity. 

True  honour,  is  a  refined  sense  of  genuine  republicanism — it 
regards  all  men  with  equal  justice  and  humanity  ;  and  those  the 
most  honourable,  who  excel  in  deeds  of  virtue,  justice,  humanity 
and  public  usefulness. 

It  is  indeed  a  base  perversion  of  the  meaning  of  words,  to  call 
that  honour,  which  is  inconsistent  with  virtue,  justice  and  human 
excellence. 


Justice. 


Justice,  is  the  hope  of  virtue,  and  the /ear  of  vice. 

The  guilty  villain,  cries,  in  bitter  vexation,  justice — thou  au- 
thor of  my  chief  fears  and  torments,  thy  fixed  and  unalterable  de- 
crees, anticipates  my  plots  and  designs,  and  thy  vigilant  and  un- 
coruptible  loatchmen,  detect  and  punish  me  wherever  I  flee  or  se- 


40  WAR. 

Crete  myself — their  activity  and  discernment  fills  me  with  perpetu- 
al terror  and  alarm — even  in  my  sleep,  I  am  tormented  with  pain- 
ful dreams  and  apprehensions  of  detection  and  punishment.  Keep, 
then,  out  of  my  way  and  imagination,  justice,  for  I  dread  noth* 
ing  worse  !" 

But  the  honest  man,  exclaims,  in  the  fulness  of  his  soul,  "O  ! 
JUSTICE — thou  vigilant  and  uncorruptible  sentinel  of  Heaven ! 
thou  guardian  angel  of  virtue,  innocence  and  truth,  preside  over 
the  country  where  I  dwell,  I  beseech  ye — examine  and  settle  all 
our  differences  and  evil  doings,  and  exercise  thy  fostering  influ- 
ence and  encouragement  over  the  rising  generation,  for  in  thou  ar<' 
my  hopes — justice  is  all  i  desire." 

What  a  change  will  it  produce  in  the  situations,  feelings  and 
prospects  of  mankind,  when  the  Great  Ruler  of  the  Universe 
makes  known  his  decrees  of  Eternal  Justice — unveils  the  hypo- 
crites and  impostors,  strips  the  despoilers  of  their  ill-gotten  wealth, 
disarms  the  tyrants  and  oppressors  of  mankind,  of  their  influence 
and  controlling  power,  and  brings  their  authority  and  pretensiow 
into  insignificance  and  contempt — and  exposes  the  whole  to  the 
world  in  all  their  baseness  and  deformity  of  character,  and  causes 
virtue  and  human  excellence  to  be  acknowledged  and  rewarded, 
in  all  their  loveliness  and  glory  ! 

Such  a  result  is  perfectly  consistent  with  the  attributes  and 
character  of  the  Creator,  and  with  the  purposes  of  eternal  wis- 
dom ;  and  most  assuredly  will  take  place,  ere  long,  to  the  astonish- 
ment and  bitter  grief  of  the  guilty  offenders,  and  to  the  inexpres- 
sible joy  and  satisfaction  of  the  virtuous  and  well  deserving. 


fVar. 

War,  for  the  most  part,  originates  in  two  opposite  and  distinct 
motives,  varying  in  degree,  from  the  most  extreme  vice  to  the 
most  extreme  virtue. 

Offensive  warfare,  however  plausible  the  pretext,  nevertheless 
originates,  for  the  most  part,  in  the  same  vicious  or  depraved  mo- 
tives, SLsrobberiff  murder,  and  the  like  capital  offences,  committed 


WAR.  41 

by  individuals  in  civil  society ;  although  those  who  bear  arms  as 
common  soldiers,  are  generally  ignorant  of  the  nefarious  motives 
that  too  often  influence  their  principal  leaders. 

Defensive  warfare,  is  mostly  dictated  by  the  noblest  impulse  of 
the  human  mind  :  those  who  take  up  arms  to  repel  invasion — to 
defend  their  natural  and  just  rights — who  put  their  bold  and  manly 
fronts  to  the  storm  of  war^  to  ward  off  impending  ruin — who 
jeopardize  their  own  lives ^  to  screen  the  innocent,  and  to  save  the 
lives,  liberties  and  fortunes  of  the  virtuous  and  unoffending — such 
characters,  (and  my  feelings  glow  with  the  choicest  sensibility, 
while  I  define  a  holy  patriot j)  are  justly  entitled  to  every  impulse 
of  justice  and  humanity.  Such  a  character  was  Washington, 
and  the  noble  souls  that  fought  with  him  under  the  American 
standard,  for  the  rights  and  privileges  we  now  enjoy. 

The  sin  of  omission,  is  sometimes  as  great  as  that  of  commis- 
sion. The  man  who  stands  by  quietly  and  sees  an  outrage  com- 
mitted on  his  fellow  creatures,  while  he  has  power  to  prevent  it, 
without  encountering  unreasonable  hazards,  may  be  generally 
considered  as  a  coward  or  villain,  or  both. 

It  is  ridiculous  to  suppose  that  an  intelligent  being  can  mea?i 
weUj  when  he  wilfully  neglects  to  perform  that  which  is  obviously 
his  duty. 

Nature  has  wisely  endowed  all  creatures  with  the  powers  of  de- 
fence, in  proportion  to  their  worth  and  consequence,  and  evidently 
for  their  use  and  preservation  ;  but  to  man,  the  reputed  lord  of  the 
creation,  has  been  given  Xhe  faculties  of  reason,  and  the  sense  of 
an  immortal  soul ;  and  for  which  man  is  evidently  accountable,  as 
a  rational  being,  for  the  use  or  abuse,  of  those  powers  and  facul- 
ties. 

Those  who  authorize  offensive  warfare,  may  be  generally  con- 
sidered as  legalizing  murder,  robbery,  and  the  like  capital  offences, 
and  frequently  as  offering  a  bounty  for  outrages  upon  humanity. — 
Such  are  truly  monsters  in  iniquity. 

A  state  of  war,  generally  gives  advantages  to  the  most  worthless 
and  unprincipled  men  in  society,  by  affording  them  frequent  and 
peculiar  opportunities  to  prey  upon  the  distresses  and  defenceless 
rights  of  their  fellow  beings. 


42  WAR. 

War  preys  upon  the  very  vittils  of  society  ;  by  sacrificing  the 
lives,  health  and  principles  of  the  young  or  middle  aged  men — 
thereby  leaving  an  undue  proportion  of  old  men,  women,  children 
and  invalids  ;  and  by  corrupting  the  morals,  destroying  the  pro- 
perty, and  heaping  new  burdens  upon  society. 

Wars  are  not  much  unlike  an  earthquake  or  tornado — marking 
their  way  with  death,  havock  and  human  misery. 

It  is  said  that  wars  are  sometimes  productive  of  beneficial  con- 
sequenees  to  society.  This  is  undoubtedly  true  in  a  few  particu- 
lar instances  or  cases.  However,  a  nation  or  people  who  cannot 
estimate  or  enjoy  the  blessings  of  peace  and  prosperity,  without 
frequently  contrasting  their  situations  experimentally,  with  war  and 
calamity,  are  certainly  not  to  be  envied  for  their  wisdom  or  virtue. 

Mankind  have  very  artfully  devised  many  gaudy  decoration* 
and  fantastical  allurements,  to  disguise  the  true  character  of  war, 
and  to  draw  designing  knaves  and  heedless  fools,  into  the  snare? 
of  unjust  and  unnecessary  warfare. 

We  are  in  fact,  singularly  inclined  to  extremes,  in  most  of  our 
habits,  measures  and  policy — although  it  is  universally  admitted 
that  a  medium  is  best,  in  almost  every  possible  case.  First,  appeal 
to  reason,  and  last,  if  necessary,  to  arms. 

Civil  employments  hold  out  undertakings  sufliciently  hazardous 
and  glorious,  for  noble  enterprise.  What  a  hero  was  Junius, 
who  vanquished  a  legion  of  tyrants  with  a  goose-quill!  Such 
deeds  are  above  the  acquisition  of  havock  and  death. 

Without  taking  into  consideration  the  loss  of  lives,  and  other 
human  sufferings  occasioned  by  mad  or  useless  wars  ;  what  im- 
portant national  improvements  would  the  bare  sums  expended, 
have  accomplished,  had  they  been  judiciously  applied  for  that  pur- 
pose 1  The  intelligent  and  reflecting  mind  would  be  astonished 
at  the  conjecture,  and  almost  lost  in  contemplating  the  vast  and 
important  objects  that  might  have  been  accomplished  by  the  ap- 
plication. 

A  grand  arbitration,  established  between  different  nations, 
as  a  civil  tribunal  to  settle  national  differences,  would  obviate  the 
necessity  of  war,  and  verify  their  Christian  and  civilized  charac- 
ters. 


SLAVER¥.  43 

Suppose  a  congress  of  delegates  from  several  different  nations, 
should  meet  and  establish  written  and  definite  laws,  for  guiding 
and  controlling  their  conduct,  as  nations,  towards  each  other  1 

Let  the  republics  of  North  and  South  America,  commence  this 
earnest  of  civilization,  and  form  a  code  of  inter-national  law, 
and  provide  a  tribunal  for  carrying  the  same  into  effect. 


Slavery. 

Slavery,  is  evidently  of  savage  origin  ;  and  carries  with  it  all 
the  barbarous  cruelties  and  exactions  of  outraged  humanity.  It 
certainly  should  never  be  tolerated  in  a  civilized,  or  christian 
country  ;  and,  above  all,  in  a  republic.  It  is  totally  inconsistent 
with  every  impulse  of  justice  and  humanity.  The  human  senses 
revolt  at  the  idea,  that  one  class  of  fellow-creatures  should  be  for- 
cibly kept  in  perpetual  and  ignominious  bondage,  and  their  labour 
exacted  with  cruel  stripes,  merely  to  enable  another  class  to  live 
in  indolence  and  luxury.  Some  awful  chastisement,  no  doubt 
awaits  such  heedless,  and  inhuman  inconsistency  ;  and  ere  long, 
most  assuredly,  will  break  with  accumulated  vengeance,  on  the 
heads  of  its  guilty  patrons.  Experience,  although  slow,  and  al- 
though sometimes  rather  high  in  her  charges,  yet  is  sure  to  teach 
those  who  will  learn  no  other  may. 

Pharaoh's  heart  was  hardened  against  the  cries  of  justice  and 
humanity,  and  the  warning  voice  of  reason — but  eternal  justice 
overwhelmed  him  and  his  host  in  the  Red  Sea ! 

The  man,  who  is  reared  up  among  slaves,  and  receives  his  prip- 
cipal  subsistence  from  their  earnings,  is  no  more  fit  to  represent 
freemen,  than  an  avowed  monarchist  would  be  to  entrust  with  the 
administration  of  a  republican  form  of  government. 

A  proprietor  of  slaves,  is  generally  a  despot  in  habit,  if  not  in 
mind  and  feelings — whatever  policy  may  induce  him  io profess  to 
the  contrary,  notwithstanding.  Wind  is  cheap ;  but  actions  have  a 
more  substantial  meaning. 

Slavery  effeminates  and  degrades  thp  human  character.  The 
custom  of  slavery  brings  industry  intp  cont^^npt,  and  /elevates  ip- 


44  CREDIT. 

dolence  ;  and  has,  generally,  a  powerful  tendency  to  excite  a.  spirit 
of  despotism  in  society.  Men  who  have  long  been  in  the  habit  of 
domineering  over  their  fellow  creatures,  and  of  treating  them  as 
brutes,  rather  than  equals,  or  rational  beings ;  get,  even  their  natu- 
ral sympathies  and  fellow  feelings  stifled,  and  frequently  become 
downright  despots.  The  love  of  dominion  becomes  their  ruling 
passion.  Their  will  is  law.  They  are  often  ridiculously  mighty 
in  will,  while  feeble  in  intellectual  and  bodily  powers. 

Wherever  the  custom  of  slavery  is  indulged,  it  curtails  the 
natural  increase,  as  well  as  vigour  and  usefulness,  of  the  free  pop- 
ulation. 

(Tell  me  not,  then,  that  you  are  a  republican ,  while  you  meanly 
cavil  for  the  unnecessary  extension  of  slavery,  and  basely  com- 
promise the  honour  of  your  fathers,  and  the  future  glory  of  the 
republic.) 


Distinctions  of  Birth. 

There  is,  perhaps,  no  title  or  distinction  under  heaven,  more 
truly  ridiculous,  than  an  hereditary,  or  that  which  is  derived  from 
birth ; — It  is  a  proof  of  no  merit,  but  rather  the  lack  of  merit ;  it 
is  submitting  to  chance,  that  which  ought  to  be  decided  by  reason ; 
it  puts  men  where  they  have  neither  power  to  ascend,  or  remain,  of 
themselves,  and  causes  a  gag  to  stifle  the  voice  of  truth  :  It  evin- 
ces folly  in  the  giver,  and  receiver ;  it  insults  merit,  and  laughs 
common  sense  out  of  countenance  ;  and  generally  has  a  train  of 
the  same  kind  of  creatures  at  its  heels,  to  trample  on  the  rights  of 
honest  industry  and  merit. 


Credit. 


Credit,  in  its  allurements,  and  consequences,  is  like  spiritous 
liquors,  a  good  servant,  but  bad  master  : — If  necessarily  or  pru- 
dently used,  credit  enables  the  poor  to  live,  to  gain  strength,  and 
even  to  prosper  ;  but  if  unnecessarily  or  imprudently  indulged — 


CREDIT.  45 

and  which  is  the  case  for  the  most  part,  credit,  like  spiritous 
liquors,  intoxicates  men  with  vain  ideas  of  their  worth  and  conse- 
quence— subjects  them  to  be  overreached  by  sharpers — to  loose  what 
little  property  they  may  have  acquired,  and  often  to  loose  their  lib- 
erties, and  sometimes  their  lives. 

A  person  possessing  another's  property  on  credit^  like  one  set  out 
with  borrowed  clothes  and  equipage,  often  fancies  himself  above 
his  real  situation,  and  ultimately  leads  him  into  unwarrantable  cal- 
culations. (It  is,  it  must  be  confessed,  a  ridiculous  trait  in  the 
character  of  any  one,  to  wish  to  appear  above  their  real  situation — 
in  disguise  f  or  under  false  colours,  as  though  they  were  ashamed 
of  their  actual  and  true  circumstances  and  situation  !  or  had  some 
treacherous  designs  /) 

By  means  of  credit,  the  learned  and  wealthy  take  advantage  of 
the  ignorant,  the  poor  and  needy — ''grind"  and  make  them  sub- 
servient to  their  will  and  purposes.  A  learned  man  can  nmch 
better  calculate  the  difference  betwixt  paying  down,  or  at  some  fu- 
ture day ;  who  it  would  be  safe  to  trust,  and  who  not ;  and  what 
the  probable  change  of  times  would  affect,  as  to  raise,  or  lower,  the 
price  of  the  article  :  so  that,  in  every  stage  of  the  game  of  credit, 
the  learned  and  wealthy  have  the  advantage,  and  none  but  fools 
will  play  with  them,  unnecessarily,  at  such  odds. 

Credit  occasions  numerous  lawsuits,  and  quarrels,  and  facilitates 
immense  and  incalculable  frauds. 

By  means  of  credit,  millions  are  often  hazarded,  without  the 
knowledge  or  consent  of  the  real  owner. 

Through  the  medium  of  credit,  the  indolent  are  frequently  ena- 
bled to  riot  in  luxury  at  the  expense  of  industry. 

Credit  subjects  both  the  borrower,  and  lender,  to  numerous  and 
unforeseen  sacrifices,  unavoidably  occasioned  by  the  change  of 
times  and  circumstances. 

Debts  contracted  beyond  one's  ordinary  means  of  prompt  pay- 
ment, lead  people  to  fictitious  apologies,  and  false  promises,  and 
too  oflen  make  them  confirmed  liars  and  knaves,  in  the  end. 

People  secretly  embarrassed  with  debt,  are  extremely  apt  to  ad- 
venture property,  which  in  strict  justice  is  not  their  own,  in  haz- 


46  COMMERCE. 

ardous  speculations,*  and  otherways  to  engage  themselves  in  des- 
perate undertakings,  and  frequently  terminate  their  course  in 
swindling  and  other  infamous  practices. 

In  truth,  there  are  but  few  people  who  come  out  of  considerably 
embarrassed  circumstances,  with  clean  hands,  and  uncorrupted 
minds. 

When  people  feel  the  pressure  of  debts  beyond  their  ordinary 
means  of  payment,  they  too  often  throw  themselves  into  the  hands 
of  knaves  and  tyrants,  who,  after  skinning  them,  make  use  of 
them  as  instruments  for  robbing  and  oppresssing  others. 

Tyrants  and  knaves,  often  successfully  bate  their  traps  and 
snares,  with  credit,  to  bring  their  prey  within  the  reach  and  hold 
of  their  fanffs. 

Finally — every  one,  who  loves  his  liberty,  and  would  be  truly 
independent,  seldom  runs  much  in  debt.  Free  from  debt,  with 
one  dollar  aforehand,  a  man  is  independent,  in  a  degree,  and 
Worth  millions,  he  is  no  more. 

In  fact,  no  man  can  be  truly  said  to  be  independent,  who  is  al- 
ways indebted  to  others,  for  even  his  opinion. 


(Jominerce. 

Intercourse,  or  an  exchange  of  commodities  between  differ- 
ent nations  or  sections  of  country,  is  certainly  desirable,  when  and 
wherever  it  can  be  conducted  without  sacrijicing  a  greater  good 
than  is  received  in  return. 

From  an  aversion  to  every  thing  that  bears  the  name  of  labors 
and  through  the  influence  of  excessive  avarice,  some  have  carried 
schemes  of  trade  and  traffic,  to  a  degree  that  perhaps  better  de- 
serves the  name  of  gambling,  or  of  swindling,  than  of  commerce. 

The  labor-hater y  had  much  rather  lounge  in  a  counting  room,  or 
behind  a  counter,  and  devise  means  to  set  a  superficial  value  on 
his  goods,  and  thereby  get  something  for  nothing  worth,  than  to 
earn  his  living  by  the  honest  "sweat  of  his  brow  ;".  and  it  is  much 

—     I    rt>. ...-.ti  '■.-■•  • ■  ■ '     -n  .. — : ■•'■^  ■  • 

*  lacluding  copious  purchasers  of  lottery  tickets,  to  the  ukimate  loss 
and  injury  of  their  creditors  ! 


COMMERCE.  47 

easier  to  practice  fraud,  in  schemes  of  trade  and  speculation,  than 
in  cultivating  the  earth,  or  in  manfacturing  useful  articles.* 

Men  in  commercial  pursuits,  for  the  most  part,  no  doubt  would 
be  willing  to  import  and  retail  to  the  people  of  this  new  and  rising 
nation,  all  the  vices  and  follies  of  the  old,  corrupt  and  oppressed 
world,  ybr  the  usual  profits. 

The  trading  craft,  would  be  highly  benefitted  and  delighted,  no 
doubt,  if  they  could  so  manage  as  to  have  all  the  produce  of  the 
arts,  the  earth,  and  the  ocean,  pass  through  their  hands  once  at 
least,  before  they  came  to  the  consumers.  Besides,  their  arts  and 
efforts  to  involve  the  knowledge  and  operations  of  commerce  and 
trade,  in  unnecessary  intricacy  and  obscurity,  often  manifests  a 
policy,  as  base  and  hypocritical,  as  it  is  injurious  to  the  best  inter- 
ests of  society. 

Commerce  is  too  often  dictated  by  indolence  and  cupidity. 

Jews  are  excessively  attached  to  trading. 

The  venders  of  merchandise  address  themselves  to  our  vices 
and  follies,  more  often  than  to  our  better  senses. 

Credit  is  chiefly  instituted  for  the  use  of  commerce  ;  and 
through  the  means  of  credit,  numerous  and  immense  frauds  are 
facilitated.! 

Men's  hearts  are  apt  to  be  with  their  fortunes  ;  and  when  their 
property  is  afloat,  or  in  some  foreign  country  ;  or  when  they  con- 
sider themselves  dependent  on  the  favors  of  any  distant  nation  or 
power,  for  their  principal  means  of  success,  they  are  seldom  true 
to  the  interest,  honor  or  independence  of  the  country  they  inhabit. 

Practising  merchants  and  traders,  generally  have  but  little  per- 

*  It  is  often  very  convenient,  I  know,  for  traders  to  shift  off  the  blame 
of  deceitful  made  articles,  on  to  the  manufacturers — although  the  mer- 
chant or  trader  himself  might  have  ordered  the  goods  made  in  a  sham  or 
deceitful  manner,  in  order  to  make  up  the  deficiences  by  his  own  crafty 
displays,  representations  and  management. 

f  To  the  great  benefit  and  delight  of  unprincipled  lawyers,  and  sharp- 
ers generally  ;  who,  therefore,  while  acting  as  legislators,  judges,  and  ex- 
ecutors of  the  laws,  generally  study  to  indulge  credit,  trade  and  specu- 
lation, to  the  destruction  or  injury  of  the  best  interests  of  the  commu- 
nity. 


4;>  FINESPUN  ARGUMENTS. 

manent  interest  or  property.  They  are  often  a  kind  of  bird  of 
passage — at  home  any  where  they  can  make  money.  They  can 
"  pack  up  their  duds  and  be  off,"  readily,  when  it  suits  their  in- 
terest or  convenience. 

Those  concerned  in  commerce  and  trading,  chiefly  control  our 
new  fashions  of  dress,  6lc.  ;  and  often  render  them  extremely 
pernicious  to  the  country,  for  the  sake  of  augmenting  their  own 
profits  and  influence. 

How  great  a  proportion  of  the  losses  experienced  by  endorsing  * 
and  failures,  may  be  fairly  imputed  to  commerce  and  trading  1 

Finally  ;  can  the  United  States  be  involved  in  war,  or  troubles 
of  any  considerable  magnitude,  abroad  or  with  any  foreign  pow- 
er, ?ind  foreign  commerce  not  be  the  chief  cause  ? 


Finespun  Arguments. 

Finespun  arguments,  proceeding  either  from  a  foolish  vanity 
to  hear  ones  self  prate^  or  from  an  intention  to  deceive,  by  com- 
bining truth  and  error  so  nicely  together  as  hardly  to  be  distin- 
guished, have  generally  an  evil  tendency  in  society.  Like  a  little 
wheat  mixed  with  a  great  deal  of  chaff,  such  speeches  and  wri- 
tings, are  hardly  worth  culling.  Besides,  such  chaff  is  very  liable 
to  bewilder  and  blind  people. 

Most  people  who  communicate  to  the  public,  might  be  properly 
advised  to  think  more  diud  say  less.  Cull,  sift,  pack,  and  give  the 
public  only  the  flour,  without  the  straw,  chaff,  or  bran. 

"  Brevity  is  the  soul  of  wit." 

A  certain  person,  in  writing  to  his  friend,  remarked  that,  if  he 
had  more  time  he  should  have  iDritten  less.  This  appeared  some- 
what paradoxical,  until  the  writer  explained,  when  he  said  that,  if 

*  When  one  man  endorses  for  another,  without  receiving  any  security, 
favor  or  compensation  of  equal  value  in  return,  he  insures,  and  loithout  a 
premium.  It  is  worth  a  premium  to  insure,  even  against  the  smallest 
hazards.  A  man's  house,  or  life,  may  be  less  hazardous  to  insure,  than 
the  prompt  payment  of  his  debts. 


PUBLIC  CELEBRATIONS.  49 

he  had  time  to  have  selected  the  most  appropriate  words  and  sen- 
tences, and  to  have  arranged  his  ideas,  he  could  have  expressed 
much  more  in  fewer  words. 

The  most  famous  Grecian  and  Roman  characters,  were  cele- 
brated for  their  short,  clear  and  comprehensive  mode  of  expression, 
and  so  indeed  are  the  good  and  great  men  of  every  age  and  coun- 
try. They  wish  to  be  understood — not  to  deceive,  consequently 
they  study  to  express  themselves  in  plain,  simple  language,  suited 
to  the  learning,  capacities  and  understandings  of  the  common 
people.  They  do  not  strive  to  see  who  can  make  the  longest  speech 
about  nothings  like  some  of  our  windmills  of  the  present  day  :  nor 
study  to  obscure  the  meaning  of  any  part  of  their  communications 
to  the  public,  m  foreign  or  dead  languages,  that  not  more  than  one 
person  in  five  hundred  generally  understands. 

Franklin  would  say  more  to  the  purpose,  in  five  minutes, 
than  many  of  our  long-winded  speech  makers  do  in  as  many 
hours. 


Public  Celebrations, 

Celebrations  of  a  general  or  national  character,  such  as  the 
4th  of  July — the  birth-dai/  of  our  nation,  serve  to  remind  us  of  the 
origin  and  worth  of  our  liberty  and  independence — to  cultivate  a 
national  sensibility,  and  to  expand  the  flame  of  patriotism.  On 
such  occasions,  if  any  among  us  are  in  pain,  it  fully  manifests 
their  hostility  to  the  nation,  and  generally  compels  them  to  bite 
their  tongues  or  cover  their  heads. 

Party  celebrations,  where  there  is  not  a  general  occasion  for 
joy,  tend  to  excite  the  envy  and  malice  of  opponents  ;  and  gener- 
ally terminates  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  party  celebrating. — 
They  seem  to  compel  modest  believers,  to  take  a  rank  hold,  or 
none  at  all — to  hiss,  or  be  hissed. 


50  DUELLING,  OR  THE  CLUB  LAW. 

Costly  Local  Monuments, 

Before  mankind  were  much  civilized,  a  heap  of  earth  or  stone 
was  raised  as  a  monument,  or  token  of  respect  for  some  person  or 
character,  or  to  commemorate  a  signal,  or  meritorious  act  or  event. 
As  the  arts  progressed,  figures  and  characters  were  inscribed  on 
those  monuments,  more  expressive  of  their  meaning  and  intent. 
Since  the  art  of  printing  has  been  perfected,  history  furnishes  a 
much  more  correct,  extensive,  and  durable  account  of  human 
character,  and  of  the  singular  and  interesting  events  of  time,  and 
renders  those  local  and  barren  monuments,  of  little  or  no  use. 

Institutions  of  a  useful  or  benevolent  character,  he^LX  fruitful 
evidence  of  human  worth  and  excellence  ;  but  costly  and  useless 
heaps  of  earth  or  stone,  impoverish  and  deceive  mankind,  then 
moulder  into  oblivion,  or  serve  to  excite  the  tyrant's  rage,  or  to  in- 
crease the  booty  of  conquest  and  plunder. 

Finally,  had  the  same  time  and  money,  which  has  been  expend- 
ed in  raising,  or  constructing  costly  local  monuments,  in  commem- 
oration of  human  character,  or  of  the  singular  and  interesting 
events  of  time,  been  judiciously  applied  to  the  founding  or  aid  of 
benevolent  and  useful  institutions, — real  public  improvement,  we 
should  have  a  much  more  valuable  evidence  of  the  wisdom  and 
goodness  of  our  ancestors,  than  we  now  have. 


Duellings  or  the  Club  Law. 

It  is  evidently  a  base  and  foolhardy  act,  for  a  man  voluntarily  to 
jeopardize  his  own  life  in  a  duel,  since  there  is  no  reasoning  in  the 
case,  nor  evidence  of  innocence,  or  of  guilt,  manifested  by  the  re- 
sult. 

"  You  are  a  coward,  and  dare  not  hazard  the  public  opinion" 
said  one  man  to  another,  who  had  just  accepted  a  challenge  to 
fight  a  duel. 

Most  duels  originate  from  offences,  too  trifling  to  be  taxed  mth 
a  penalty,  by  man  in  his  cool  and  deliberative  capacity,  or 
senses. 


DUELLING,  OR  THE  CLUB  LAW.  51 

I  should  rather  consider  it  as  infamous,  than  honorable,  for  a 
man  to  prostrate  the  laws  of  civil  society,  which  he  had  sworn  to 
support,  as  a  freeman,  or  magistrate;  to  violate  the  bonds  of  mar- 
riage, which  he  had  called  Heaven  and  Earth  to  witness,  in  the 
comfort  and  support  of  a  partner,  and  her  tender  offspring,  by  vol- 
untarily  taking  a  part  in  a  duel. 

Should  this  mode  of  deciding  controversies  between  individu- 
als of  the  same  country,  become  general,  it  would  do  away  the 
distinction  between  the  injured,  and  aggressor,  by  putting  both  on 
a  par  ;  render  the  reasoning  faculties  of  man  in  a  manner  useless, 
and  be  productive  of  such  consequences,  as  to  make  even  the  brutes 
mourn^  for  the  ferocity  and  despotism  of  uncivilized  man. 

As  an  apology  for  duelling,  it  has  been  pretended,  by  some,  that 
the  custom  has  a  tendency  to  prevent  base  persons  from  slander- 
ing reputable  characters ;  but  my  own  experience  and  observation 
enables  me  to  conclude  that  tlie  reverse  is  generally  the  case,  and 
that  the  bullying,  barbarous  and  despotic  influence  of  duelling,  of- 
ten deters  honest  and  worthy  men  from  exposing,  and  ultimate- 
ly defeating  profligates,  knaves  and  impostors. 

The  club  law,  however  refined  in  its  mode,  implements  and  op- 
erations, is  nevertheless  as  brutal  or  savage  in  its  origin  and  true 
character,  as  it  is  despotic  and  unreasonable  in  its  influence  and 
effects ;  and  whether  it  is  enforced  by  side  or  fire  arms — with 
spears,  swords,  guns,  pistols,  arrows,  tomahawks,  daggers,  canes, 
whips,  clubs,  stones,  brickbats,  fists,  claws,  feet,  teeth,  or  nails — 
with  implements  furnished  by  nature,  or  art,  it  still  manifests  its 
unreasonable,  ferocious  and  brutal  character. 

The  terrors  of  the  club  law,  are  chiefly  directed  against  the  cause 
of  justice  and  humanity.  The  biggest  rascal,  or  brute,  is  generally 
the  hero  of  the  club  law. 

The  club  law,  seems  to  exercise  a  kind  of  usurped  despotism 
in  society,  setting  at  defiance  the  civil  law,  justice,  reason,  and 
common  sense. 

The  prevalence  of  duelling,  is,  indeed,  a  glaring  outrage  upon 
the  character  of  a  civilized  people. 

It  is  wonderful  what  public  magistrates  do  with  their  oaths  to 
enforce  the  laws,  while  they  connive  at  the  progress  of  this  barba- 


62  CIVILIZATION. 

rous  and  destructive  custom ;  and  it  is  perhaps  as  singular,  that 
such  servants  should  be  continued  in  public  employ. 

It  is  contended,  as  an  apology  for  duelling,  that  there  are  many 
serious  insults,  and  other  injuries  experienced  by  individuals,  for 
which  the  laws  of  the  land  afford  no  adequate  and  practicable  rem- 
edy. This  is  a  lamentable  fact ;  but  duelling,  or  the  club  law,  af- 
fords no  certain  remedy,  for  the  aggressor  stands  an  equal  chance 
to  come  off  victor,  in  this  savage  and  unreasonable  contest.  Be- 
sides, what  satisfaction  could  it  afford  a  man  of  truly  honorable 
feelings,  to  have  killed  a  fellow  being,  or  made  him  a  cripple  for 
life,  in  a  moment  or  gust  of  passion,  for  perhaps  some  trifling  or 
imaginary  offence  ? 

If  the  object  of  duelling  be  not  murder^  and  the  duellist  only  de- 
sires a  reasonable  satisfaction  for  an  insult  or  injury  committed  on 
his  person  or  character,  for  which  the  laws  of  the  land  do  not  afford 
an  adequate  and  practicable  remedy  ;  then  let  there  be  a  board 
OF  HONOR,  either  temporally  provided  for  the  occasion,  or  perma- 
nently established  for  the  trial  of  such  cases.  The  parties,  wit- 
nesses and  judges,  should  all  be  bound  by  the  ties  of  christianized 
or  civilized  honour ^  (to  do  as  they  would  be  done  by,)  in  such  ca- 
ses ;  and  after  examining  into  the  merits  of  the  case,  the  board 
should  decide  upon  the  true  nature  and  magnitude  of  the  offence, 
and  the  satisfaction  to  be  rendered.  If  a  party  refused  compli- 
ance with  this  mode  of  decision,  it  would  generally  put  them  so 
manifestly  in  the  wrong,  as  to  supersede  the  necessity  of  any  fur- 
ther explanation. 

At  best,  duelling  is  an  act  of  desperation  ;  and  generally  re- 
sorted to  under  a  gust  of  passion,  and  without  any  reasonable,  jus- 
tifiable or  sufficient  cause — and  particularly  when  the  parties  are 
under  the  pledges,  and  within  the  range  of  civilized  society. 


Civilization. 

Civilization,  mainly  consists  in  a  due  regard  to  moral  ^nd  po- 
litical justice,  in  our  established   laws,  usages,  intercourse  and 


CIVILIZATION.  53 

habits  of  life.  It  has  but  little  to  do  with  the  fashions  of  dress, 
dwellings,  equipage,  ceremonies,  or  matters  of  mere  external  show. 
That  is,  a  nation  or  people  may  have  splendid  mansions,  displaying 
heaps  of  polished  marble,  adorned  with  curious  sculptures  and 
paintings  ;  they  may  dress  and  decorate  their  bodies  gaily,  ride  in 
pompous  vehicles,  and  banquet  upon  wine  and  high  seasoned  dain- 
ties ;  they  may  marshal  the  multitude  into  tedious  and  showy  pro- 
cessions, accompanied  with  sweet  sounding  instruments  of  music, 
mount  high  rostrums  and  make  fine  speeches ;  they  may  even 
erect  the  most  costly  and  splendid  temples,  decorated  with  gold  and 
other  precious  objects,  and  offer  up  supplications  and  sacrifices  to 
the  idol  of  their  worship.  All  this  they  may  do,  and  even  much 
more,  and  not  be  civilized^  in  a  strict  sense  of  the  term. 

Human  improvement,  or  whatever  contributes  substantially  to 
the  support,  peace,  health,  security,  prosperity  and  happiness  of 
mankind  in  general,  promotes  civilization. 

Intellectual,  moral  and  political  improvements,  are  the  highest 
and  best  fruits  of  civilization. 

The  ancient  Greeks,  and  Romans,  either  taken  collectively, 
could  not  be  considered  as  a  civilized  people.  They  might  per- 
haps more  properly  be  regarded  as  powerful  and  accomplished 
robbers,  who  enriched  and  aggrandized  themselves  upon  the  spoils 
of  others.  War  was  their  chief  trade,  and  conquest  and  plunder 
their  proudest  harvest.  The  weak  were  robbed  or  dispossessed  of 
their  earnings  and  property,  by  force,  and  their  persons  slaughter- 
ed, or  consigned  to  slavery,  for  the  support  and  gratification  of  the 
strong.  Virtue  and  usefulness  were  outlawed  and  degraded,  and 
indolence,  treachery  and  barbarity  honored  and  rewarded.  The 
showy  and  useless  arts  were  cultivated  to  excess,  to  decorate  and 
pamper  vice  and  indolence,  while  most  of  the  substantial  and  use- 
ful arts  and  comforts  of  life,  were  despised  and  neglected.  Vir- 
tue and  human  excellence  was  hunted  down  with  a  savage  feroci- 
ty, and  the  best  men  obliged  to  flee  their  country,  or  be  butchered. 

The  Christian  system,  which  is  the  basis  of  real  civilization, 
has  taught  mankind  the  wickedness  and  absurdity  of  such  a 
course  of  policy  and  conduct ;  and  that  it  is  by  a  mutual  ex- 
change of  good  services,  that  the  general  prosperity  and  happiness 


54  CIVILIZATION. 

of  the  human  family,  is  promoted — by  doing  unto  others  as  we 
would  that  men  should  do  unto  us. 

Man  perfectly  civilized,  is  the  subject  of  truth,  justice,  and  rea- 
son. 

We  now  begin  to  realize  some  of  the  good  fruits  of  civilization ; 
which  teaches  us,  among  other  things,  that  every  human  being  has 
certain  natural  rights— derived  from  the  Creator,  with  our  being  ; 
that  these  rights  cannot  be  forfeited,  only  by  our  own  voluntary 
acts  ;  and  that  every  man  is  justly  entitled  to  the  fruits  of  his 
own  industry — subject  to  an  equal  and  just  tax,  or  proportion  of 
the  preparations  and  expenses,  necessary  to  protect  his  person  and 
property,  and  to  maintain  the  good  order  and  progress  of  civil  so- 
ciety. 

When  ambition  induced  Napoleon  Bonaparte  to  seize  the  reins 
of  monarchy,  he  adopted  a  degree  of  uncivilized  policy,  and  sought 
to  enrich  and  aggrandize  his  favourite  persons  and  places,  by  the 
conquest  and  plunder  of  others.  Ik'  created  privileged  orders  of 
men,  and  lavished  boundless  honours  and  favours,  upon  those 
who  were  the  most  serviceable  in  his  schemes  of  ambition.  He 
attached  to  the  fortunes  and  favours  of  his  person,  an  immense 
military  establishment ;  a  priesthood  ;  orators,  statesmen,  diplo- 
matists, dramatists,  artists,  poets,  musicians  and  panegyrists, 
whose  chief  business  was  to  open  and  smooth  the  way  to  the  ob- 
jects of  their  master's  ambition,  and  to  garnish  over  his  transac- 
tions.* 

The  same  policy  is  more  or  less  pursued  by  all  chiefs  who  get 
their  power,  or  retain  it,  hy  force ^  or  any  way  in  contempt  of  the 
people.  Every  village  despot y  or  petty  aspirant  to  power,  even  in 
our  own  country,  generally  studies  to  render  the  hopes  and  fears 

*  It  is  fair  to  notice,  that  Bonaparte  benefitted  the  best  part  of  the 
French  people,  and  in  a  manner  reconciled  and  attached  them  to  his 
government  and  person,  by  practising  a  degree  of  genuine  civilized  pol- 
icy ;  in  promoting  useful  agricultural  and  manufacturing  improvements, 
constructing  roads  and  canals,  and,  above  all,  by  causing  all  the  ancient, 
complex,  intricate,  obscure  and  absurd  systems  of  law,  to  be  revised  in- 
to, or  superseded  by.  one  simple  and  definite  code,  suited  to  the  general 
wants,  understanding  and  use  of  the  common  people. 


KINGCRAFT.  56 

of  his  neighbours  and  fellow  men,  subservient  to  his  will  and  pur- 
poses, by  a  similar  course  of  uncivilized  policy. 

The  right  of  conquest,  as  maintained  by  the  nations  of  Europe, 
is  a  barbarous  and  highly  uncivilized  policy. 

I  doubt  whether  there  can  be  such  a  thing,  as  a  civilized  state 
or  nation,  truly  considered,  without  a  written,  definite  and  estab- 
lished constitution  or  form  of  civil  government,  emanating  in  the 
free  will  and  choice  of  the  people,  and  subordinate  to  their  altera- 
tion and  control. 

I  consider  the  declaration  of  American  independence,  as  the 
first  charter  of  civilized  rights  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  but  that  it 
ultimately  will  be  universally  regarded,  as  the  most  sacred  instru- 
ment that  ever  emanated  from  men. 

It  would  be  just  and  rational  to  conclude,  that  real  civilized  n^- 
tions,  would  cause  a  congress  of  delegates  to  assemble,  at  some 
central  and  convenient  place,  to  legislate,  and  form,  or  otherwise 
agree  upon  a  definite  and  complete  code  op  inter-national 
LAW,  for  the  future  government  of  their  national  rights,  transac- 
tions and  concerns  ;  and  that  they  would  provide  for  a  grand  arbi- 
tration, or  some  other  judicious  mode  of  enforcing  the  laws  and 
settling  national  disputes  or  differences  :  so  as  finally  to  do  away 
the  savage  custom  of  warfare  ;  by  which  men  often  descend  below 
the  general  character  of  brutes,  in  striving  to  see  "  which  can  do 
the  other  the  most  harm  !" 


Kingcrajt. 

Kingcraft,  mainly  consists  in  a  systematic  combination  of  ig- 
norance and  corruption^  artfully  interwove,  connected  and  train- 
ed together,  by  a  variety  of  hypocritical  and  crooked  ties,  policies 
and  habits  of  life,  co-operating  to  maintain  the  chief  sovereignty 
of  a  state  or  empire,  in  a  single  individual,  or  family  compact, 
against  the  understanding  and  free  will  or  choice  of  the  people. 

The  dictates  and  general  policy  of  kingcraft ^  would  represent 
the  world  as  a  cheat ^  and  the  biggest  cheat  as  the  best  fellow : 
And,  consequently,  in  a  general  sense,  whatever  frauds  or  impo- 


56  KINGCRAFT. 

sitions  are  practised  on  mankind,  are  right  and  proper,  provided 
they  are  done  learnedly  and  systematicalhi^  and  are  performed  un- 
der a  legitimate f  or  /<o/y  pretext,  conformably  to  the  general  policy 
and  designs  of  kingcraft,  and  so  that  the  vulgar  and  unsanctijied 
cannot  participate  or  derive  any  benefit  from  them. 

Hence,  schoolcraftj  priestcraft^  witchcraft,  lawcraft,  literary' 
craft  J  war  crafty  and  the  whole  family  of  corrupt  and  hypocritical 
crafts^  were  either  created  for  the  express  service  and  designs  of 
KINGCRAFT,  or  have  been  drawn  in  to  its  aid  and  support. 

Schoolcraft,  is  chiefly  devoted  to  the  service  aud  general  de- 
signs of  kingcraft,  by  early,  and  artfully  inculcating  in  the  minds 
of  youth,  false  ideas  of  their  own  natural  and  just  rights,  abilities, 
and  best  good ;  and  by  imposing  on  their  credulous  and  tender 
minds,  ridiculous  prejudices,  concerning  the  rights,  and  infallibil- 
ity of  kings,  emperors,  or  sovereign  princes  ;  the  sacredness  of 
their  persons,  and  the  love  they  entertain  for  their  subjects !  Every 
thing,  in  fine,  that  has  a  tendency  to  form  the  youthful  mind  to 
the  impositions  and  general  designs  of  kingcraft. 

Priestcraft,  imposes  base  and  fraudulent  arts  and  designs  on 
mankind,  under  a  pious  or  holy  pretext ;  and  is  generally  devoted 
to  the  services  of  monarchy,  or  corrupt  men  in  power.  The  mas- 
ters of  this  craft  mostly  effect  their  purposes,  by  complczing  and 
obscuring  many  of  the  plainest  and  most  important  truths  of  "  di- 
vinely inspired  revelation" — by  studiously  involving  the  light  of 
Heaven  in  darkness  and  mystery  ;  so  as  to  pervert  religious  faith 
and  zeal,  to  their  hypocritical  and  base  purposes  ;  and  finally  to 
play  the  devil  with  mankind  under  the  name  of  religion  ! 

Witchcraft,  is  a  pretended  supernatural  agency  of  the  infernal 
spirit ;  and  formerly  was  an  active  aid  of  priestcraft ;  but  has  been 
so  completely  outdone,  and  finally  superseded,  by  the  witcheries 
and  devilish  works  of  the  more  learned  and  polished  crafts,  in  de- 
ceiving, corrupting ,  robbing ,  tormenting  and  destroying  mankind, 
as  to  have  fled  to  the  wilderness  for  support  among  the  Indians  ! 

Lawcraft,  studiously  involves  the  rights  and  interests  of  man- 
kind, in  uncertainty,  by  a  variety  of  intricate,  complicated,  tedious, 
obscure,  expensive,  hypocritical,  perplexing,  and  vexatious  law 
systems,  rules  and  proceedings ;  rendering  the  common  rights  and 
interesti  of  mankind,  subservient  to  the  chief  will  and  purposes  of 


KINGCRAFT.  57 

the  learned,  and  wealthy.  Exciting  the  evil  passions,  and  keep- 
ing fellow-beings  by  the  ears,  or  at  variance  with  each  other's 
rights,  interests,  and  best  good,  by  crooked  and  uncertain  quib- 
bling, shuffling,  squirming,  twisting  and  juggling,  under  some  hy- 
pocritical pretence  of  aiding  and  supporting  their  just  and  neces- 
sary rights,  reputations  and  fortunes,  and  of  endeavouring  to  re- 
sist, defeat,  and  prevent  in  future,  arts  and  designs  of  an  opposite 
character  and  tendency. 

This  craft  is  generally  devoted  to  the  services  and  crooked  de- 
signs of  any  individual,  or  body  of  men,  when  well  feed.  The 
masters  of  lawcraft,  in  this  country,  seem  intent  on  their  own  ele- 
vation to  privileged  power,  or  a  kind  of  political,  inquisitori- 
al SOVEREIGNTY.  For  which  reason,  the  enlightened  and  best 
friends  of  justice  and  humanity,  are  studiously  promoting  the  es- 
tablishment of  a  truly  civilized  and  republican  code  of  law  ;  and 
an  equal  distribution  of  offices  and  power,  among  men  of  the  dif- 
ferent professions  and  concerns  of  the  community. 

Literary-craft,  is  displayed  in  a  variety  of  little  arts  and  ef- 
forts to  involve  the  light  of  nature  and  human  experience,  in  in- 
tricate and  obscure  language— often  by  a  hypocritical  perversion  of 
the  proper  meaning  of  words — a  kind  of  "  hocus  pocus"  or  jug- 
gling of  letters  j  and  by  promoting  complex,  tedious  and  expen- 
sive systems  of  education  ;  useless,  frivolous  and  obscure  reading, 
in  order  to  keep  the  great  mass  of  mankind  in  ignorance  and  bon- 
dage— subordinate  to  the  imposition,  control  and  designs  of  the 
few  of  their  own  peculiar  education,  interest  and  policy. 

Warcraft,  is  the  child  and  faithful  servant  of  kingcraft. 

In  order  to  acquire,  and  maintain  a  haughty  and  corrupt  sove- 
reignty and  control  over  mankind,  they  must  be  excited  and  train- 
ed to  mutual  enmity,  depredation  and  destruction.  For  which 
purpose,  odious  distinctions  are  created  and  kept  alive,  between 
people  of  different  complexions,  languages,  dress,  manners,  occu- 
pations, customs,  habits  and  conditions  in  life,  to  sever  and  destroy 
the  ties  of  mutual  sympathy  and  fellow-feeling,  natural  to  the 
whole  human  family. 

The  ingenuity  and  energy  of  mankind  must  be  excited,  whet, 
strengthened  and  kept  alive,  by  every  little  cunning,  artifice  and 

8 


58  KINGCRAFT. 

management,  for  their  mutual  annoyance  and  destntction,  in  or- 
der to  harden  their  feelings,  and  habituate  them  to  the  existence 
and  perpetuation  of  this  wolf-hearted,  self  annoying ,  self  destroy- 
ing policy. 

An  actual  state  of  warfare,  however  unnecessary  or  unjust  it 
may  have  been  in  its  origin  or  designs,  seems  to  justify  the  raising 
of  large  military  forces  and  supplies  ;  the  exaction  of  heavy  tax- 
es and  other  burdens,  and  the  injunction  of  additional  restraints 
upon  our  personal  freedom  and  intercourse. 

War  also  creates  an  apology  for  borrowing  large  sums  of  money, 
upon  the  faith  or  credit  of  the  nation,  or  a  pledge  of  public  prop- 
erty ;  and  seems  to  justify  a  profuse  expenditure  of  the  public 
funds. 

War  has  a  most  peculiar  tendency  to  corrupt  and  harden  the 
feelings,  minds  and  dispositions  of  mankind,  and  to  ht  them  for 
schemes  of  treachery,  oppression  and  cruelty — for  mutual  annoy- 
ance and  destruction. 

Many  of  the  flood  gates  of  vice  are  hoisted  during  the  existence 
of  war. 

After  a  nation  or  people  have  been  accustomed  to  the  exactions, 
burdens  and  restrictions  of  an  actual  state  of  war,  for  a  considera- 
ble length  of  time,  and  to  witness  the  profuse  and  extravagant  ex- 
penditures of  the  public  property,  during  the  same,  under  an  ap- 
parent necessity,  they  yield  more  readily  to  such  measures  and 
policy,  in  times  of  peace,  and  in  cases  of  less  apparent  emergen- 
cy. Habit  has  trained  them  to  the  yoke,  and  rendered  the  re- 
strictions familiar,  and  the  burden  a  common  load. 

In  order  to  seem  to  justify  the  keeping  up  of  considerable  mili- 
tary forces,  by  land  or  sea,  in  times  of  general  peace,  some  evil 
passions  must  be  excited,  provoked,  stirred  up,  let  loose,  connived 
at  or  kept  alive.  *  For  which  purpose,  bands  of  robbers,  petty  in- 
surrections, riots,  and  other  indications  of  insubordination  and 
danger,  upon  land ;  and  piracy,  smuggling,  and  the  like,  on  the 
waters,  are  generally  resorted  to. 

Probably  for  the  same  reason,  the  petty  states  of  Barbary  have 
been  permitted  to  carry  on  their  piratical  system  of  warfare,  by 


KINGCRAFT.  59 

the  maritime  powers  of  Europe ;  one  of  whom  alone  could  have 
silenced  them  at  once,  if  they  chose. 

How  very  kind  it  appeared  in  the  British  government,  at  one 
time,  to  keep  their  armed  ships  cruising  in  every  sea,  to  protect 
mankind  against  the  pirates,  when  for  one  fourth,  and  perhaps  a 
tenth  part  of  the  expenses  actually  incurred  thereby,  the  whole 
nest  of  pirates  might  have  been  destroyed,  or  blocked  up  in  their 
own  country,  or  their  piratical  practices  otherways  discouraged 
and  finally  discontinued. 

The  same  policy  of  government,  kept  up  armed  forces  in  times 
of  peace,  in  the  colonies  of  North  America,  professedly  to  keep 
the  Indians  in  check  ;  when,  if  they  had  only  faithfully  endeav- 
oured to  induce  the  same  to  have  changed  their  savage  mode  of 
life,  instead  of  encouraging  them  in  it,  and  furnishing  them  with 
m€ans  to  carry  on  their  warfare  more  successfully,  it  would  have 
appeared  unnecessary,  at  least,  in  a  considerable  degree.  The 
same  inhuman  and  self  destructive  craft,  has  also  encouraged  and 
protected  counterfeiters^  thieves,  smugglers,  dLC,  in  their  territories 
bordering  on  our  country. 

While  the  principle  o^  force  is  operating,  reason  loses  half  its 
empire  over  man. 

The  terrors  of  a  government  with  a  large  military  force  at  hand, 
stifles  truth  and  reason.  Without  such  a  legion  of  mercenary 
butchers  at  hand,  the  terrors  of  a  despotic  chief  or  master  would, 
in  a  great  measure,  cease  to  operate  ;  and  truth  and  reason  would 
resume  their  natural  empire  over  man. 

The  terrors  of  frequent  and  sanguinary  executions  and  punish- 
ments, also  have  a  tendency  to  keep  the  subjects  of  monarchy  in 
awe. 

Wai-  corrupts  mankind,  and  produces  inequality  in  their  wealth 
and  general  condition,  both  to  the  great  promotion  of  king-craft. 

Wars  generally  afford  unbounded  chances  for  speculation  and 
spoils  on  the  public  funds,  and  almost  every  kind  of  merchandize 
and  other  property. 

War  creates  numerous  and  profitable  offices,  and  other  public 
employments  ;  and  greatly  increases  the  number  of  public  pen- 
sioners  and  paupers ;  to  the   ultimate  increase  of  the  taxes  and 


60  RULING  PRINCIPLES  OF  DIFFERENT  GOVERNMENTS. 

burdens  on  the  honest  and  useful  industry  of  the  community  :  for 
there  is  no  other  class  of  people  who  earn  or  create  property,  but 
hose  who  practise  some  necessary  or  useful  labour,  profession  or 
occupation  in  society. 

Every  policy  and  measure  of  government,  that  increases  the  ex- 
actions and  restrictions,  on  the  common  people,  decreases  their 
general  wealth  and  influence  in  society,  and  increases  the  riches 
and  power  of  those  in  the  exercise  of  authority. 

Corruption  and  hypocrisy  have  become  fashionable,  in  some 
parts  of  the  old  world,  in  consequence  of  the  long  prevalence — 
practices  and  examples  of  kingcraft. 

Kingcraft  has  been  considerably  worked  into  the  education, 
manners, /rtsAions,  policy  and  conduct  of  the  people  and  govern- 
ment of  this  country,  by  its  usual  agents.  Even  so,  that  in  some 
instances  it  would  seem,  a  man  had  more  actual  harm  to  appre- 
hend, from  acting  the  true  Christian,  republican,  patriot  or  bene- 
factor of  mankind,  than  from  playing  the  hypocrite,  the  knave, 
the  tyrant,  or  public  despoiler.  Some  of  the  old  disorder  still  lin- 
gers with  us,  and  more  regularly  invade  us  with  every  importing 
gale. 


Ruling  Principles  of  different  Governments. 

In  all  the  different  forms  or  systems  of  human  government, 
there  are  only  Two  different  and  distinct  principles  generally  man- 
ifested— namely,/orcc  and  reason. 

Although/rawrf  has  an  active  and  general  agency  in  the  rule  of 
monarchy,  yei force  bears  the  chief  sway.  The  will  of  the  sove- 
reign is  law  ;  and  without  any  great  regard  to  its  justice,  or  bene- 
fit to  his  subjects.  He  regulates  every  thing  pretty  much  accord- 
ing to  his  own  whim  or  interest — the  same  as  a  man  exercises  his 
power  and  authority  over  his  cattle,  or  slaves  ;  except  that,  in  some 
countries,  a  man  is  liable  to  legal  punishment  for  inhuman  treat- 
ment to  his  slaves,  or  cattle  :  but  the  monarch  has  no  such  check 
upon  his  power  and  control  over  his  subjects. 

Reason,  with  truth  i^nd  justice  by  her  side,  bear  the  chief  rule 


RULING  PRINCIPLES  OF  DIFFERENT  GOVERNMENTS.    6» 

in  a  genuine  republican  government ;  which  is  manifested  in  a 
regular  system  of  laws  and  customs,  founded  in  the  free  will  or 
choice  of  the  people^  and  designed  for  their  equal  protection,  ac- 
commodation, and  advantage. 

The  title  to  sovereignty,  in  monarchies,  is  usually  claimed  by 
the  right  of  conquest^  or  heirship ;  and  no  political  authority  is 
allowed,  which  does  not  proceed  from  the  monarch.  Every  meas- 
ure, policy,  or  proposition,  however  well  founded  in  justice,  rea- 
son, humanity,  or  however  highly  regarding  the  prosperity  and 
good  of  the  people,  are  all  strangled  or  set  at  defiance,  when  not 
in  unison  with  the  will  and  pleasure  of  the  sovereign  ruler.  Su- 
perstition ;*  the  scourge,  the  shackles,  the  prison,  the  gibbet,  the 
halter,  and  the  bayonet,  (quite  a  fashionable  argvment,  of  late, 
with  the  legitimates,)  all  combine  their  power  and  influence,  to  si- 
lence the  common  freedom  of  enquiry,  remonstrance,  and  the  ex- 
ercise of  every  thing  like  rational  and  manly  liberty,  and  to  force 
an  absolute  and  unconditional  compliance  with  the  will  and  pleas- 
ure of  the  sovereign  chief. 

The  right  of  conquest,  as  it  has  generally  been  regarded  by 
monarchists,  is  totally  at  variance  with  the  principles  of  republi- 
canism ;  which  are  founded  in  justice  and  reason,  and  do  not  al- 
low that  merely  the  strength  or  ability  to  dispossess  another  hy  force, 
gives  a  right  to  property,  or  dominion.t 

In  a  republic,  the  people  claim  the  sovereign  power  or  authori- 
ty, as  a  natural  inherent  right,  derived  from  the  Creator  with  our 
being.     They  allow  no   privileged  orders   of  men,  nor   natural 


*  It  has  sometimes  been  claimed  for  sovereigns,  that  they  were  the 
'*  Lord' s  anointed  "  and  that  whoever  objects  to  their  rule,  rebels  against 
the  sovereign  decrees  of  Heaven  ! 

These  pretensions  however  are  becoming  too  ridiculous  for  serious  ar- 
gument, at  this  enlightened  period. 

f  Suppose  the  common  people  of  any  country,  state  or  nation,  should 
come  out  in  their  might,  and  declare  that  power  wa^  law,  and  take  the 
property  and  possessions  of  the  rich,  haughty  and  overbearing  monarch- 
ists, and  their  aristocratic  leagues,  especially  those  who  have  outlawed 
the  common  people,  and  denied  them  their  natural  and  just  rights — what 
would  they  then  say   to  the  right  of  conquest  ?    They    might  perhaps 


62  RULING  PRINCIPLES  OF  DIFFERENT  GOVERNMENTS. 

superiors ;  but  found  all  their  preferments,  honors  and  rewards, 
upon  actual  and  acquired  merit. 

Those  who  make  and  administer  the  laws  for  the  government  of 
a  republic,  are  the  agents  or  servants  of  the  people,  elected  or  cho- 
sen expressly  for  the  several  purposes,  and  who  are  held  accounta- 
ble to  the  people  for  the  faithful  performance  of  their  specified  du- 
ties and  engagements. 

Some  systems  of  government  partake  of  the  two  principles, 
forcCj  and  reason^  by  dividing  the  power  between  the  monarch,  no- 
bles or  aristocracy,  and  the  people.  This  is  generally  called  a/iw- 
ited  monarchy. 

The  nobles  are  the  creatures  of  the  sovereign  power,  made  for 
the  use  and  convenience  of  the  monarch,  and  may  be  generally  re- 
garded as  instruments  and  appendages  of  his  authority. 

The  two  opposite  principles  of  such  a  form  or  system  of  gov- 
ernment, are  generally  at  variance,  until,  by  corruption,  fraud  or 
violence,  one  or  the  other  of  the  powers  get  the  assendancy  and 
control.  After  the  people  have  had  one  hand  bound,  they  can 
much  easier  be  deprived  of  the  use  of  the  other,  than  while  they 
have  both  hands  at  liberty  to  defend  themselves  with  ;  and  as  men 
are  generally  inclined  to  be  despots,  (would,  if  they  could,  control 
even  the  very  thoughts  of  their  fellow  beings,)  it  is  therefore  high- 
ly dangerous  and  absurd,  to  consent  to  the  deprivation  of  the  least 
portion  of  rational  liberty. 

Doctor  Paley,  in  his  moral  and  political  philosophy — in  his 
smooth  and  artful  vindication  of  the  British  form  of  government,* 

appeal  to  custom,  (which  sanctifies  every  enormity,)  and  say  that,  true, 
their  ancestors  or  predecessors  came  into  possession  of  their  wealth  and 
dominion  by  improper  means ;  but  then,  time  has  sanctified  their  title 
or  possession — an  argument  equally  unjust  and  futile,  if  the  original  title 
or  possession  was  not  founded  in  righteousness  and  equity. 

There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  natural  and  just  right  to  a  dominion,  ori- 
ginally claimed,  or  held  in  contempt  of  the  people ;  who  are  the  only 
natural  and  just  sovereigns  of  every  civilized  state  or  country  under 
heaven. 

*  Constitution,  he  calls  it ;  although  it  would  puzzle  him  or  any  body 
else  to  give  a  written  and  definite  copy  of  the  articles. 


RULING  PRINCIPLES  OF  DIFFERENT  GOVERNMENTS.  63 

represents  mankind  as  giving  up  part  of  their  liberty,  in  order  to 
secure  the  rest.  But  lohen,  and  to  whom,  have  they  given  it  ? 
The  people  never  have  been  consulted  on  the  subject ;  neither 
dare  their  political  masters  submit  the  matter  to  their  free  under- 
standing and  deliberate  choice. 

The  honest  fact  is,  unprincipled  and  despotic  men  have  usurped, 
or  taken  a  degree  of  the  natural  and  just  rights  and  liberties  from 
their  fellow  men,  in  proportion  to  their  various  means  of  getting 
and  retaining  possession  of  the  same.  As  well  might  a  pirate,  or 
highway  robber,  claim  the  plunder  surrendered  up  to  them,  (in 
order  to  save  the  lives  of  their  defenceless  victims,)  as  Sigift. 

Paley*  is  equally  absurd,  in  his  defined  "  advantages  of  monar- 
chy," which  he  has  enumerated  as  "  unity  in  council,  activity,  de- 
cision, secrecy,  despatch."  Now,  these  are  among  the  principal 
disadvantages  which  I  should  attach  to  monarchy.  If  the  interests 
and  sense  of  the  people  were  duly  consulted  and  regarded,  on 
measures  of  public  importance  and  concern,  many  of  the  mad  wars, 
and  other  base,  or  silly  projects  and  transactions  of  monarchy,  sud- 
denly and  secretly  entered  into,  at  the  caprice  or  will  of  the  sove- 
reign, would  be  prevented. 

There  is  no  just  and  reasonable  advantage  to  be  derived  by  a 
nation,  from  an  exercise  of  extensive  authority,  but  may  be  pos- 
sessed by  elective  and  responsible  officers.  An  enlightened  and 
wise  people,  would  naturally  delegate  to  their  agents,  all  the  au- 
thority necessary  to  fulfil  the  proper  duties  of  their  official  stations, 
and  consistent  with  the  dignity  and  safety  of  the  public,  to  invest. 
It  is  true,  we  sometimes  see  opportunities  for  accomplishing  im- 
portant political  objects,  by  the  brief  exercise  of  unbounded  au- 
thority ;  but,  as  such  a  power  would  be  more  likely  to  be  abused, 
than  judiciously  exerted  for  the  general  good  of  mankind,  it  is 
therefore  extremely  unwise  to  entrust  it  to  any  human  being. 

According  to  the  political  rules  and  maxims  of  monarchy,  the 
reigning  sovereign  can  do  no  wrong ;  so  that,  whether  he  brings 


*  This  is  a  classical  book,  from  which  many  of  our  collegians  and  oth- 
er scientific  young  men,  derive  much  of  their  political  knowledge. 
We  may,  therefore,  not  be  surprised  at  the  political  notions  they  often 
entertain.  , 


64    RULING  PRINCIPLES  OF  DIFFERENT  GOVERNMENTS- 

on  national  bankruptcy,  or  perpetual  burdens  of  debt,  disgrace, 
or  other  ruinous  consequences,  upon  his  nation  or  subjects,  in 
consequence  of  his  warlike,  or  other  measures  he  might  have  en- 
gaged in,  to  retain  his  sovereignty  by /orcf,  against  the  will  of  the 
principal  part  of  the  people  of  his  empire  or  dominions  ;  or  in 
assisting,  at  his  own  will,  a  relative  or  neighbouring  prince,  pre- 
tender or  aspirant,  to  possess  or  retain  sovereign  power,  in  like 
manner  ;  or  in  indulging  his  own  private  pique,  malice  or  inclin- 
ation, against  a  chief,  nation  or  individual— even  against  his  own 
wife,  family  or  connection,  within  his  own  dominions  ;  or  by  the 
debauchery,  waste,  extravagance,  injustice,  oppression  or  cruelty, 
of  his  own  public  or  private  conduct :  in  either  case,  politically 
speaking,  even  according  to  the  doctrines  of  limited  monarchy, 
THE  SOVEREIGN  HAS  DONE  NO  WRONG.  By  which  the  mouarch 
seems  to  say  to  his  subjects,  "  /  shall  do  pretty  much  as  I  please^ 
mid  you  must  make  the  best  you  can  of  it  !" 

The  simple  truth  is,  that  monarchy  is  such  an  unjust  and  unrea- 
sonable usurpation  of  human  rights  and  authority,  that  no  virtuous 
and  enlightened  being  will  understandingly  support  it  of  choice  ; 
and  those  who  are  hired  to  justify  monarchy,  or  who  support  it  from 
an  interested  participation  m  the  advantages  of  the  sovereign 
power  and  concern,  generally  go  upon  the  absurd  presumption, 
that  mankind  are  their  own  worst  enemies — not  fit  to  be  entrusted 
with  their  own  concerns,  the  choice  of  men  or  measures,  for  their 
own  government ;  but  that  the  reigning  chief,  (whoever  he  may 
happen  to  be,  although  composed  of  flesh  and  blood,  the  same  fal- 
lible materials  as  other  men,)  is  not  only  fit  and  proper  to  govern 
himself,  but  to  rule  the  people  of  a  whole  nation  or  empire,  besides ! 

No  wonder  the  advocates  and  leading  supporters  of  monarchy, 
should  strive,  by  every  art  and  effort  in  their  power,  to  render  man- 
kind their  own  worst  enemies — incapable  of  self-government y  in 
order  to  support  and  retain  the  monarch  in  his  sovereign  power, 
and  thereby  gain  their  own  wages  and  participated  advantages ; 
but  that  mankind  were  created,  or  are  by  nature  enemies  to  their 
own  best  good  and  happiness,  is  an  idea  as  absurd,  as  it  is  false  and 
infamous. 

It  has  been  supposed,  that  because  the  chief  or  individual,  who 


RULING  PRINCIPLES  OF  DIFFERENT  GOVERNMENTS.    65 

heads  an  absolute  sovereignty,  or  despotic  exercise  of  power,  would 
be  unable  to  answer  for,  or  incapable  of  sustaining  a  punishment, 
in  due  proportion  to,  perhaps  an  hundred  thousandth  part  of  the 
sins  committed  under  his  authority,  that,  therefore,  he  would  not 
be  punished  at  all  !  But  the  chief  only  orders^  and  those  who 
voluntarily  or  unnecessarily  obey  and  execute  his  unjust  and  cruel 
designs  and  purposes,  commit  the  overt  act. 

The  most  surly,  petulent,  ferocious  or  blood-thirsty  little  animal 
that  ever  went  upon  two  legs,  could  never  have  done  much  harm 
of  himself,  without  the  willing  aid  and  assistance  of  others. — 
Hence  those  who  become  the  willing  instruments  and  abettors  of 
tyranny  and  oppression,  are  entitled  to  a  due  share  of  the  merited 
punishment.  Even  every  common  soldier  and  sailor,  who  volun- 
tarily enter  the  service  of  a  despotic  or  arbitrary  chief,  or  a  person 
who,  in  any  way  unnecessarily  and  understandingly  aids  and  as- 
sists the  execution  of  his  base  designs  and  purposes,  outraging 
and  setting  at  defiance  the  natural  and  just  rights  of  men,  merits 
a  due  proportion  of  the  infamy  and  punishment.  And  no  doubt, 
an  infinitely  just,  wise  and  powerful  God,  has  provided  ample  jus- 
tice for  them,  in  the  end. 

Marriages  between  the  persons  and  families  of  monarch s,  are 
generally  conducted  in  a  very  unnatural  and  absurd  way  ;  and  not 
unfrequently  occasion  great  national  evils. 

The  precautions  employed  to  guard  against  spurious  or  illegiti- 
mate heirs  to  the  thrones  of  monarchy,  are  troublesome,  and  often 
quite  laughable.  And  after  all  the  care  and  inspection,  there  is 
no  certain  evidence  of  the  tes\  father — which  is,  one  would  ima- 
gine, quite  as  important,  as  to  ascertain  the  true  mother. 

Murders  and  shocking  civil  wars,  are  sometimes  the  result  of 
struggles  for  the  possession  of  thrones,  between  rival  heirs,  pre- 
tenders or  aspirants  to  sovereignty  by  the  right  of  heirship  and 
conquest. 

According  to  the  general  rules  of  legitimate  monarchy,  a  fool 
or  mad  man  may  be  born  heir  to  the  throne  of  sovereign  power  ; 
and  perhaps  no  alternative  or  better  way  may  be  provided  for  his 
subjects,  than  to  pension,  imprison  or  murder  him,  and  try  the 
next  legitimate  heir  in  turn,  and  so  on,   until   they  can  get  one 

9 


66    RULING  PRINCIPLES  OF  DIFFERENT  GOVERNMENTS. 

more  tolerable,  or  abide  all  the  consequences  of  an  imbecile,  prof' 
fligate,  severe  or  cruel  master. 

To  provide  for  the  infancy,  extreme  imbecility,  insanity,  captiv- 
ity or  voluntary  absence,  of  a  monarch,  a  regency  has  usually  been 
employed — investing  a  number  of  select  and  responsible  individu- 
als, with  a  limited  exercise  of  the  supreme  power  of  state.  This 
was  the  case  with  Great  Britain,  during  the  insanity  of  George 
the  third ;  with  Spain,  in  the  captivity  of  Ferdinand  the  seventh  ; 
and  with  Portugal,  during  the  absence  of  their  flighted  monarch. 
The  governments  of  these  three  kingdoms,  during  the  most  criti- 
cal part  of  the  late  European  contest,  was  conducted  by  a  number 
of  select  and  responsible  individuals,  invested  with  a  limited  de- 
gree of  sovereignty,  or  exercise  of  the  supreme  power  of  state, 
without  the  assistance  or  control  of  their  legitimate  monarchs  ; 
and  I  believe  it  will  be  admitted  on  all  hands,  that  the  affairs  of 
these  three  nations,  were  conducted,  during  this  critical  period, 
with  more  than  their  ordinary  abilities  and  success. 

This  experiment  developed  many  true  secrets  of  government, 
to  the  people  of  those  kingdoms  ;  and  has  already  effected  a  very 
important  change  in  their  favour.  (This  has  most  particular  re- 
ference to  Spain,  under  the  Cortes  of  1812,  and  1820.) 

During  the  restraint  and  embarrassment  of  their  sovereign  mas- 
ters, the  people  of  South  America,  began  to  develope  their  own 
true  character,  situation  and  policy  ;  and  a  determined  resistance 
to  the  sovereign  yoke,  became  the  ultimate  consequence. 

The  republican  creed,  is  founded  in  the  just,  fair,  and  honorable 
position,  that  all  men  are  born  equally  free,  and  equally  entitled  to 
justice,  preferment  and  human  happiness,  and  that  the  law  knows 
no  distinction  of  persons,  only  what  arises  from  their  conduct  and 
acquirements  in  life. 

The  main  object  of  every  virtuous  and  wise  government,  is  to 
promote  the  general  peace,  security,  prosperity  and  happiness  of 
its  subjects  ;  and  whatever  schemes  or  actions  deviate  from  these 
general  objects,  are  absurd,  pernicious,  and  inconsistent  with  the 
character  of  a  just  and  enlightened  people. 

Monarchies,  arbitrarily,  unjustly  and  absurdly,  restrain  their 
subjects  from  the  common  freedom  of  human  actions,  for  fear  they 


HUMAN  IMPROVEMENT.  ei 

may  act  wrong  ;  and  a  republican  government,  justly  and  wisely, 
allow  men  the  general  freedom  of  action,  but  punish  them  for 
wrong  actions. 

Instead  of  conforming  a  system  of  laws  and  state  policy,  to  a 
crooked  and  depraved  state  of  the  human  character,  it  is  far  more 
proper  to  found  our  measures  in  justice  and  reason,  and  let  the 
habits  and  conduct  of  mankind,  conform  thereto. 

Monarchy  is  the  worst  result  that  can  happen  from  a  revolution, 
or  defeated  attempt  to  establish  a  republic  or  free  form  of  govern- 
ment. 

Vi?'tue  and  intelligence,  are  the  very  soul  of  a  republic  ;  and 
ignorance  and  corruption,  are  the  sources  of  monarchy  and  hu- 
man oppression. 

The  subjects  of  monarchy,  ask  justice  as  a  favour ;  but  the 
good  citizen  of  a  republic,  demands  justice  as  a  common  right. 

Monarchy  depraves  and  degrades  the  human  character,  by  ob- 
structing the  freedom  of  rational  and  manly  inquiry,  and  the  lib- 
erty of  action  ;  by  establishing  an  empty  and  false  standard  of 
virtue  and  human  greatness,  and  by  cultivating  a  vain  pomp  and 
show,  suited  to 

"  LOW    AMBITION   AND    THE    PRIDE    OP    KINGS.'* 

The  empty  titles,  parade  and  decorations,  that  often  seem  to  in- 
terest the  subjects  of  monarchy,  (as  trifles  please  children,)  only 
excite  the  ridicule  and  contempt  of  republicans. 

The  ruling  principle  of  monarchy,  being  force,  without  any 
particular  regard  to  justice  or  reason,  the  subjects  thereof  are  co- 
erced into  compliance  by  a  kind  of  slavishye«r ;  but  the  good  citi- 
zen of  a  republic,  sees  his  own  good  in  common  with  others,  em- 
braced by  the  laws  and  customs  of  his  country,  and  therefore  com- 
plies with  them  of  his  own  free  will  and  choice. 


Human  Improvement. 
Every  undertaking  that  tends  substantially  to  the  promotion  of 


68  HUMAN  IMPROVEMENT. 

health,  support,  peace,  security,  prosperity  and  happiness  of 
mankind  in  general,  may  be  denominated  a  human  improvement. 

To  cultivate  and  improve  the  good  and  useful  faculties  of  the 
body  and  mind,  and  to  restrain  and  subdue  bad  propensitie?, 
tends,  doubly,  to  improve  our  happiness,  and  to  exalt  the  human 
character. 

A  whole  community,  thus  improved,  would  not  only  avoid  most 
of  the  usual  evils  of  neglect  and  indulgence,  but  would  ultimately 
enjoy  the  highest  degree  of  happiness  our  nature  is  susceptible  of. 

To  promote  this  great  and  desirable  object,  in  the  most  direct 
and  efficient  manner,  we  must  take  into  consideration,  the  human 
talents,  passions  and  propensities,  and  give  them  a  right  direction. 
This  is  effected  by  a  variety  of  good  precepts,  examples,  explana- 
tions and  undertakings,  tending  to  effect  the  enumerated  objects 
in  view.  In  this,  every  good  member  of  society,  is  in  duty  bound 
to  perform  a  part,  corresponding  to  his,  or  her,  abilities  and  sta- 
tion. 

Every  plan,  effort  and  undertaking,  that  has  a  tendency  to  itii' 
prove  the  condition  of  the  common  people,  is  naturally  inclined  to 
excite  the  ill  will  and  opposition,  of  those  in  possession  of  consid- 
erable extra  learning,  wealth,  or  power,  or  those  who  contend  for 
undue  advantages  over  their  fellow  men.  It  is  important,  there- 
fore, always  to  bear  in  mind,  that  whatever  tends  substantially  to 
benefit  the  common  people,  will  be  generally  viewed  with  hostility, 
by  the  aristocracy  of  the  country.  Hence,  genuine  Christianity, 
and  republicanism,  both,  originated  with,  and  have  mainly  been 
supported  by,  men  of  humble  origin,  circumstances  and  situa- 
tions ;  whom  those  puffed  up  with  undue  wealth,  learning,  pow- 
er, rank,  and  authority,  generally  professed  to  despise,  for  their  low 
birth,  poverty,  and  ignorance. 

Every  thing  that  has  a  tendency  to  promote  genuine  civilization, 
Christianity  and  republicanism,  are  most  in  accordance  with  the 
interests  and  feelings  of  the  common  people.  We  must,  therefore, 
look  to  them  chiefly  for  an  impulse,  or  true  sense  of  equaljus" 
iice,  &nd  felloio-feelingSf  and  for  whatever  imports  a  common  good, 
or  the  promotion  of  justice,  humanity,  prosperity  and  happiness, 
to  mankind  in  general. 


BFFECTS  OF  HABIT.  69 


Effects  of  Habit 

The  natural  effects  of  habit,  on  the  human  character,  are  truly 
astonishing — sometimes  amounting  to  almost  a  total  change  of  our 
natural  sympathies  and  desires. 

The  butcher,  accustomed  to  the  slaughtering  of  domestic  ani- 
mals, soon  loses  his  natural  sympathies  for  expiring  nature,  and 
views  the  agonies  of  his  victims,  with  as  little  emotion,  as  the  rust- 
ling of  a  corn  harvest,  or  the  bubbling  of  water.  To  extinguish 
the  vital  principle  of  animal  life,  creates  no  delicate  sensation  in 
his  breast :  It  is  his  trade,  and  the  natural  effect  of  habit. 

The  soldier,  long  accustomed  to  gain  all  his  points  by  the  force 
and  strattagem  of  arms^  almost  forgets  that  he  was  ever  endowed 
with  the  faculties  of  reason,  or  the  sense  of  an  immortal  soul.  He 
views  the  appeals  to  reason,  rather  as  an  evidence  of  weakness  and 
folly,  than  of  human  virtue  and  excellence.  Domestic  peace  and 
prosperity^  have  no  charms  for  him.  Havoc  is  his  trade  :  Slaugh- 
tered thousands,  desolated  villages,  and  enslaved  millions,  gene- 
rally, mark  the  progress  of  his  glory. 

The  lawyer,  who  has  been  long  in  the  habit  of  augmenting  the 
profits  and  resources  of  his  professional  business,  by  fostering  the 
depravity,  and  prolonging  the  miseries  of  his  fellow  creatures, 
feels  little  or  no  regret  for  the  unhappy  victims  of  his  policy. 
The  bitter  vexations — the  long  and  painful  anxieties,  and  the  dis- 
tressing sacrifices,  which  he  unnecessarily  occasions  his  clints  and 
others,  to  augment  his  own  profits  ;  and  whether  he  finally  gains, 
or  loses  his  client's  cause,  is  of  little  consequence  to  the  lawyer, 
provided  he  only  gets  his  purposes  well  answered.  He  forms  and 
colours  the  characters  of  individuals,  and  other  circumstances  in 
evidence,  to  suit  his  purposes,  with  as  little  regard  to  truth  and 
virtue,  as  the  potter  fashions  his  clay,  or  the  artisan  glosses  over 
his  wares.  Public  virtue  and  intelligence,  have  no  joys  for  him. 
The  ignorant  and  unwary  are  the  easiest  betrayed  and  plundered, 
and  their  resentment  the  least  to  be  dreaded.  Litigation,  and  the 
wreck  of  fortunes,  are  his  trade.  Crimes,  frauds,  and  human  em- 
barrassments, are  his  delight. 

These  are  the  natural  effects  of  habit  on  the  human  character. 


70  FOOL. 

But  it  has  not  escaped  the  observation  of  the  moralist,  philanthro- 
pist, and  philosopher.  History  already  bears  evidence  of  their  ten- 
dency, and  precautions. — Long  habit  makes  every  thing  appear 
right,  however  pernicious  or  deformed  in  their  real  character. 
Fools  are  the  slaves  of  habit,  and  not  the  subjects  of  reason. 

Remarks. — In  regard  to  the  first  profession  alluded  to,  it  may 
be  observed,  that  butchers  are  already  excluded,  in  some  of  the 
most  civilized  countries,  from  acting  the  part  of  jurors,  in  cases 
where  life  is  depending,  from  their  lack  of  sympathy  or  fellow 
feeling,  or  perhaps  more  properly  from  their  habits  of  shedding 
blood  and  taking  animal  life.  And  States  the  most  enlightened 
and  jealous  of  their  liberty,  have  long  since  been  made  sensible 
of  the  importance  of  entrusting  their  chief  defence  to  citizens^ 
well  organized  for  defensive  warfare  ;  who,  after  they  have  expelled 
the  common  enemy,  return  with  joy  and  alacrity,  to  their  domes- 
tic employment  and  concerns.  But  why  lawyers  should  have  been 
so  long  indulged  with  the  chief  control  of  states,  when  their  pro- 
fessional interests,  habits,  and  policy,  are  so  notoriously  hostile  to 
the  great  cause  of  truth,  justice,  virtue  and  human  liberty,  is  a 
subject  that  requires  serious  attention,  and  particularly  in  this 
country. 


FooL 


Among  the  numerous  arts  and  efforts  employed  by  the  unprinci- 
pled and  designing,  to  promote  human  ignorance  and  depravity, 
the  true  meaning  and  application  of  words  have  been  studiously 
perverted,  or  basely  neglected. 

Notwithstanding  the  word  fool  is  defined  in  our  dictionaries, 
supported  by  scripture,  to  mean  an  idiot  or  wicked  person  ;  it  is 
quite  common  to  hear  it  said  of  a  man,  that  he  is  more  of  a  knave 
than  fool  ;  and  again,  some  say,  call  me  a  rogue,  but  not  a  fool — 
just  as  if  there  was  a  material  distinction,  or  that  knaves  and 
rogues  were  not  fools.  Wonderful  effort,  this,  of  rogues  policy, 
to  compliment  and  encourage  human  ignorance  and  depravity  ; 
and  no  doubt  the  studied  evasion  of  the  proper  meaning  and  ap- 


FOOL.  71 

plication  of  this  single  word,  is  the  chief  cause  of  one  half  or 
more  of  the  knavery  and  deceit,  practised  in  our  day  and  country. 

There  are  two  sorts  of  fools  in  the  world — namely,  idiots,  or 
natural  fools,  and  made  fools.  The  first,  are  those  who  by  birth 
or  accident,  are  rendered  destitute  of  the  common  faculties  of 
reason,  and  the  others,  are  those  who  have  had  their  understand- 
ings misdirected — that  is,  one  is  destitute  of  the  common  faculties 
of  reason,  and  the  other  has  had  his  understanding  perverted. 

Those  who,  ignorantly  or  understandingly,  set  truth,  justice  and 
reason  at  defiance,  are  foolish,  and  act  against  their  own  actual 
and  best  good  :  and,  although  a  person  destitute  of  the  common 
faculties  of  reason,  is  an  object  of  pity  and  compassion  ;  yet  a 
made  fool  or  person  of  perverted  understanding,  generally  deserves 
reproof,  and  sometimes  smart  correction,  to  awaken  them  into  a 
proper  application  and  exertion  of  their  reasoning  faculties. 

Made  fools,  are  generally  the  slaves  and  instruments  of  Satan  ; 
and  are  infinitely  more  numerous  and  dangerous  in  human  society, 
than  idiots  or  natural  fools — who  are  commonly  a  harmless  and  in- 
offensive class  of  unfortunate  fellow-beings.  But  when  persons  of 
good  natural  talents  and  capacities,  have  had  their  minds  corrupt- 
ed, and  their  understandings  perverted  against  the  light  of  truth 
and  reason,  by  false  reasoning  and  hypocritical  examples,  every 
increase  of  their  natural  or  acquired  powers  and  faculties,  adds  to 
their  danger  in  society,  as  enabling  them  to  extend  their  general 
warfare  against  the  cause  of  justice  and  humanity.  Some  times 
such  persons  seem  determined,  as  much  as  in  their  power,  to  an- 
noy human  prosperity  and  happiness. 

There  are  some  people  in  the  world,  who  might  be  properly  de- 
nominated classical  fools  ;  and  others  who  appear  loise  in  theory 
znd.  foolish  in  practice ;  and  some  there  are,  who  seem  to  have  all 
sorts  of  sense  but  common  sense.  But  by  far  the  greatest  propor 
lion  of  made  fools,  are  the  fashionable  knaves  and  hypocrites  of 
the  world. 


7^  LYING. 

Lying. 

People  of  unprincipled  and  despotic  minds,  without  the 
strength,  courage,  or  ability  to  execute  their  will  and  purposes  by 
force  or  open  hostility,  generally  resort  to  some  secret  means  for 
venting  their  spite  against  virtue,  merit  and  human  excellence. — 
And  among  all  stratagems  and  combinations  of  such  characters, 
for  the  annoyance  and  final  defeat  of  truth,  justice,  virtue  and 
human  liberty,  there  is  nothing  more  generally  resorted  to  than 

LYING. 

Thus,  a  combination  to  lie  down  a  rising  prophet,  patriot  or 
public  benefactor,  has  been  apparently  considered  by  some,  as  a 
learned^  honourable  and  pious  work.  Of  this  we  have  had  a  fair 
sample,  even  in  our  own  day  and  country  :  and  perhaps  no  one 
ever  more  completely  stood  the  test,  or  more  fairly  put  down  his 
enemies  in  his  own  life  time,  than  did  Thomas  Jefferson — the 
apostle  of  liberty.  And  who,  like  the  blessed  Jesus,  when  he  was 
reviled,  reviled  not  again ;  and  did  good  to  those  who  persecuted 
and  spitefully  used  him.  He  spent  his  long  life,  great  talents,  ex- 
tensive information,  and  ample  fortune,  in  doing  good  to  his  fel- 
low-beings. 

This  art  of  lying  down  individuals,  is  also  practised  on  a  small 
scale,  against  any  one  who  stands  upright,  and  boldly  refuses  to 
yield  to  ignorance  and  corruption.  An  honest  and  enlightened 
man,  who  fearlessly  thinks  and  acts  for  himself,  and  openly  dis- 
dains the  dictation  and  shackles  of  aristocracy,  is  pretty  sure  to  re- 
ceive all  the  injury  that  falsehood  and  malice  can  inflict.  In 
short,  it  has  been  considered  quite  fashionable^  in  some  places, 
and  particularly  among  a  certain  description  of  persons,  to  invent 
and  circulate  all  the  falsehoods  that  could  be  devised  injurious  to 
public  benefactors,  and  their  works  and  designs.  And  when 
priestcraft^  lawcraft,  and  the  other  aids  of  kingcraft,  put  all 
their  tools  and  machinery  in  operation,  to  lie  down  an  individual 
or  his  undertakings,  but  few  can  stand  the  truly  infernal  atUck. 


MONARCHY  IN  DISGUISE. 


Monarchy  in  Disguise. 

Monarchy,  is  introduced,  inculcated  and  supported,  by  a  variety 
of  hypocritical  arts,  agencies  and  operations  ;  and  where  it  can- 
not be  effected  by  brutal /orce,  or  by  the  open  dictation,  sound  or 
terror  of  "  royal  autliority^'  it  is  frequently  introduced,  or  kept 
along,  by  some  secret  or  hypocritical  and  pleasing  lead,  artifice 
and  management.  Such  as  a  general  lead  in  matters  of  tasU, 
learning ,  fashion  and  refinement. 

Thus,  monarchists,  after  they  found  we  could  no  longer  be 
drove,  like  brutes,  by  force  of  arms — that  they  could  not  ten-ify 
us  into  submission  to  the  "  royal  icill ;"  finally  began  to  exercise 
a  different  policy  towards  us,  and  undertook  io  flatter  some  of  our 
*'  head  rebels,"  and  to  be,  seemingly,  mighty  clever,  in  order  to 
LEAD  us  as  much  as  possible,  into  iheix  fashions,  customs  and  final 
condition.  (Mother  Britain  still  kept  the  pap  of  monarchy  to 
our  lips.  The  nice  little  matters  of  taste,  learning,  fashion  B.nd 
refinement,  which  the  old  lady  regularly  provided  for  us — in  order 
to  coax  and  drill  us  back  again  into  the  ranks  of  monarchy,  actu- 
ally kept  some  hankering  afler  a  full  tug  at  the  royal  pap  !) 

However  independent,  republican  and  patriotic  we  may  talk, 
we  still  permit  the  old  world  to  exercise  a  kind  of  sovereignty  over 
us,  and  actually  to  draw  a  considerable  tax  from  us,  for  the  sup- 
port of  monarchy — through  the  lead  we  permit  them  to  exercise 
in  the  alterations  and  control  of  our  fashions  of  dress,  and  other 
matters  of  taste,  education  and  refinement. 

The  empires  of  Great  Britain  and  France,  are  chiefly  governed 
by  their  metropolisses — London  and  Paris  ;  whose  decrees  of 
fashion,  &lc.  are  regularly  received  in  our  importing  cities — 
promptly  carried  into  effect,  and  forwarded  to  the  country  and 
smaller  places  generally,  for  observance.  Thus  we  are,  in  a  mea- 
sure, ruled  ;  and  often  taxed  to  a  considerable  amount,  in  the  ex- 
tra price  we  pay  for  the  fancy — whim  for  the  particular  pattern, 
figure,  color  or  other  matters  of  taste  ox  fashion,  and  the  prejudi- 
ces we  indulge  in  favour  of  the  country  or  place  of  their  origin  or 
production — that  is,  all  of  us  who  have  not  sufficient  discernment, 

10 


74  MONARCHY  IN  DISGUISE. 

virtue,  independence  and  patriotism,  to  resist  the  London  and 
Paris  decrees  o{  fashion^  &lc.  when  not  wisely  adapted  to  our  in- 
dividual wants  and  circumstances,  and  consistent  with  our  coun- 
try's best  good. 

We  have  so  long  and  so  implicitly  complied  with  these  decrees 
of  fashion,  &c.  that  they  have  assumed  a  power  and  influence 
with  many  among  us,  superior  to  our  make  of  laws. 

Large  cities,  generally  claim  or  expect  a  kind  of  homage  from 
the  country  and  smaller  places  around  them,  or  within  their  sphere 
of  action  and  influence.  For  which  reason,  I  hope  we  shall  nev- 
er have  a  London  or  Paris,  in  this  country,  to  corrupt  our  habits 
and  rule  us. 

Some  of  the  monarchies  of  Europe,  are  particularly  well  ena- 
bled to  exercise  a  degree  of  influence  over  us,  through  our  preju- 
dices, vanity,  and  the  individual  interests  of  many  among  us,  by 
their  numerous  manufactured  articles  and  other  supplies,  which 
invade  us  with  every  importing  gale. 

European  manufactures  and  literary  productions,  generally 
bring  along  and  introduce  with  them,  some  of  the  pestilencies  and 
plagues  of  monarchy,  in  some  shape  or  manner. 

Newly  manufactured  or  fashioned  articles  of  dress,  furniture, 
&c.  ;  new  rules,  doctrines  or  authorities  of  law,  and  religion ; 
systems  and  rules  of  education  ;  plays,  novels,  tales,  and  other 
fashionable  amusements  ;  matters  of  taste,  learning,  fashion  and 
refinement  generally. 

These  things,  however  trifling  they  may  seem  singly,  or  at  the 
first  view,  nevertheless,  when  taken  together,  they  often  form  the 
leading  habits  and  character  of  a  nation  or  people,  and  essentially 
rule  their  destiny — by  early  and  artfully  prejudicing  their  minds, 
effeminating  their  constitutions,  degrading  their  habits,  and  finally 
fitting  them  for  the  general  purposes  and  conditions  of  monarchy, 
or  arbitrary  control. 

However  anti-republican  and  absurd  it  may  appear,  we  are  still 
chiefly  governed,  in  our  highest  courts,  by  British  systems  and 
doctrines  of  law ;  and  actually  run  after  European  etiquette  and 
court  policy. 

Our  books,  rules  and  systems  of  education,  are  mostly  from  the 
fountains  and  sinks  of  monarchy  and  aristocracy. 


MONARCHY  IN  DISGUISE.  75 

Our  religion,  too,  must  be  imported,  in  order  to  be  legitimate^ 
with  some,  and  all  the  various  creeds  and  doctrinal  points,  settled 
and  carefully  laid  down  and  fitted  for  us,  by  our  European  mas- 
ters— for  the  support  of  privileged  orders  of  men.  Indeed,  some 
must  have  a  head  to  their  church  in  Europe  ! 

We  have  to  go  to  mother  Britain,  yet,  even  for  a  dictionary — 
to  know  how  we  may  be  permitted  to  spell  and  pronounce  our 
words,  and  to  understand  what  construction  or  meaning  to  give 
them.  (Our  language  is  full  of  kingcraft ,  or  a  hypocritical  per- 
version of  the  proper  meaning  of  words.) 

Most  of  the  histories  we  read,  even  of  our  own  country,  have 
either  been  written,  or  revised  and  carefully  fitted  for  us,  by  our 
European  masters. 

Their  newspapers,  magazines,  reviews,  histories,  novels,  (ro- 
mances, tales  or  fashionable  littles  stories ;)  and  numerous  books, 
prints,  plays,  and  matters  of  custom  and  amusement,  generally 
fashion  and  qualify  every  thing,  nicely  for  us,  children — to  teach 
us  to  cherish  and  respect  the  elements  of  monarchy  and  aristocra- 
cy- 
Most  of  the  painted,  engraved,  and  sculptured  designs,  as  well 
as  many  other  European  productions,  are  artfully  contrived,  in 
name,  color,  form  or  figure,  to  pay  some  kind  of  homage  or  re- 
spect to  monarchs  and  their  broods  of  titled  and  privileged  sup- 
porters. Almost  every  article  of  news,  literature,  manufactured 
or  other  production  we  receive  from  Europe,  is  more  or  less  tinctur- 
ed with  the  form  and  spirit  of  monarchy  and  privileged  orders  of 
-men,  in  some  way  or  manner. 

The  bare  prejudices  that  have  been  artfully  cultivated  and  kept 
alive  in  this  country,  in  favor  of  European  manufactures,  customs, 
new  fashions  of  dress,  literary  and  other  productions,  amounts  to 
a  considerable  premium  in  their  favor,  which  we  pay  in  support  of 
monarchy  and  privileged  orders  of  men.  Such  in  fact  is  the  pow- 
der of  European  fashions  and  customs  with  many  among  us,  that  it 
would  bG  considered  a  sort  of  rebellion ^io  resist  their  mandates. 
But  the  worst  of  this  power  and  influence  of  European  fashions 
and  customs  are,  that  they  are  artfully  designed  to  promote  mo- 
narchy and  aristocracy  among  us,  and  are  thus  secretly ,  as  it  were. 


76  MONARCHY  IN  DISGUISE. 

undermining  republicanism,  by  fashioning  and  preparing  us,  as 
much  as  possible,  for  their  own  rotten,  and  ultimate  degraded  con- 
dition. 

The  manner  in  which  many  of  our  young  females,  and  males,  are 
educated,  brought  up  and  habituated,  has  a  very  fashionable  ten- 
dency towards  monarchy,  or  the  elevation  of  pampered  indolence, 
vanity  and  deceit,  over  true  virtue,  merit  and  human  excellence. 

The  simple  difference  between  supporting  a  million  of  people 
in  Europe  to  manufacture  for  us,  (who  may  be  brought  against  us, 
in  case  of  foreign  war,)  and  of  maintaining  the  same  number 
here,  (who  would  act  with  us,  in  such  case;)  without  reckoning 
the  expense  of  transportation,  out,  and  home,  would  operate  im- 
mensely in  favour  of  encouraging  and  supporting  home  industry. 

Foreign  trade  not  only  aids  monarchy  abroad,  but  it  is  destruc- 
tive to  the  equality  and  republicanism  of  our  people  at  home. 

The  fluctuations  in  prices,  and  uncertainty  in  receipt  of  sup- 
plies, of  goods  from  a  foreign  country — from  the  dangers  of  the 
seas,  wars,  and  foreign  regulations  and  restrictions,  subjects  us  to 
many  inconveniences  and  sacrifices.  Besides,  the  foreign  articles 
chiefly  arrive  or  concentrate  in  large  quantities,  in  a  few  of  our 
largest  importing  cities,  convenient  to  be  monopolized  or  controled 
by  a  league,  or  co-operation  of  desperate  and  overgrown  specula- 
tors, on  any  sudden  news,  or  emergency,  and  thereby  large  for- 
tunes extorted  from  us,  by  their  rise  in  price,  for  the  creation  and 
support  of  a  set  of  nabobs,  to  insult,  swagger,  and  trample  on  the 
rights  of  the  common  people.  Whereas,  if  these  necessary  and 
other  supplies  were  manufactured,  and  otherwise  regularly  produ- 
ced among  ourselves,  they  would  be  independent  of  foreign  wars^ 
interruptions  or  restrictions ;  and  could  not  be  controled  by  a  few 
greedy  and  overgrasping  speculators ;  but  would  be  continually 
producing,  supplying,  enriching  and  benefitting  our  own  country, 
in  general. 

Some  few  have  made  money ;  but  the  havoc  which  the  fluctua- 
tions of  foreign  trade  has  often  created  among  the  business  and 
people  of  this  country,  is  truly  afflicting,  and  has  proved  ruinous 
to  many  of  our  industrious,  enterprising  and  worthy  citizens,  and 
their  concerns. 


MONARCHY  IN  DISGUISE.  77 

More  than  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  were  lost  to  the 
manufacturers,  merchants,  and  people  of  the  United  States,  by 
the  over  supplies  of  foreign  goods,  that  inundated  the  market  of 
this  country,  soon  after  the  late  peace,  chiefly  in  consequence  of 
the  duties  being  unreasonably  reduced. 

Our  importers  and  traders  in  foreign  manufactures,  productions 
and  supplies,  generally  obtain  a  credit,  from  the  foreign  manufac- 
turer, factor  or  dealer,  and  from  our  own  custom  house  credits  for 
duties,  averaging  from  six  to  eighteen  months,  which  often  affords 
a  considerable  amount  of  capital  for  them  to  dash  upon — whereby 
they  may  shortly  make  a  fortune,  or  sacrifice  the  whole — and  then 
begin  again,  and  again  !  This  creates  foreign  interests  and  at- 
tachments, and  makes  nabobs  and  aristocrats,  or  bankrupts, 
swindlers,  and  paupers,  at  home  or  in  our  own  country. 

Whereas,  those  who  deal  in  home  manufactures,  productions 
and  supplies,  generally  receive  their  goods  much  sooner — with 
greater  certainty,  or  less  danger  of  interruption,  loss,  or  delay — 
with  more  direct,  immediate  and  sure  responsibility  against  errors, 
or  designed  frauds — supplies  received  much  more  frequently^ — 
fewer  stale  and  unsaleable  goods  lying  on  hand,  from  season  to  sea- 
son, eating  out  capital — far  less  capital  required  to  do  business  up- 
on, and  little  or  no  credit — a  much  safer  and  steadier  business, 
with  moderate,  but  sure  and  regular  profit  and  gains.  Tending 
to  produce,  and  maintain,  a  degree  of  equality  and  republicanism 
— to  augment  national  wealth  and  our  internal  resources,  and  to 
cultivate  and  preserve  a  genuine  attachment  to  our  country  and 
best  interests.  Besides,  every  manufacturing  village,  or  establish- 
ment erected  in  the  interior  of  our  country,  creates  a  home  mar- 
ket, and  steady  demand  for  a  degree  of  our  farmers'  produce  and 
supplies.  ,:    :,, 

Custom,  a,nd  fashion,  too  often  make  fools  and  slaves  of  man- 
kind. 

A  milliner,  mantua-maker,  or  tailor,  direct  from  the  metropo- 
lis or  legitimate  seat  of  custom  and  fashion,  wherever  it  may  be, 
often  attract  more  notice,  with  the  slaves  and  fools  of  fashion,  than 
people  of  the  most  true  and  exalted  worth. 

Customs  and  fashions  are  often  contrived  to  effeminate,  corrupt 


78  MONARCHY  IN  DISGUISE. 

and  degrade  the  human  constitution  and  character — like  so  many 
diseases  preying  upon  the  virtues  and  energies  of  the  body  and 
mind,  they  frequently  destroy,  even  a  sense  of  our  noblest  attri- 
butes and  acquirements. 

Fashions  and  customs,  like  monarchy,  have  generally  been  cal- 
culated, (though  artfully)  to  produce  unjust  and  pernicious  dis- 
tinctions among  mankind. 

Some  of  our  sturdy  and  independent  republicans,  who  could 
not  be  drove  an  inch,  if  they  could  only  be  mixed  and  moulded 
into  fashionable  life,  might  soon  be  led,  even  to  disarm  and  shackle 
themselves  ! 

Take  a  number  of  our  plain  country  boys  and  girls,  at  from  ten 
to  fifteen  years  of  age,  and  let  them  live  several  years  in  Paris  or 
London,  in  what  is  there  termed  fashionable  life,  and  quite  proba- 
bly they  would  feel  themselves  wedded  to  the  general  customs, 
habits  and  policy  of  monarchy.  Indeed,  the  republicanism  of 
many,  brought  up  in  our  own  cities,  consists  more  in  sounds  than 
of  substance.  Our  liberty,  indeed,  stands  on  a  more  firm  and  sure 
basis,  than  the  quicksands  of  a  numerous  and  corrupt  city  popula- 
tion— the  chief  bane,  hitherto,  of  European  liberty. 

The  COUNTRY  is  emphatically  the  home  of  true  virtue  and  lib- 
erty. Great  city  customs  and  fashions  have  but  a  slight  influence 
ihere,  and  that  generally  with  the  most  hypocritical,  or  frivolous 
and  vain  part  of  the  inhabitants. 

Any  nation  that  manufactures  and  furnishes  the  most  tasty  ar- 
ticles of  dress  and  furniture,  for  another,  and  dictates  their  edu- 
cation, fashions  and  refinement,  exercise  a  kind  of  sovereignty 
over  them,  and  generally  derive  a  considerable  tax  thereby. 

Our  dependence,  or  subordination  to  certain  parts  of  the  old 
world,  in  this  respect,  operates  greatly  in  their  favour.  Even  the 
fr^udices  t\idX  prevail  with  many  in  this  country,  in  favour  of  Eu- 
ropean manufactured  articles,  amounts  to  a  premium  of  several 
per  eent.  in  favour  of  foreigners,  and  against  mirsehes  ! 

When  the  Wethersfield  Chrass  Bonnet  was  brought  before  the 
American  public,  and  considerable  consequence  attached  to  the 
production,  as  a  source  of  our  future  independence  in  an  impor- 
tant article  of  female  dress  ;  aa  observing  andtiiiaking  person  re- 


THE  PRESS,  AND  ITS  ALLUREMENTS.  7? 

marked,  that  while  we  were  such  slaves  to  European  fashions,  our 
mistresses  there  would  only  have  to  change  the  fashion  of  the  chief 
material  for  bonnets,  to  some  particular  article  or  production  of 
their  own,  which  we  could  not  make  or  supply,  to  bring  us  again 
under  their  dominion,  in  that  particular  article  of  dress  ;  and  that 
they  would  be  pretty  sure  to  do  so,  as  soon  as  we  got  nigh  supply- 
ing ourselves  with  the  article. 

Custom  void  fashion  does  more,  in  general,  than  the  sword,  for 
the  support  of  privileged  orders  of  men.  . 

Kingcraft f  or  monarchy  in  disguise,  is  thus  carrying  on  a  most 
dangerous  and  destructive  warfare,  against  the  virtue,  republican- 
ism, independence  and  future  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the 
people  of  this  country. 


The  Press,  and  its  Allurements. 

When  the  art  of  printing  was  perfected,  by  the  invention  and 
introduction  of  moveable  types,  it  was  soon  perceived  that  it  might 
prove  a  powerful  means  for  extending  the  light  of  truth,  and  the 
cultivation  of  human  knowledge.  The  enemy — the  promoters  of 
darkness,  bigotry  and  corruption,  therefore,  seized  their  opportu- 
nity, and  hypocritically  imputed  the  invention  to  the  devil.  After 
this  foul  attack  had  failed  to  destroy  this  noble  invention,  they 
then,  craftily  deputed  a  devil  to  attend  the  press,  (commonly  cbI- 
led  printer's  devil,)  to  prevent  all  the  good,  and  to  do  all  the  mis- 
chief he  possibly  could,  with  the  types. 

Most  of  our  printers,  it  is  believed,  have  rejected  this  ancient 
tiend  of  their  profession  ;  but  some  still  seem  to  think  it  pretty  to 
play  the  devil  as  much  as  possible  with  the  press. 

In  a  free  country,  almost  any  blockhead,  or  knave — however 
incapable,  or  basely  inclined,  may  establish,  purchase,  or  other- 
ways  control  a  press,  and  become  a  public  instructor  and  guide, 
according  to  his  own  mind.  We  should,  therefore,  be  extremely 
thoughtful  of  whom  we  follow,  or  support  in  such  cases. 

In  derision  of  truth  and  human  improvement,  it  is  said  that  the 
press  will  labour  for  those  who  furnish  most  work,  and  pay  ;  and 


80  THE  PRESS,  AND  ITS  ALLUREMENTS. 

that,  consequently,  printers  generally  will  prefer  to  promote  coni" 
plicated  and  obscure  systems  of  education,  law,  religion,  history,  and 
general  science,  for  the  sake  of  increasing  their  own  business  and 
gains.  But,  if  the  people  are  wise,  and  thoughtful  on  this  sub- 
ject, printers  and  the  press  will  labor  most  for  the  general  good  of 
mankind. 

There  is  something,  however,  to  be  regarded  on  this  subject. 

Our  newspapers  have  an  immense  influence  and  power  in  giv- 
ing an  impulse,  direction  and  lead  to  public  opinion  and  actions — 
right  or  wrong ;  and  in  ultimately  forming  the  public  character 
and  governing  the  country.  But  they  are  not  well  calculated,  in 
general,  to  promote  the  best  good  of  the  people  or  community — 
to  aid  the  general  cause  of  truth,  justice,  virtue,  liberty  and  human 
improvement. 

Lawyers,  who  don't  constitute  more  than  a  five  hundredth  or 
thousandth  part  of  our  free  population — and  whose  gains  chiefly 
depend  on  the  ignorance^  toounds,  and  depravity  of  society,  have, 
it  is  believed,  more  influence  and  control  over  newspapers,  take 
them  generally  throughout  the  United  States,  than  all  the  rest  of 
our  inhabitants.  Those  concerned  in  commerce  and  trading, 
have  probably  the  next  weight  of  influence  with  our  newspaper 
conductors  in  general ;  next  priests,  and  doctors  ;  and  last  of  all 
professions,  comes  farmers  and  mechanics — although  they  consti- 
tute about  three  fourths  of  our  free  population,  and  are  by  far 
the  most  worthy,  and  important  members  of  this  republican  na- 
tion. 

The  policy  and  political  lead  of  our  lawyers,  and  others  of  the 
learned  professions,  (so  called ,)  interests  them,  peculiarly,  in  en- 
deavors to  control  the  press. 

The  advertising  custom  of  a  common  newspaper,  has  a  very 
dangerous,  and  often  an  extreme  weight  of  influence. 

A /e?r  political  adventurers— office  seekers,  and  office  retainers, 
and  advertising  customers,  often  have  more  influence  with  the 
conductor  of  a  newspaper,  than  his  far  more  numerous  subscribing 
and  reading  customers.  He  therefore  would  be  inclined  to  im- 
pose on  the  many,  to  benefit  the  few. 

Some  editors,  to  serve  advertising  customers  in  promoting  the 


THE  PRESS,  AND  ITS  ALLUREMENTS.  8i 

sale  of  articles  of  female  dress  and  show,  or  to  favor  a  worse  poli- 
cy or  purpose,  seem  to  take  every  opportunity  to  proclaim  the  as- 
semblage of  female  ^^  beauty  and  fashion^ ^ — ^just  as  if  women 
were  not  enough  inclined  to  dress  and  vanity,  without  this  public 
and  puffing  excitement ;  or  that  mere  dress  and  outside  show, 
were  any  evidence  of  female  worth  and  excellence. 

One  lottery  broker^  by  his  advertising,  printing,  puffing  and 
flourishing,  many  times  has  more  actual  weight  of  interest  with 
an  editor  and  proprietor  of  a  newspaper,  than  fifty  or  an  hundred 
farmers  and  mechanics.* 

Such  papers  or  conductors — instead  of  performing  their  duty 
to  their  numerous  subscribing  and  reading  customers,  by  exposing 

*  Here  let  me  remark,  that  nothing  can  be  more  false  and  infamous, 
than  to  represent  lotteries — ^in  order  to  promote  the  sale  of  tickets,  as 
the  "  road  to  fortune" — "  the  way  to  wealth  ;''  as  is  also  the  em- 
ployment of  numerous  other  puflSog  and  deceitful  accounts,  emblems  and 
allurements  in  common  use ;  when  every  man  of  good  common  sense 
and  information,  who  duly  calculates  their  ends,  must  know  that  lotte- 
ries generally  prove,  to  the  ignorant  and  deluded  purchasers  of  tickets, 

the  ROAD  TO  RUIN the  WAY  TO  POVERTY,    INTEMPERANCE  and  CRIMES. 

Our  public  servants,  who  have  been  duly  invested  with  authority  for 
the  express  purpose  of  making  and  enforcing  laws,  for  informing  and 
protecting  the  people  against  fraud  and  evil  excitements,  seem,  in  this 
case,  to  have  disregarded  their  duty,  and  the  common  good  ;  for  that  very 
class  of  people  who  mostly  depend  on  the  fostering  care  and  protection 
of  government,  are  thus  given  up  to  the  deceit  and  treachery  of  unprin- 
cipled and  designing  sharpers.  Some  think  the  wolves  and  vultures  of 
society,  have  got  the  chief  lead  ;  and  are  raising  game  for  their  future 
spoil  ! 

In  some  states,  they  have  enacted  laws,  professedly  against  the  intro- 
duction and  sale  of  foreign  lottery  tickets,  wherein  the  purchaser  as 
well  as  vendor,  are  made  liable  to  penalty.  Such  laws  no  doubt  were 
designed,  by  those  who  had  the  chief  hand  in  making  them,  to  defeat 
themselves.  The  vendor  is  the  evil  tempter,  who  should  be  punished  ; 
and  the  purchaser  should  be  liable,  if  necessary,  to  testify  to  the  fact  of 
selling. 

Rendering  a  necessary  and  useful  informer,  odious,  or  any  way  unne- 
cessarily jeopardizing  him,  is  a  branch  of  rogues  policy — adopted  to  de- 
ter men  from  employing  the  most  effectual  means  of  detecting  and 
bringing  to  justice,  criminal  and  other  offenders. 

11 


82  THE  PRESS,  AND  ITS  ALLUREMENTS. 

and  counteracting  deceptions  and  other  injurious  practices  and 
designs  on  the  common  people,  generally  study  to  serve  their  few 
intriguing  and  gambling  employers  ;  and  too  often  afford  them 
peculiar  and  powerful  aid  in  imposing  upon  the  public,  and  indi- 
viduals. 

IIow  then,  it  is  asked,  can  our  common  people  expect  to  derive 
any  considerable  benetit  from  newspapers,  in  their  present  condi- 
tion ? 

Besides,  and  with  all  our  boasted  freedom,  it  is  said,  our  press  is 
not  actually  so  free  as  that  of  Great  Britain — where  liberty  has 
only  one  hand  unbound  !. 

Our  knaves  and  little  tyrants,  hypocritically  study  to  entangle, 
intimidate  and  destroy  the  genuine  freedom  of  speech,  and  of  the 
press  \  and  often  derive  important  aid  in  their  designs  and  under- 
takings, by  using  the  laws  of  a  foreign  and  monarchical  country, 
and  our  own — either  or  both,  as  best  suits  their  purposes.  It  is 
indeed  a  solemn  fact,  that  as  yet,  but  little  has  been  done  for  the 
efficient  protection  and  security  of  the  freedom  of  speech,  and 
of  the  press.  Individuals  openly  combine,  and  employ  base  artifi- 
ces and  other  underhanded  and  dangerous  means,  to  prevent  the 
truth  from  being  told,  and  especially  when  calculated  to  expose 
their  base  policy  and  conduct. 

One  of  the  greatest  blessings  that  could  be  conferred  on  the 
good  people  of  this  country,  would  be  the  effectual  establishment 
and  PROTECTION,  of  the  genuine  freedom  of  speech,  and  of  the 
press — to  free  them  from  the  rubbish,  filth  and  excrescences  that 
now  clog  and  distemper  their  operations  ;  so  that  the  speaking, 
writing,  printing,  publishing,  and  circulating  to  the  public  at  large, 
reading  and  use  of  good  and  wholesome  matter,  at  least,  should 
not  be  entangled,  obstructed,  or  any  way  embarrassed,  with  impu- 
nity. If  this  was  once  effectually  done,  the  press  would  soon  ex- 
pel the  monsters  in  human  shape,  that  infest  and  deform  society — 
within  at  least,  this  republic. 

Is  there  indeed,  a  genuine,  independent,  able,  active  and  up- 
right republican  in  our  country— one  who  alike  disdains  the  ftatte^ 
ry^  harness,  coaxing  and  lash  of  political  sycophants  and  despots 
—one  who  abhors  the  idea  of  men's  becoming  mere  voting  ma- 


NEWSPAPERS.  S3 

tkines — but  who  boldly  and  actively  supports  the  cause  of  truth, 
virtue,  justice  and  human  liberty,  by  precept  and  example — en- 
couraging and  assisting  men  to  think  and  act  for  themselves ;  is 
there  such  a  man  in  this  country,  and  particulaaly  if  known,  or 
even  suspected  of  writing  for  the  press,  who  has  not  one  or  more 
spies  set  upon  him,  to  endeavour,  some  how  or  other,  to  ensnare 
him,  and  defeat  his  works  and  designs,  or  to  watch  and  report  his 
motions,  to  some  of  the  superintending  aristocracy  of  the  coun- 
try. 

Even  while  penning  this,  the  writer,  known  of  his  unyielding 
r-epublicanism,  and  suspected  of  his  designs,  is  surrounded  by 
spies — some  of  whom  are  professedly  personal  friends  !  watching 
eagerly  to  catch  any  thing  that  leaks  out,  or  otherways  appears  fa- 
vourable to  their  designs  and  purposes,  to  bear  the  same  to  their 
naaslers! 


ISewspapers. 

Newspapers,  properly  arranged  and  conducted,  are  eminently 
calculated  to  promote  the  general  progress  of  civilization  and  hu- 
man improvements,  and  are  of  vital  importance  to  an  enlightened 
and  free  people. 

Modern  newspapers,  afford  a  living  history  of  the  times,  replete 
with  every  useful  and  interesting  intelligence  of  the  season. — 
They  not  only  inform  us  of  the  interesting  events  of  our  own 
country,  but  contain  a  general  statement  of  the  most  important 
news  and  subjects  of  interest  throughout  the  world.  This  is  reg- 
ularly brought  to  our  doors,  and  in  the  most  cheap,  and  convenient 
form  and  manner,  for  our  immediate  use  and  entertainment. 

Newspapers  furnish  food  for  the  mind,  gathered  fresh  from  the 
fields  and  fountains  of  intelligence,  for  our  immediate  use ;  and 
being  given  in  small  quantities,  at  short  and  regular  periods,  we 
can  employ  our  leisure  moments,  without  interfering  with  hotirs 
of  business,  in  selecting,  digesting  and  committing  to  memory, 
the  contents  of  one  paper,  before  another  arrives.  Thus  the  mind 
receives  its  food  nigh  as  fresh  and  regular  as  the  body,  and  in  all 


84  iNEWSPAPERS. 

that  variety,  that  is  pleasing  to  the  taste,  and  healthy  and  substan- 
tial for  the  mind. 

Like  the  chief  arteries  and  veins  that  convey  the  fluids  of  vital 
and  animal  life,  to  invigorate  and  sustain  all  parts  of  the  human 
body  ;  so  newspapers,  for  the  most  part,  especially  where  the  free- 
dom of  the  press  is  not  intimidateH ,  cramped  or  obstructed,  are  the 
regular  and  chief  conductors,  of  moral,  political,  scientific  and 
miscellaneous  light  and  intelligence,  to  animate,  strengthen  and 
adorn  all  parts  of  the  lx)dy  politic. 

Newspapers  are  admirably  fitted  to  the  business,  learning,  ca- 
pacity, circumstances  and  situation  of  every  considerable  profes- 
sion and  class  of  men  in  society.  Something  may  generally  be 
found  intelligent,  interesting  and  useful  to  all. 

The  politician,  (and  in  this  country,  every  man  may  be  said  to 
be  a  politician,  in  a  certain  degree,)  eagerly  grasps  a  fresh  news- 
paper, to  read  the  news  of  the  day  or  week,  as  the  case  may  be, 
to  see  what  the  busy  world  are  about — how  the  overgrown  vices  of 
the  old  world  manage  to  keep  their  half  enslaved  subjects  in  awe, 
or  subjugation  to  their  will ;  how  civilization  progresses — what 
nation  or  people  have  dared  to  think  and  act  for  themselves^  and 
who  have  submitted  to  be  consigned  over,  or  to  descend  from  one 
legitimate  master  to  another,  and  to  be  burdened  and  drove  about 
like  cattle,  without  any  choice  or  direction  in  the  men  or  measures 
that  rule  them.  Perhaps  the  politician  may  utter  a  sigh,  for  those 
who  are  unable  to  emancipate  themselves,  and  a  flush  of  indigna- 
tion towards  their  oppressors,  and  glow  with  sympathetic  joy  with 
those  who  have  gained  a  degree  of  rational  light  and  liberty. — 
The  politician  takes  critical  notice  of  every  thing  that  concerns 
his  own  state  and  nation  :  he  reads  the  messages  of  executive 
officers ;  the  legislative  debates,  (when  short,  and  to  the  purpose,) 
votes,  and  measures  enacted  or  proposed,  for  the  public  concern  ; 
and  a  few  of  the  most  important  judicial  decisions.  He  notices 
the  transactions  of  public  servants  generally,  to  know  who  are 
"  honest,"  and  "  capable" — true  to  the  principles  of  our  republi- 
can creed,  and  able  and  faithful  in  the  discharge  of  their  official 
duties,  and  who  are  dishonest,  or  incapable.  The  substance  of 
these  matters  he  discusses  over  freely  with  his  neighbours  and  fel- 


NEWSPAPERS.  85 

low-men,  as  convenient  opportunities  occur  ;  and  finally  draws 
important  conclusions  to  enable  him  to  act  as  an  enlightened  and 
interested  member  of  the  community. 

Merchants  and  traders,  read  newspapers  with  great  interest  and 
attention,  to  learn  the  general  state  of  trade,  and  its  future  pros- 
pects— the  crops  and  supplies  of  domestic  and  foreign  commerce  ; 
prospects  of  war  or  peace  ;  new  regulations,  interruptions,  re- 
strictions or  encouragements,  offered  to  foreign  or  domestic  trade 
and  intercourse  ;  new  fashions,  prices,  supplies,  and  many  other 
things  that  concern  the  fluctuations  and  fortunes  of  their  present 
and  future  business  and  gains. 

Mechanics  and  manufacturers,  derive  much  useful  and  impor- 
tant information  from  newspaper  intelligence,  relative  to  improve- 
ments in  their  respective  arts,  operations,  or  branches  of  business  ; 
public  discussions  and  measures,  friendly  or  unfriendly  to  the  pro- 
tection and  future  encouragement  of  staple  productions  of  domes- 
tic industry,  against  ruinous  foreign  competition  ;  besides  a  gen- 
eral knowledge  of  the  new  fashions,  demands,  prices,  and  sup- 
plies, together  with  a  variety  of  other  intelligence  that  directly  or 
indirectly  interests  their  particular  trades  or  branches  of  business. 

Farmers,  although  perhaps  generally  the  least  inclined  to  read 
newspapers,  for  any  thing  particularly  interesting  to  their  profes- 
sion, yet  they  have  the  most  important  interest  in  the  matter  of 
their  general  contents,  of  any  considerable  branch  or  concern  of 
the  community.  Besides  the  numerous  newspaper  accounts  rela- 
ting to  agricultural  and  domestic  improvements,  and  their  con- 
sequences ;  the  fluctuations  and  fortunes  of  the  sasons,  crops,  or 
particular  articles,  arising  from  specified  causes  ;  the  general  cir- 
cumstances and  conditions  of  the  country,  concern  farmers  far 
more  than  any,  and  perhaps  all  other  professions  together.  And 
yet,  farmers  appear  to  have  the  least  actual  influence  with  the  pub- 
lishers of  newspapers,  of  any  considerable  profession  of  men  in 
society  ;  and  chiefly,  it  is  probable,  because  they  have  the  least 
advertising,  and  political  intrigue  and  juggling,  in  proportion  to 
their  numbers. 

For  this  reason,  and  on  account  of  a  different  interest  and  poli- 
cy, it  has  been  concluded,  that  it  would  be  unsafe  for  the  farmers 


86  NEWSPAPERS. 

and  people  of  the  country  and  small  towns  generally,  to  rely  upon 
the  newspapers  and  leading  politicians  of  large  cities  and  towns, 
for  a  lead  in  politics,  and  examples  of  dress,  and  other  customs. 

Emigrants  and  travellers,  regard  a  fresh  newspaper  from  home, 
or  the  place  of  their  nativity,  or  former  residence,  as  an  interest- 
ing intelligencer,  from  which  they  may  learn  the  most  important 
events  of  the  place  and  its  vicinity — the  deaths,  marriages,  and 
extraordinary  births  ;  most  of  the  appointments,  and  c?/sappoint- 
ments,  to  office  ;  the  commencement  of  new  firms,  establishments 
Or  undertakings,  and  the  dissolution  or  alteration  of  old  ones ;  the 
most  considerable  accidents  that  hai)pen  from  fire,  flood,  tornado, 
pestilence,  or  other  natural  causes  ;  robbery,  murder,  and  the  like 
acts  of  human  libertines  and  monsters  ;  accounts  of  individuals 
evincing  extraordinary  virtue,  genius,  or  human  excellence  ;  spe- 
cial causes  of  public  mourning,  or  rejoicing.  In  fine,  almost  eve- 
ry thing  indicating  a  rare  occurrence,  or  any  considerable  degree 
of  good  or  had  fortune,  to  the  place,  or  its  individual  inhabitants. 

The  general  progrcvss  of  Christianity,  and  emancipation  from 
human  despotism  and  bondage,  which  are  often  moved  and  great- 
ly facilitated  by  newspaper  accounts,  and  their  original  produc- 
tions, excite  the  gratitude  and  expanded  sympathy  and  benevo- 
lence of  the  christian  and  philanthropist. 

Statesmen  surrey  most  of  the  convulsions  and  speculations  of 
the  political  world,  through  the  columns  of  newspapers,  and  draw 
many  of  their  most  valuable  conclusions  on  political  science,  from 
the  progress  and  result  of  general  experience.  ^ 

The  philosopher,  regards  newspapers  as  a  kind  of  public  mir- 
ror^ wherein  he  can  review,  in  calm  and  deliberate  retirement,  ma- 
ny of  the  follies  and  fortunes  of  mankind ;  note  the  "  march  of 
mind,''  advancing,  or  halting,*  as  truth  and  reason  are  obscured, 
or  overawed,  or  as  mankind  have  ceased  to  be  afraid  of  them' 
selves. 

The  anxious  mariner,  learns  from  newspapers,  many  of  the  tides, 
tornadoes,  pestilences,   and  piracies,   that  await  and  concern  his 

*  The  march  of  mind  seldom  retreats;  for  when  men  have  once  gt)t  in- 
formatioD,  they  generally  retaia  it  while  their  senses  eSkisi. 


NEWSPAPERS.  87 

profession,  and  the  fate  of  many  a  roving  companion,  in  different 
parts  of  the  world. 

The  lovers  of  song  or  poetry,  frequently  have  their  senses  rega- 
led with  a  posey^  selected  or  fresh  blown,  from  the  garden  of  the 
muses. 

Newspapers  furnish  accounts  of  the  new  and  useful  discoveries 
and  improvements,  that  are  perpetually  augmenting  the  general 
comforts  and  conveniences  of  life. 

The  moral,  political,  scientific,  and  other  subjects  discussed  in 
newspapers,  by  judicious  selections,  and  original  productions,  are 
often  highly  interesting  and  instructive. 

That  endless  variety  and  succession  of  new  and  interesting 
matter  usually  conveyed  in  well  regulated  and  judiciously  con- 
ducted newspapers,  never  cloys  the  mind ;  but  generally  increas- 
es a  taste  and  appetite  for  reading  and^cweraZ  science,  and  ultimate- 
ly supplies  the  place  of  more  expensive,  idle  and  vitiating  amuse- 
ments. 

A  person  who  continues  to  read  well  conducted  newspapers  for 
a  considerable  length  of  time,  and  judiciously  reflects  on  the  mat- 
ter and  subjects  of  their  contents,  must  naturally  possess  a  tolera- 
ble share  of  information. 

I  hardly  know  what  would  induce  me  to  be  deprived  of  my 
newspapers.     I  might  almost  as  well  be  cut  short  of  my  bread. 

But  all  newspapers  are  not  of  the  character  and  description  I 
Would  approve. 

Some  perhaps  might  be  properly  considered  as  the  designing 
advocates  of  office  hunters,  or  instruments  of  men  in  power,  and 
others  migt  often  be  rated  as  the  criers  and  hell-men  of  speculators 
and  sharpers.  Such  papers  generally  strive  to  give  the  fairest  side 
of  their  own  case,  and  the  foulest  side  of  their  adversaries,  and 
oihtX'Ways  (I  wont  say  wise)  employ  deceptive  artifice  to  disguise 
the  principal  objects  of  their  intention.  They  are  seldom  candid 
and  faithful  to  the  people  ;  who  generally  want  to  know  the  truth 
-^th6  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the  truth. 

We  should  never  accustom  ourselves  to  read  or  hear  only  one 
side,  or  trust  our  opinions  to  a  mere  party  statement,  more  espe- 


«8  PUBLIC  SENTINEL. 

cially  on  any  subject  of  importance,  for  fear  of  being  deceived,  and 
ultimately  wronged,  or  rendered  ridiculous. 

I  have  generally  made  it  a  rule,  on  all  party  subjects,  to  read 
about  an  equal  quantity  of  matter  from  both — to  hear  both  sides, 
fairly,  before  I  drew  any  positive  conclusions,  on  subjects  of  any 
considerable  magnitude,  in  regard  to  either.  This,  I  think,  is  a 
necessary  and  fair  rule. 

Newspapers  have  an  immense  power  and  influence,  in  enlight- 
ening and  protecting  the  common  people,  or  in  deceiving  and  rob- 
bing them,  just  as  their  managers  are  inclined.  We  should  be  on 
our  guard,  and  endeavour  to  perceive  whom  they  are  endeavouring 
to  serve,  the  many,  or  the  few  at  the  expense  and  injury  of  the 
many. 


Public  Sentinel. 

The  general  character,  qualifications  and  importance,  of  an 
able  and  faithful  public  sentinel,  does  not  appear  to  be  sufficient- 
ly understood  and  regarded. 

In  the  first  place,  a  public  sentinel,  should  be,  a  man  of  first 
rate  talents,  possessed  of  considerable  experience,  and  a  good 
stock  of  general  information — of  unquestionable  honesty,  and  at- 
tachment to  the  principles  of  moral  and  political  justice— endow- 
ed with  an  active,  penetrating,  capacious,  retentive  and  independ- 
ent mind,  never  to  be  bought  with  an  office  or  other  bribe,  nor  to 
be  intimidated  or  terrified  out  of  his  duty,  but  always  attentive  and 
steady  to  his  purposes,  the  public  good,  the  present  and  future 
prosperity  and  glory  of  mankind.  Stationed,  as  it  were,  upon  an 
eminence  far  above  the  common  level,  diligently  watching  and 
surveying  all  around  him,  beginning  at  his  own  immediate  vicini- 
ty and  extending  his  views  as  time  and  opportunity  indulge,  warn- 
ing his  patrons,  in  particular,  and  the  public  in  general,  of  the 
treachery,  negligence,  or  inability  of  their  public  servants,  and  of 
other  dangers  and  encroachments  upon  their  common  rights  and 
liberties. 

A  faithful  public  sentinel,  should  especially  examine  and  report 


PUBLIC  SENTINEL.  89 

with  freedom  and  candor,  the  general  character,  qualifications, 
and  fitness  of  men  offered  for  public  services  of  considerable  trust 
and  importance.  He  should  test  the  generdA  principles  and  sound- 
ness of  public  measures,  and  the  policy  and  conduct  of  public 
servants.  As  time  and  opportunity  would  justify  and  indulge,  he 
should  endeavour  to  illustrate  the  true  sources  of  public  enter- 
prise, wealth,  prosperity  and  glory. 

In  short,  the  duties  of  a  public  sentinel  are  immense,  and  de- 
servedly rate  those  who  perform  the  task  with  ability  and  fidelity 
to  the  public  good,  among  the  most  worthy  friends  and  promoters 
of  common  justice  and  humanity.  There  are  but  few  if  any  ser- 
vices rendered  to  society,  of  comparative  merit  and  importance. 

There  is  a  most  important  and  indispensible  duti/,  which  every 
true  and  consistent  friend  of  justice  and  humanity,  owes  to  him- 
self and  society,  in  such  cases  ;  and  which  mainly  consists  in  re- 
warding, liberally,  and  punctually ^  those  who  perform  the  duties 
of  faithful  public  sentinels,  and  in  supporting  them  promptly  and 
manfully  in  the  performance  of  their  duties.  Indeed,  men  who 
conduct  so  stupidly,  or  basely,  as  to  neglect,  or  rob,  those  who 
faithfully  investigate  and  promote  the  public  good,  (especially 
those  brave  and  indefatigable  men  who  constantly  expose  them- 
selves to  the  enemy,  as  it  were,  upon  the  very  pinnacle  of  public 
danger,)  ought  to  be  deprived  of  their  liberty — at  least  until  they 
return  to  a  proper  sense  of  their  duty. 

But  I  fear  there  will  be  but  few  such  sentinels  found  mounted 
upon  the  high  ramparts  of  the  republic — hardly  enough  to  be 
within  hail  of  each  other. 

The  editor  or  conductor  of  a  common  public  newspaper,  is  not 
entitled  to  the  name  of  a  public  sentinel,  in  the  way  I  estimate 
them.  Some  papers  are  chiefly  the  repeaters  or  echoes  of  what 
others  have  wrote  or  sounded — although  they  often  contain  judi- 
cious selections  of  matter,  and  are  useful  vehicles  of  public  intel- 
ligence ;  and  most  of  those  who  devote  the  chief  part  of  their 
time  and  attention  to  select,  write  and  arrange  matter  for  their  pa- 
pers, are  not  deserving  of  the  name  of  public  sentinels,  in  the 
sense  I  view  them,  A  public  sentinel,  or  rather  a  republican  sen' 
^inel,  stands  on  an  eminence  as  much  above  the  editor  or  conduct- 

12 


90  PUBLIC  SENTINELS. 

or  of  a  common  uewspaper,  in  point  of  honor,  respectability  and 
importance  to  the  community,  as  the  chief  magistrate  is  above 
the  lowest  public  servant. 

The  conductors  of  our  newspapers  and  other  publications,  are 
too  often  the  slaves  of  some  narrow  prejudices,  or  crooked  policy, 
or  the  mere  creatures  and  tools  of  office  hunters,  or  men  in  power. 

Some  editors  are  blustering  and  struggling  to  puff  or  juggle 
themselves  into  office  ; — perhaps  the  last  resort  of  some  young,  or 
hopeless  ^c«i/b^^cr,  who  had  hardly  learned  to  go  alone,  or  who 
had  not  talents  or  weight  of  character,  sufficient  to  get  a  living  by 
the  wits  and  extraordinary  indulgences  of  his  profession.  Such 
characters  sometimes  set  themselves  up  as  public  guides — as  arbi- 
ters of  human  destiny — a  sort  of  political  wizards^  who  profess  to 
know  the  peoples'  thoughts — who  they  prefer  for  office,  and  who 
not,  better  in  fact  than  the  people  themselves  ! 

Any  person,  however  deficient  in  qualifications,  or  evilly  dispo- 
sed, may,  in  this  country,  establish  and  conduct  a  newspaper,  or 
other  publication,  and  act  professionally  as  public  guide  and  in- 
structor. 

There  are  indeed  many  such  characters  already  engaged  in  our 
country,  who  appear  studiously  intent  on  deceiving  the  people — 
labouring,  ultimately  to  mislead  the  public  inquiries,  and  the  in- 
genuity, enterprise  and  energies  of  our  citizens,  in  almost  every 
thing  that  concerns  our  present  and  future  independence,  pros- 
perity, happiness  and  true  glory. 

Some  at  least  of  those  individuals,  and  their  efforts  and  designs, 
deserve  marking. 

A  public  editor  may  be  a  public  impostor. 

Sometimes  our  newspaper  establishments  are  secretly  owned  and 
conducted,  or  some  how  controlled  by  one  or  a  number  of  indi- 
viduals for  the  purpose  of  advocating  and  managing  in  disguise, 
their  own  private  interests  and  designs.  Such  papers  or  publica- 
tions are  frequently  given  away,  or  furnished  without  any  hopes  or 
prospects  of  direct  pay,  to  a  certain  description  of  ignorant  or  un- 
suspicious readers,  for  the  purpose  of  influencing  and  managing 
them  for  the  benefit  of  the  individuals  concerned. 

I  could  here  state  a  number  of  curious  facts  in  regard  to  such 
transactions,  if  it  were  not  too  minute  and  personal  for  the  gene- 


PUBLIC  SENTINEL.  9! 

ral  purposes  of  my  remarks.  I  should  hardly  believe,  however,  that 
the  readers  of  such  papers  or  publications,  generally,  if  they  knew 
their  character  and  designs,  and  reflected  on  the  consequences, 
would  consent  to  be  thus  stuffed  and  tutored  for  the  use  and  con- 
venience of  hypocrites  and  jugglers  behind  a  screen.  Indeed,  I 
should  be  ashamed  to  be  seen  in  possession  of  such  a  paper  or 
publication,  for  fear  of  being  considered  one  of  the  fools  or  pup- 
pets of  the  concern.  I  should  much  rather  choose  my  own  books, 
papers  and  publications,  and  pay  for  them,  like  a  free  man. 

It  is  totally  inconsistent  with  the  character  of  a  virtuous,  en- 
lightened and  free  people,  to  entrust  their  dearest  rights  and  con- 
cerns, to  the  chief  management  and  control  of  men,  whose  very 
professions  often  interest  them  in  involving  every  moral  and  politi- 
cal truth  in  mystery  and  uncertainty ^  in  order  to  increase  and  pro- 
long their  own  private  iafluence  and  gains. 

When  a  man  acts  professionally  as  a  public  sentinel,  he  is  hon- 
orably bound  to  be  true  and  faithful  to  the  general  interests  and 
concerns  of  his  patrons,  and  cannot  abandon  or  betray  his  trust 
on  slight  grounds.  Neither  can  he  assume  to  himself  the  airs  of 
a  dictator :  although  \\e  may  rightfully  express  his  own  views  and 
opinions,  on  subjects  of  public  interest  and  concern,  with  freedom 
and  candor,  as  such.  But  his  publication  should  endeavor  to  con- 
vey the  concentrated  sentiments  and  opinions  of  the  people,  and 
be  mainly  their  organ  and  public  guide. 

Every  editor  of  a  public  print,  should  keep  the  confidence  of  his 
correspondents,  for  all  justifiable  and  honorable  purposes,  with  the 
most  inviolable  secrecy  and  caution.  Unless  this  part  of  his  duty 
is  complied  with,  an  editor  is  not  worthy  of  his  station. 

A  public  sentinel  should  find  his  account  for  his  labors,  in  the 
amount  received  for  his  paper.  If  a  publication  will  not  thus  sup- 
port itself  f  it  ought  to  be  abandoned. 

When  a  public  sentinel  becomes  an  office  seeker ^  he  forfeits  the 
public  confidence  in  his  candor  and  independence  ;  and  generally 
becomes  a  flatterer  of  the  vanities,  and  concealer  of  the  errors  of 
the  popular  mass,  in  order  to  gain  a  momentary  triumph  ovei^  them 
— instead   of  enlightening  the  people    truly,    and  warning  tlierh 


^i>  PUBLIC  SENTINEL. 

against  hypocrites  and  public  impostors,  as  a  faithful  public  sen- 

TINEL. 

A  man  who  will  compromise  his  principles  for  an  office,  is  al- 
ways ready  for  a  bribe. 

Discussions  of  the  principles  and  measures  of  government ;  the 
morals  of  society  :  and  every  thing,  in  fine,  that  concerns  the  pub- 
lic in  general,  should  be  conducted  with  a  degree  of  independ- 
ence, candor  and  fairness,  becoming  the  dignity  and  importance 
of  the  general  concern.  Indeed,  no  man  should  ever,  with  impu- 
nity, be  permitted  to  trifle  with  the  public.  The  majesty  op  a 
MILLION  OF  SOVEREIGN  PEOPLE,  should  Command  at  least  as  much 
respect  as  that  phantom  of  human  greatness,  commonly  called  a 
king,  emperor,  or  sovereign  prince. 

Many  of  our  editors  and  publishers  are  so  miserably  poor  and 
dependant,  in  their  pecuniary  circumstances  and  supplies,  as  to  be 
unable  to  act  with  any  degree  of  firmness,  candor  and  ability  be- 
coming a  PUBLIC  SENTINEL. 

In  order  to  enable  a  public  sentinel  to  act  with  necessary  inde- 
pendence and  steadiness  of  purpose,  his  pay  should  be  somehow 
secured  to  him,  and  not  left  dependant  on  the  carelessness,  extreme 
poverty  or  knavery  of  whoever  might  apply  for  the  publication. 
Perhaps  a  subscription  scattered  throughout  a  state,  or  nation, 
that  would  hardly  pay  for  insurance  and  collection,  is  left  for  his 
reward,  in  the  common  way. 

Every  honest  and  prudent  man,  who  duly  considers  the  subject, 
and  calculates  the  advantages  secured  to  himself,  and  to  the  com- 
munity, by  the  practice,  would  certainly  prefer  paying  in  advance, 
in  such  cases — and  especially  when  there  was  ample  responsibility 
pledged,  (as  there  always  should  be,)  for  the  faithful  performance, 
on  the  part  of  the  publisher,  or  a  prompt  return  of  the  funds. 
Only  the  difference  that  might  be  afforded  in  the  price  of  a  paper 
or  publication  of  the  kind,  would  make  a  saving  of  importance, 
to  all  who  ever  calculate  io pay. 

The  editors  and  publishers  of  our  newspapers  and  other  publi- 
cations, have  an  immense  power  and  influence  in  forming  and 
regulating  our  moral  and  political  principles,  habits,  and  general 
character.     We  should  therefore  always  be  extremely  thoughtful 


EDUCATION  AND  INSTRUCTION  OF  THE  PEOPLE.    93 

of  whom  we  patronize  and  encourage  in  such  undertakings — see 
that  we  are  not  in  fact  practising  treason  against  society,  by  afford- 
ing aid  and  comfort  to  the  emwy  of  truth,  and  human  prosperity. 

If  the  people  of  the  United  States  will  duly  encourage  and  sup- 
port, those  who  ably  and  faithfully  investigate,  point  out  and  vin- 
dicate the  public  good — whatever  concerns  the  general  peace,  se- 
curity, intelligence,  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  community, 
our  future  task  will  be  easy,  and  the  burden  light.  One  man  may 
display  the  light  of  his  knowledge  and  discernment,  for  the  bene- 
fit of  thousands  and  millions. 

There  is  a  mutual  obligation  between  a  public  sentinel  and  his 
patrons,  which  ought  never  to  be.  lost  sight  of — He  is  in  duty 
bound  to  serve  them,  as  a  faithful  public  sentinel — to  spy  out  the 
enemy  at  a  distance,  and  give  the  necessary  alarm  or  information 
— to  dart  his  eagle  eyes  over  their  extensive  and  numerous  public 
concerns,  while  they  are  busily  engaged  with  their  daily  labours 
and  private  cares,  and  warn  them  of  the  existence,  or  approach  of, 
public  evils  :  and  they  are  not  only  bound  to  7'ewardhimy  punctu- 
ally and  honorably,  but  to  support  him,  promptly  and  manfully,  in 
the  performance  of  his  duty.  And  last  of  all,  to  honour  him  as  a 
public  benefactor,  if  he  finally  proves  to  deserve  the  gratitude  of 
his  fellow-beings. 


Education  and  Instruction  of  the  People. 

Among  the  immense  mass  of  literary  and  other  matter  that  cir- 
culates in  this  country,  in  the  form  of  books,  magazines,  &c.  there 
is  scarcely  one  thousandth  part  that  is  well  calculated  to  improve 
the  education,  intelligence  and  actual  condition  of  the  people. 

Some  think  our  college  learned  men,  (who  generally  contrive  to 
control,  directly  and  indirectly,  most  of  the  sources  of  education 
and  learning,)  do  not  desire  to  have  the  people  better  or  more 
suitably  educated  and  instructed,  lest  they  should  no  longer  be 
able  to  had  and  drive  them  :  others  impute  the  evil,  in  a  great 
measure,  to  the  want  of  adequate  and  efl[icient  protection  to  the 
rights  of  American  authors  of  useful  books  and  publications — 


94  A  FEW  WORDS  OF  ADVICE 

that,  as  our  laws  concerning  copy  rights,  are  now  miserably  defec- 
tive, trifled  with  and  evaded,  no  prudent  man  would  hazard  any 
considerable  labour  and  expense  on  an  original  work  or  publica- 
tion— however  valuable,  and  however  much  they  are  needed  by 
the  people. 

It  is  certainly  feared  that  many,  if  not  most  of  those  who  have 
the  chief  hand  in  making  and  administering  our  national  laws, 
from  habit,  inclination,  interest  and  policy,  feel  opposed  to  the 
genuine  republicanism  of  our  country— and  that  they  finally  study 
to  promote  the  interests  of  the/etr,  to  the  neglect,  embarrassment 
and  injury  of  the  many. 

This  is  a  serious  matter,  and  loudly  demands  the  attention  of 
every  true  and  consistent  republican  of  our  country.  It  is  indeed 
affirmed  as  the  solemn  conviction  of  some,  that  in  many  of  our 
cities,  towns  and  other  considerable  districts  of  country,  a  major- 
ity of  the  inhabitants,  and  altogether  the  most  productive,  efficient 
and  worthy  members  of  society,  have  but  little  more  political  influ- 
ence, than  so  many  cattle  or  machines ;  that  lawyers^  and  a  few 
of  their  particular  interest,  policy,  feelings  and  designs,  claim  and 
exercise  the  chief  rule — a  kind  of  political — inquisitorial — 

SOVEREIGNTY. 

If  the  people  had  a  proper  and  sufficient  republican  education, 
and  were  suitably  instructed  on  their  several  interests  and  public 
concerns,  these  things  would  soon  be  altered,  and  the  wolves  and 
vultures  of  society,  would  no  longer  be  able  to  rule,  and  to  prey 
upon  the  industry,  virtue  and  best  interests  of  the  community  ; 
but  the  general  good  would  be  studiously  sought  for,  and  substan- 
tially promoted — virtue,  industry  and  public  usefulness  would  be 
protected,  encouraged,  and  truly  honoured,  and  indolence  and 
treachery  punished,  discouraged  and  finally  put  down. 


A  few  words  of  Advice  to  Freemen  and  Republican  Electors. 

It  is  not  necessary,  or  expedient,  in  general,  to   have  many 
words  with  those  who  have  forfeited  our  trust  and  confidence  as 


TO  FREEMEN  AND  REPUBLICAN  ELECTORS.         95 

imhlic  servants  J  by  violating  the  proper  business  of  their  appoint- 
ment, or  any  way  betraying,  or  trifling  with,  the  public  concern — 
until  at  least  some  efficient  method  of  bringing  them  t^o  justice, 
like  other  offenders,  shall  have  been  effected. 

To  be  true  to  ourselves,  and  act  as  intelligent,  interested  and 
consistent  members  of  the  community,  we  should  always  endeav- 
our to  select  for  public  servants,  those  whom  we  know  to  be  honest, 
and  capable y  and  devoted  to  the  general  ^n*«c?p/c5  of  human  rights 
and  improvement  ;  and  particularly  those  who  participate  in  the 
common  interests  and  welfare  of  society.  We  certainly  never 
should  entrust  with  the  public  authority  and  concern,  those  who, 
professionally  or  otherways  subsist  or  enrich  themselves  upon  the 
spoils  of  human  virtue,  industry  and  merit — ^the  very  wolves  and 
vultures  of  society  ! 

It  may  have  been  very  readily  foreseen,  that  unprincipled  and 
designing  men,  generally,  whether  professionally  or  otherways  in- 
terested against  the  peoples'  best  good — seeing  their  craft  detected 
and  their  policy  and  influence  declining,  would  endeavour  to  pro- 
mote to  office  and  popularity,  their  particular  friends,  or  depend- 
ents, and  those  who  were  secretly  or  otherways  interested,  or 
pledged  to  the  support  of  their  views — that  they  may  thus  rule  in 
disguise,  until  some  turn  or  circumstance  might  bring  them  back 
again  into  open  and  undisguised  authority.  It  would  also  be  fair 
to  presume,  that  those  of  this  craft  and  policy,  would  conspire, 
with  every  little  artifice  and  cunning  in  their  power,  secretly  or 
openly  to  hinder  the  popularity  and  elevation  of  men  who  are 
known  to  be  opposed  to  their  conduct  and  policy.  Nothing  is 
more  probable  than,  that  unprincipled  and  designing  lawyers,  and 
their  confederates  in  interest  and  policy,  with  their  spies,  tale-bear^ 
ers,  false  witnesses  and  undertakers,  will  labor  to  hunt  down  the 
actual  and  best  friends  of  the  people.  Indeed,  the  warfare  has 
long  been  going  on,  and  in  many  instances  with  an  effrontery  and 
appearance  of  design,  too  glaring  and  detestable  to  be  doubted  or 
neglected,  a  moment  longer. 

To  govern,  and  not  be  governed,  is  the  common  trade,  interest 
and  policy,  of  unprincipled  and  aspiring  individuals,  and  combi- 
nations of  men — whether  as  lawyers,  priests,  aristocracies,  or  those 


9b  A  FEW  WORDS  OF  ADVICE 

trained  up  as  sovereign  princes — although  they  exercise  different 
powers,  and  contend  for  different  privileges. 

The  members  of  our  national  legislature — representatives  in 
congress,  are  one,  to  forty  or  fifty  thousand  inhabitants,  and  gen- 
erally differ  widely  from  the  common  people,  in  their  circumstan- 
ces, interests  and  feelings  ;  and  consequently,  they  seldom  truly 
represent  the  people.  Some,  busy  themselves  while  in  office,  in 
seeking  undue  privileges  and  advantages  for  themselves,  families, 
friends,  dependents,  or  confederates  in  policy,  over  their  constitu- 
ents and  fellow-men.  Our  United  States  senators,  exist  upon  a  far 
more  aristocratic  scale,  as  to  numbers,  being  one  from  about  forty 
thousand,  to  upwards  of  eight  hundred  thousand! 

The  representatives  in  our  state  legislatures,  including  the  sen- 
ates or  upper  houses,  are  probably  one  to,  from  five  hundred,  to  one 
hundred  and  ninety  thousand  inhabitants  !  and  are  proportion  ably 
subject  to  the  same  inequality  of  general  circumstances,  interests 
and 'feelings. 

Send  one  of  our  plain  substantial  citizens  to  congress,  or  to 
some  of  our  state  legislatures,  a  few  years,  and  quite  likely  he 
would  contract  a  kind  of  hankering  after  higher  power,  and  more 
perquisites  and  privileges  of  office.  These  matters  we  should  al- 
ways bear  in  mind,  when  delegating  authority,  and  when  review- 
ing the  conduct  of  public  servants. 

Our  town  or  freemen's  meetings — where  the  people  meet  and 
act  for  themselves  y  are  by  far  the  most  important  sources  of  public 
expression,  intelligence  and  authority.  And  here  we  might  act 
much  more  intelligently,  extensively  and  effectually,  than  we  now 
do,  for  our  general  good,  if  the  public  business  and  proceedings 
were  properly  systemized^  arranged,  understood^  and  prepared  for, 
in  season. 

If  the  public  business  was  properly  prepared  for,  and  seasona- 
bly made  known,  discussed  or  understood,  so  as  to  enable  the  free- 
men or  electors  to  come  forward  duly  prepared  to  act,  in  cases 
that  required  their  attention  and  decision,  one  day's  meeting  in  a 
year  might  generally  be  sufficient  for  all  common  purposes.  This 
would  render  town  meetings,  or  primary  assemblages  of  the  peo- 
ple, freemen  or  electors,  sufficiently  interesting  and  important  to 
gain  their  prompt  and  general  attention. 


TO  FREEMEN  AND  REPUBLICAN  ELECTORS.         97 

We  should  never  delegate  authority  to  others,  which  we  can 
conveniently  and  effectually  perform  ourselves.  As  every  unne- 
cessary or  injudicious  relinquishment  of  authority,  has  a  general 
tendency  to  diminish  the  liberty,  influence  and  power,  of  those 
who  give  it,  and  to  increase  the  power  and  influence  of  those  who 
receive  it. 

The  people  are  the  true,  just  and  only  sovereigns  of  this  coun- 
try, to  whom  all  public  power  and  authority,  of  right  belongs  ; 
and  who  always  have  a  right  to  make,  alter,  or  amend  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land — our  public  constitutions  ;  and  without  ever  ob- 
taining leave  or  permission  of  public  servants  ! 

In  strict  republican  justice,  every  good  and  eflicient  citizen — 
after  they  have  come  of  age,  or  arrived  at  common  manhood,  and 
while  they  contribute  specifically  and  essentially  to  the  support 
and  defence  of  the  country,  are  entitled  to  a  voice  in  the  public 
concerns,  as  good,  intelligent  and  interested  members  of  the  com- 
munity, or  great  family  concern. 

Interest^  and  not  principle,  chiefly  govern  and  control  the  ac- 
tions of  those  who  rule  mankind. 

The  French  revolution  soon  produced  a  more  powerful  monarchy 
and  aristocracy,  than  the  one  it  had  upset ;  and  which  was  chief- 
ly owing  to  the  lack  of  honesty  in  the  leaders. 

An  unusual  share  of  hypocrisy  and  impudence^  seems  to  be  the 
leading  points  of  character,  of  many  who  are  studiously  pushing 
themselves  forward,  in  our  time  and  country,  by  nominating  and 
electioneering  machinery  ;  and  generally  with  a  design  and  intent 
to  rule,  as  far  as  possible,  appointments  to  inferior  offices,  so  as  to 
extend  their  influence  and  control. 

We  see  leaders,  here  among  us,  professedly  devoted  to  the  com- 
mon interests  and  best  good  of  the  people,  turning  out  one  set  of 
men  in  power,  pretendedly  to  correct  their  errors  and  abuses  of 
public  confidence  and  authority,  but  really  to  obtain  their  places  and 
practice  essentially  the  same,  or  worse,  under  some  hypocritical 
difference,  or  quibbling  pretence. 

It  should  be  remarked,  and  constantly  bore  in  mind — as  a 
branch  of  human  policy  and  cunning ;  that,  soon  after  our  politi- 
cal revolution  of  '98,  had  been  established,  many  of  the  most  de- 

13 


90  VIRTUOUS  AND  WISE  POLICY,    No.  !. 

termined  and  influential  democrats,  were  courted — urged  to  send 
their  sons  to  college ;  have  them  enter  into  the  study  and  practice 
of  law ;  engage  or  become  interested  in  foreign  commerce  and 
trade,  and  otherways  wed  and  tie  themselves  and  families  to  the 
habits,  interests  and  ultimate  policy  of  the  old  aristocracy  of  the 
country ! 

A  similar  courtship  was  commenced  soon  after  the  termination 
of  the  revolutionary,  and  late  war ! 

We  should  denounce,  and  indignantly  dismiss  from  office,  sup- 
port and  encouragement,  whoever  attempts  to  deceive  the  people, 
or  any  way  violate,  or  trifle  with,  the  public  interest  and  concern. 
The  majesty  of  a  million  of  freemen,  ought  not  to  be  trifled  with. 

If  the  freemen  of  the  United  States,  will  only  be  thoughtful  of 
what  papers  or  publications  they  read,  encourage  and  support,  and 
be  careful  how  they  vote,  their  actual  and  best  good  may  be  soon 
accomplished,  and  at  the  cheapest  and  best  rate. 

Come  to  the  resolution,  at  once,  that  you  will  not  support,  nor 
encourage,  those  who  do  not  conduct  themselves  faithfully  to 
the  general  and  best  good  of  the  people,  and  the  work  is  done. 


Virtuous  and  Wise  Policy.    No.  1. 

To  prevent  the  origin  of  natural,  moral,  and  political  evil,  is  far 
more  important  than  to  devise  remedies. 

To  avoid  the  infirmities  and  diseases  that  are  inclined  to  afllict 
the  human  body,  by  well  timed  and  appropriate  precautions,  is 
better  than  to  neglect  their  origin  and  rely  upon  remedies  or  means 
of  cure. 

To  prevent  the  commission  of  criminal  and  other  offences 
against  the  Iiws  and  good  of  society,  by  a  seasonable  and  judi- 
cious education,  and  means  of  restraint,  is  of  much  greater  im- 
portance, both  in  a  moral  and  political  point  of  view,  than  to  neg- 
lect their  origin  and  depend  chiefly  upon  modes  of  conviction,  pun- 
ishment and  reformat\pn. 

To  prevent  the  origin  and  existence  of  human  poverty,  degra- 


VIRTUOUS  AND  WISE  POLICY,  No.  1.  9§ 

dation  and  misery,  by  seasonably  promoting  the  best  means  to  in- 
duce, and  enable  mankind,  to  take  timely  and  proper  care  in  pro- 
viding for  themselves,  is  infinitely  better,  than  to  neglect  the  cause 
of  human  vagrancy  and  want,  and  then  provide  bountifully  for  their 
support  and  accommodaticm. 

Perhaps  a  doctor  might  entertain  objections  to  this  course  of 
policy  and  conduct— and  say  that,  if  he  were  actually  to  employ 
his  best  advice  and  assistance,  to  enable  mankind  to  avoid  debility, 
disease  and  ill  health,  as  much  as  possible — teach  them,  in  plain 
practical  language,  to  understand  the  cause  and  nature  of  their 
complaints,  and  the  best  remedies  within  their  common  means  ; 
he  might,  by  so  doing,  not  only  lose  his  time  and  trouble,  in  a 
measure,  but  would  be  pretty  sure  to  curtail  the  sources  of  his  fu- 
ture professional  business  and  gains,  in  proportion  to  his  success 
in  the  undertaking.  It  is  true,  all  the  precautions  in  the  power 
of  human  wisdom,  could  not  prevent  the  final  destruction  of  human 
life  ;  yet  a  reasonable  and  wise  attention  to  the  best  means  of  pre- 
serving health,  and  avoiding  every  possible  infirmity  and  disease ; 
and  of  understanding  them,  and  managing  the  remedies  within 
our  common  control,  would  greatly  abridge  the  business  and  ulti- 
mate profits  of  the  physician. 

Perhaps  a  lawyer,  too,  might  object,  and  say  that,  if  those  of 
his  profession  were  to  employ  the  best  means  in  their  power  topre- 
vent  the  excitement  and  commission  of  criminal  and  other  offen- 
ces, against  the  laws  and  general  good  of  society,  they  might  no 
doubt  diminish  the  evil  to  one  fourth,  and  perhaps  to  one  eighth  of 
its  present  magnitude ;  but  then,  by  so  doing,  they  would  decrease 
the  usual  profits  and  sources  of  their  professional  business,  poWer 
and  influence,  in  a  like  proportion. 

The  rich,  haughty  and  overbearing  aristocrat,  compares  his  sit- 
uation with  the  ignorant,  the  poor  and  needy  about  him,  and  feels 
a  proportionate  consequence  and  exultation  bi/  the  contrast. 

Extreme  poverty  and  dependence,  humbles,  awd  ultimately  en- 
slaves, those,  who,  in  this  free  country,  might  otherwise  enjoy  a 
degree  of  freedom  and  political  equality.  Ignorance,  depravity  of 
eharacter,  and  extreme  poverty  or  dependence,  disqualifies  men 


100  VIRTUOUS  AND  WISE  POLICY,  No.  J. 

for  self-government,  and  forms  an  excuse  for  the  establishment  and 
exercise  of  arbitrary  restrictions  upon  human  liberties. 

The  pride,  and  policy,  of  the  haughty  and  overbearing  aristo- 
crat, is  pampered  and  indulged  by  every  additional  burden,  calam- 
ity and  degradation,  suffered  by  the  common  people.  Every  thing, 
in  fine,  that  has  a  tendency  to  diminish  the  general  intelligence, 
virtue,  competence  and  self-dependance  of  the  common  people,  ul- 
timately subverts  our  liberty  and  independence,  to  arbitrary  and 
overbearing  ruthorities. 

We  can  perceive,  by  the  examples  of  the  old  world,  that  every 
additional  burden  and  affliction,  heaped  directly  or  indirectly  upon 
the  common  people,  reduces  them  to  dependance  for  employment, 
and  support,  upon  the  wealthy  and  powerful. 

Ignorance,  depravity  of  character,  and  want,  among  the  com- 
mon people  of  the  old  world,  seems  to  justify,  in  a  measure,  their 
strong  measures  of  government,  or  the  imposition  of  uncondition- 
al control. 

Hence  every  good  member  of  society  who  desires  the  progress 
of  virtue,  liberty  and  human  happiness,  should  employ  every  rea- 
sonable means  in  his  power,  to  promote  the  most  effectual  preven- 
tatives to  natural,  moral  and  political  evils. 

The  choice  of  healthy  countries,  situations  and  employments, 
should  be  regarded ;  early  and  judicious  instruction  and  habits  of 
industry,  virtue  and  self-defendance,  should  be  inculcated  and  en- 
couraged, by  all  who  desire  the  perpetuation  and  prosperity  of  this 
republican  community. 

Indiscriminate  imprisonment  for  debt,  wherever  individuals  are 
found  destitute  of  property,  without  first  having  an  investigation 
of  their  general  circumstances  and  conduct,  and  ascertaining  the 
reality  and  cause  of  their  embarrassment,  confounds  rogues  and 
honest  men  in  one  common  result,  and  absolutely  encourages  knave- 
ry, and  discourages  honesty  and  fair  dealing. 

If  a  man  has  lost  his  property  or  been  deprived  of  the  means  of 
paying  his  debts,  by  actual  and  unforeseen  misfortunes,  it  might 
be  unjust  and  impolitic  to  imprison  his  body — in  some  instances 
it  would  be  absolutely  barbarous  ;  but  if  an  individual  has  stupid- 
ly spent  his  time  in  indolence,  or  wantonly  squandered  his  proper- 


VIRTUOUS  AND  WISE  POLICY,  No.  1.  101 

ty  in  profligate  habits,  or  basely  lost  the  property  trusted  to  him, 
in  heedless  or  hazardous  speculations,  he  actually  deserves  some 
pa?iishment,  for  the  offence. 

Never  shut  a  man  up  and  maintain  him  at  the  expense  of  the 
public,  or  individuals  ;  but  provide  him  with  work  or  means  to 
support  himself^  if  able  to  work  ;  and  let  his  punishment  be  meas- 
ured ancording  to  the  nature  and  magnitude  of  his  offence. 

Indiscriminate  relief  to  all  who  solicit  alms,  or  claim  support  as 
public  paupers,  without  first  ascertaining  the  reality  of  their  con- 
dition, and  the  cause  of  their  want  or  inability  to  support  them- 
selves, confounds  impostors  with  real  objects  of  charity  ;  and  ul- 
timately encourages  indolence,  vagrancy  and  fraud,  and  discoura- 
ges virtue,  industry  and  self-dependence. 

When  people  ask  charity,  or  claim  support  as  common  paupers, 
it  should  first  be  ascertained  that  they  were  unable  to  support 
themselves,  and  otherwise  deserving  of  our  charity,  before  their 
requests  should  be  granted.  It  is  ofton  an  unpleasant  task  to  in- 
quire and  ascertain  the  real  character  and  condition  of  those  who 
solicit  our  charities  and  indulgences,  but  it  is  a  duti/  we  owe  to 
ourselves  and  society  ;  and  those  who  perform  this  duty,  with  can- 
dor and  ability,  often  do,  for  the  present  and  future  good  of  socie- 
ty, more,  by  far,  than  those  who  indiscriminately  bestow  immense 
indulgences  and  charitable  donations,  for  the  benefit  of  pretended 
objects  of  charity. 

By  establishing  a  general  rule  for  distinguishing  between  honest 
men  and  rogues,  before  we  act  definitely  in  regard  to  either,  would 
produce  an  excellent  effect  on  the  habits  and  morals  of  society,  by 
encouraging  people  to  be  honest  and  industrious,  in  order  to  be 
entitled  to  our  sympathies  and  indulgences,  and  denying  or  pun- 
ishing them  for  a  contrary  course  of  conduct. 

Every  plan,  effort  or  undertaking,  judiciously  calculated  to  pre- 
vent human  want  and  misery,  are  more  entitled  to  the  approbation, 
support  and  gratitude  of  mankind,  than  the  most  liberal  efforts 
and  bounties  in  relief. 

One  preventive  U  worth  ten  cures. 


102  VIRTUOUS  AND  WISE  POLICY.     No.  2. 

if  you  would  have  vagrancy  and  want,  only  encourage  them 
with  a  liberal  bounty  or  indulgence. 

People  who  have  idled  away  their  time,  or  wasted  their  proper- 
ty, ought  to  suffer,  as  a  matter  of  justice  to  themselves,  and  as  a 
warning  to  others.  Why  then  should  our  sympathies  be  indulged 
at  the  sight  of  poverty  or  want,  before  we  know  whether  they 
were  tlie  just  punishment  of  vice  and  folly,  or  the  result  of  real 
accidents  and  unforeseen  causes. 

Many  of  our  poor-house  establishments  and  other  charitable 
appropriations,  might  be  properly  entitled  .schools  of  human  fk- 
gradation^  want  and  misery,  with  comfortable  accommodations 
for  all  who  despise  habits  of  carCj  industry ,  tem^erancej  economy 
and  self-dependence. 

Want  begets  want,  and  misery  begets  misery. 

Indolence  and  poverty  loose  their  disgrace  and  terrors,  by  gen- 
eral sympathy  and  increase  of  numbers. 

Men  won't  work,  when  they  can  obtain,  even  a  miserable  sub- 
sistence, by  begging. 

Mankind  will  naturally  cease  to  exert  themselx^s  in  making  pro- 
vision for  their  own  future  wants  and  accommodation,  in  propw* 
tion  as  they  see  others  making  those  provisions  for  them. 


Virtuous  and  Wise  Policy.     No.  2. 

There  should  be  a  specific  and  appropriate  bounty ,  established 
by  law,  for  the  detection  and  final  apprehension  of  those  who  com- 
mit capital  offences,  against  the  laws  and  good  order  of  society, 
especially  when  they  attempt  to  escape,  or  conceal  their  offences  : 
so  that  any  person  might  pursue  suspicious  circumstances  or  indi- 
viduals, sure  of  receiving  a  certain  reward,  in  case  they  finally 
succeed  in  detecting  or  bringing  into  the  hands  of  public  authori- 
ty, a  capital  offender. 

There  ought  also  to  be  a  suitable  and  permanent  encourage- 
ment held  out  to  induce  individuals  to  lead  evil  designers  into  the 
hands  of  justice,  when  plotting  their  schemes  of  villainy  ;  and  al- 


VIRTUOUS  AND  WISE  POLICY.    No.  2.  103 

so  for  inducing  offenders  to  bring  each  other  out.  This  will  no 
doubt  meet  the  disapprobation  of  rogues  or  unprincipled  men  gen- 
erally, and  especially  those  who  expect  great  gains  from  the  multi- 
plicity of  trials  for  criminal  and  other  offences.  Howeve*-,  if  this 
plan  or  policy  is  judiciously  managed,  conspiracies  for  base  purpo- 
ses would  nighly  cease,  from  the  jealousies  that  would  naturally  be 
excited  between  evil  minded  individuals,  and  especially  increasing 
the  danger  of  commencing  a  plot,  and  of  finally  committing  the 
overt  act. 

Those  who  administer  the  laws,  and  particularly  judges,  law- 
yers, and  sheriffs,  should  always  be  bound,  by  their  oaths,  and  ev- 
ery other  obligation  and  consideration  of  principle  and  duty,  to 
convict  and  punish  offenders,  whenever  the  laws  will  permit. — 
Not  to  connive  at  their  final  escape,  after  securing  their  own  fees 
and  profits  of  a  trial — that  they  may  excite,  rather  than  restrain, 
evil  passions,  and  thereby  increase  their  own  future  business  and 
gains,  by  the  multiplication  of  criminal  and  other  offences,  and 
by  prolonging  a  tedious,  expensive  and  uncertain  process  of  trial. 
A  similar  craft,  in  some  measure,  to  t^|at  manifested  by  the  rat- 
catchers— a  profession  of  men  in  Liverpool,  who,  after  they  have 
cleared  a  ship  of  rats,  by  contract,  (they  take  them  alive  in  a  large 
sack,  by  some  bait  or  artifice  peculiar  to  their  business,)  they  re- 
fuse to  kill  them,  but  take  them  on  to  the  wharf  and  let  them 
loose — well  knowing  that  the  rats  will  soon  be  on  board  of  some 
vessel,  and  that  some  of  their  crafit  will  probably  have  the  job  of 
catching  them  again,  and  again  !  It  may  be  observed,  however, 
that  the  rat-catchers  only  sport  with  the  petty  depredation  of 
brutes,  for  their  own  peculiar  benefit  ;  but  those  who  study  to  ef- 
fect the  escape,  and  multiplication  of  criminal  and  other  offend- 
ers, for  their  own  peculiar  ends,  not  only  trifle  with  the  human 
character  in  a  most  infamous  manner,  but  set  the  whole  good  of 
civil  society  at  defiance,  to  increase  their  own  private  gains ! 

The  certainty  of  punishment,  is  the  greatest  terror  to  rogues  or 
persons  dishonestly  inclined,  and  its  uncertainty,  is  their  greatest 
hope  and  encouragement.'  This  fact  should  never  be  lost  sight  of, 
by  those  who  wish  to  promote  the  good  of  society. 

Some  of  our  State  prisons  might  be  appropriately  styled  schools 


104  ESTABLISHED  RATE  OF  INTEREST 

of  human  degradation  and  villainy^  with  comfortable  accommoda- 
tions  for  all  who  despise  voluntary  labor,  and  the  rights  and  good 
of  their  fellow-beings. 

Some,  who  have  taken  their  second  and  third  degrees  in  these 
schools  of  infamy  and  corruption,  might  properly  be  entitled  mas- 
ftrs  and  doctors  of  villainy  ! 


Established  Rate  of  Interest  for  the  Use  of  Money. 

Our  laws,  regulating  the  rate  of  interest  for  the  use  of  money, 
are  neither  consistent  with  justice,  nor  good  policy. 

Nothing  proves  more  generally  true,  than  that,  laws  imposing 
unjusty  or  unnecessary  restrictions  upon  the  common  transactions 
of  society,  excite  both  disrespect  for  the  laws,  and  evasions  of 
their  final  penalty.  Suppose  there  should  be  laws  regulating  the 
price  of  labour,  or  of  any  particular  article  of  produce,  manu- 
factures, or  merchandize,  without  any  regard  to  the  scarcity  or  dc- 
mand  for  the  same — the  quantity  contemplated,  or  the  terms  of 
payment — we  should  certainly  consider  them  as  unjust  and  unne- 
cessary regulations.  This  is  precisely  the  case  with  the  laws  reg- 
ulating the  rate  of  interest  for  the  use  of  money. 

One  man  wants  to  borrow,  only  5  or  20  dollars,  another  50  or 
100,  and  others  1000,  to  10,000,  or  more;  one  wants  the  money 
for  only  10,  30,  or  60  days,  another  for  six  months,  or  a  year,  and 
others  for  5  or  10  years,  or  upwards  ;  one  pledges  the  most  sure 
property  for  the  final  payment  of  the  money,  another  gives  a  good 
endorser,  and  others  have  no  other  security  than  their  own  names, 
and  those  often  precarious.  Now  it  would  appear  absurd  to  sup- 
pose that  a  man  should  be  obliged  to  take  precisely  the  same  rate 
of  interest,  for  all  these  different  hazards  and  accommodations. — 
The  interest  would  not  more  than  pay  him  for  transacting  the  bu- 
siness, of  taking  security,  inspecting  and  counting  the  money  out, 
and  back,  in  cases  of  small  sums  and  short  loans  ;  and  in  others, 
the  interest  would  not  more  than  pay  a  fair  premium  for  hazarding 
the  credit  ;  and  if  the  money  was  loaned  on  short  terms,  it  must 
be  on  hand  a  considerable  part  of  the  time,  so  that  a  man  might 


FOR  THE  USE  OF  MONEY.  105 

not  have  his  money  actually  out  at  interest,  more  than  half  the 
time,  or  six  months  in  a  yean 

This  restriction  upon  the  receipt  of  interest,  induces  people  to 
evade  the  provisions  of  the  law  ;  but,  as  there  is  a  risk  of  being 
detected,  and  of  losing  the  whole  sum,  the  hazard  must  be  made 
up  by  the  borrower,  in  an  addition  to  what  would  bfe  otherwise  sat- 
isfactory. 

The  loss  ultimately  falls  chiefly  upon  a  class  of  people  who  are 
the  least  able  to  bear  it,  and  the  gain  generally  goes  to  enrich  a 
set  of  hard  and  crooked  sharpers,  who  have  already  become  dan- 
gerous to  the  well-being  of  the  community. 

These  are  not  all  the  evil  consequences  resulting  from  regula- 
ting the  rate  of  interest.  It  occasions  an  immense  number  of  law 
suits,  and  sacrifices  of  property.  When  money  is  scarce,  and  the 
use  of  it  is  worth  considerable  more  than  the  rate  of  legal  interest, 
many  will  enforce  the  collection  of  monies  due  them,  merely  to  in- 
vest it  more  profitably  ;  others  take  such  times  to  exercise  a  kind 
of  despotism  over  their  fellow  men,  and  oppress  them,  or  compel 
them  to  sacrifice  property,  that  they  may  take  the  advantage  of  it. 
Yet  in  most  cases  the  suits  and  sacrifices  would  both  be  avoided,  if 
men  were  permitted  to  come  into  a  fair  competition  for  the  use 
of  money,  and  to  take  a  just  rate  of  interest. 

The  rate  of  interest  for  the  use  of  money,  should  be  left  a  free 
matter  of  contract.  If  individuals  are  disposed  to  make  foolish 
bargains,  there  is  a  variety  of  other  ways  for  them  to  do  it  in,  be- 
sides borrowing  money  at  more  than  legal  interest — which,  in  fact, 
the  laws  do  not  prevent. 

As  the  case  now  is,  the  laws  regulating  the  rate  of  interest  for 
the  use  of  money,  cause  numerous  sacrifices  and  embarrassments, 
to  the  ultimate  injury  of  a  worthy  class  of  people,  and  chiefly  for 
the  benefit  of  lawyers,  sheriffs,  and  sharpers. 

There  might  be  a  certain  rate  of  interest  established  by  law,  in 
all  cases  where  it  was  not  defined,  by  written  contract ;  and  per- 
haps some  bounds  might  be  set  above  what  it  should  not  go ;  and 
contracts  defining  the  rate  of  interest,  might  be  specially  witness- 
ed with  an  attested  knowledge  of  the  contract. 

14 


106  REMARKS  ON  TAXATION. 

I  could  produce  a  volume  of  evidence  and  arguments  in  support 
of  this  subject ;  but  perhaps  what  has  already  been  said,  may  be 
sufficient. 


Remarks  on  Taxation. 

Visible  property  and  privileges,  are  the  only  just,  and  wise,  or 
consistent  subjects  of  taxation. 

That  which  is  not  visible  or  tangible,  is  imaginary,  as  a  proper- 
ty, or  the  representative  of  something  that  is  real,  and  as  it  respects 
a  state  or  nation  at  large,  it  is  generally  useless,  as  it  must  be 
based  in  something  that  is  a  real  property  of  itself 

Notes,  bonds,  or  obligations  for  the  payment  of  money,  are 
promises,  which  are  only  valuable  as  they  are  founded  in  something 
that  is  real,  and  available  as  a  property — something  that  has  an 
intrinsic  value  in  itself — which  is  of  itself,  subject  to  taxes. — 
Hence,  if  you  tax  both  the  real  property,  and  the  promise  which  is 
founded  in  it,  you  ultimately  subject  the  holder  of  the  real  prop- 
erty, thus  situated,  to  an  undue  proportion  of  taxes  ;  for  every  pru- 
dent and  calculating  money  lender,  generally  estimates  the  nett 
per  centage  of  interest  that  would  be  satisfactory  for  the  use  of 
his  money,  and  then  adds  the  probable  amount  of  taxes,  risks, 
troubles  and  expenses,  or  some  how  includes  the  same  in  the  con- 
tract and  final  obligation  :  so  that  the  borrower  is,  at  last,  saddled 
with  every  thing  that  operates  as  a  burden  on  money  at  interest. 

Suppose  a  township,  or  district  of  country,  the  inhabitants  of 
which  hold  a  million  dollars  worth  of  real  property,  subject  to  tax- 
ation, and  owe  half  a  million  dollars  borrowed  money,  for  which 
the  holders  of  their  obligations  are  taxed — in  such  case,  they  pay 
taxes  for  treble  the  amount  of  property  they  are  actually  worth — 
that  is,  the  holders  of  the  real  property,  are  actually  worth  but  half 
a  million,  over  and  above  what  they  owe,  and  yet  have  finally  to  pay 
the  amount  of  taxes  that  occurs  on  one  million  and  a  half — 
three  times  the  amount  of  what  they  are  worth  ! 

Or,  to  show  the  subject  upon  a  smaller  scale.     Suppose  a  man  in 


REMARKS  ON  TAXATION.  107 

possessisn  of  ten  thousand  dollars  worth  of  visible  property,  sub- 
ject to  taxes,  which  is  pledged  for  the  final  payment  of  five  thou- 
sand dollars — he  would  then  have  to  pay  the  taxes  that  actually 
occ\ix  on  fifteen  thousand,  although  in  fact,  he  is  worth  but  jive 
thousand. 

A  law  requiring  every  man  to  give  an  account  of  his  private 
loans,  is  considered  so  unjust  and  absurd,  that  but  few  people  will 
comply  with  it. 

Burdening  money  at  interest,  is  like  taxing  promises,  or  an  im- 
aginary property,  and  ultimately  placing  an  undue  proportion  of 
taxes  on  those  who  employ  borrowed  capital.  It  is  much  worse, 
for  every  attempt  to  tax  the  holders  of  promises  for  money  loaned, 
operates  in  the  end,  as  a  tax  on  industry  and  honesty,  for  the  en- 
couragement and  final  support  of  indolence  and  dishonesty. 

Every  thing  in  fact,  that  subjects  borrowed  money  to  an  unne- 
cessary expense,  hazard,  quibble  or  delay  in  collection,  operates  as 
a  final  burden  on  the  industry  and  integrity  of  the  country,  and 
for  the  encouragement  and  support  of  indolence  and  knavery. 

Real  property,  is  located  and  distributed  with  a  degree  of  per- 
manence and  equality,  throughout  a  state  or  country  ;  but  promis- 
es for  the  payment  of  money,  are  generally  as  fluctuating  in  the 
place  of  their  existence,  and  nighly  as  uncertain  in  their  final 
value,  as  the  faith  and  fortune  of  traders  and  speculation. 

If  it  were  just  and  reasonable,  to  tax  money  at  all,  the  burden 
and  penalty  should  be  fixed  on  those,  who  hoard  up  the  actual 
treasure  of  a  country,  and  stop  its  circulation  and  public  useful- 
ness. But  never  tax  those,  who  lend  their  money  on  just  and  hon- 
ourable conditions,  for  promoting  the  useful  industry  and  business 
of  the  country. 

Every  attempt  to  tax,  or  jeopardise  money  at  interest,  induces 
people  to  hoard  up,  or  make  concealments  of  their  funds,  or  to 
send  the  active  capital  out  of  the  state  or  country,  to  avoid  unrea- 
sonable hazards  and  burden  ;  and  this  too,  often  to  the  great  inju- 
ry of  the  taxing,  or  jeopardizing  state  or  country. 

The  title  to  real  estate,  should  be  rendered  as  plain  and  sure  as 

possible  ;  and  the  pledging  of  it,  for  the  final  security  of  money,, 

bould  be  divested  of  every  unnecessary  litigation,  hazard  and  ex- 


T08  POLITICAL  KNOWLEDGE 

pense  ;  as  in  such  cases,  it  enables  the  owners,  whenever  they 
need,  to  borrow  money  on  the  best  terms  ;  and  generally  with  the 
least  final  risk  to  themselves,  for  when  a  man  of  good  property  or 
responsibility,  obtains  an  endorser ^  as  security  for  the  final  condi- 
tions or  payment  of  his  note,  by  endorsing  in  return,  he  thereby 
assumes  a  risk  for  others,  that,  in  this  case,  would  be  entirely 
avoided. 

By  taxing  the  vices,  and  follies  or  extravagances  of  mankind, 
has  a  double  tendency  to  improve  the  condition  of  society  ;  as  in 
the  first  place,  it  discourages  and  corrects  the  excesses  so  taxed, 
and  at  the  same  time  produces  a  fund  out  of  those  who  transgress, 
for  the  ultimate  correction  and  support  of  their  own  unruly  or 
helpless  victims.  Thereby  relieving  the  better  part  of  communi- 
ty from  the  troubles  and  expense,  resulting  from  intemperance. 

If  only  the  tavern,  and  store-keepers,  or  those  who  retail  ar- 
dent spirits  and  other  intoxicating  liquors,  were  subject  to  a  rea- 
sonable and  proportionable  tax,  for  their  licences  or  privilege  of 
retailing,  it  would  raise  a  fund  for  the  future  correction  and  sup- 
port, of  their  own  unruly  or  helpless  victims. 


Political  Knowledge. 

The  people  of  the  United  Sates,  have  probably  had  more  polit- 
ical light  and  experience,  than  all  the  world  besides ;  for,  in  the 
first  place,  the  population  of  this  country,  are,  in  a  greater  or  less 
degree,  made  up  of  emigrants  from  almost  every  other  place  or 
country,  who  generally  bring  along  with  them  more  or  less  infor- 
mation in  regard  to  the  laws,  customs,  and  political  institutions  of 
their  own  native  country  ;  and  history  hands  down  to  us,  all  that 
was  thought  worth  recording  of  the  different  governments,  down  to 
the  present  time.  Besides,  our  own  experience,  in  all  our  different 
state  sovereignties,  and  national  concerns  ;  through  all  our  changes, 
and  extremes,  of  war,  and  peace,  oppression,  and  liberty,  adver- 
sity and  prosperity,  together  with  the  general  freedom  of  discus- 
sion established  in  this  country,  gives  us  far  greater  means  of  pes- 


BRIEF  CONTRAST,  &c.  109 

sessing  correct  and  extensive  political  knowledge,  than  the  people 
of  any  other  nation  or  country. 

We  began  the  world  anew,  as  it  were,  and  employed  all  the  light 
and  experience  of  foreign  countries,  and  former  times,  in  aid  of 
our  own  judgment,  in  making  experiments  in  the  science  of  govern- 
ment. While  the  people  of  other  countries,  hardly  dare  think  on 
the  subject  of  politics,  for  fear  of  bringing  their  own  shackles  and 
wounds  to  bear  more  grievously. 

In  this  country,  every  individual  of  the  community,  in  general,  are 
interested  in  the  government,  and  every  sensible  and  good  man 
feels  more  or  less  disposed  to  aid  in  the  adoption  of  the  wisest  and 
best  measures  for  the  general  good. 

Having  actually  carried  into  effect  and  demonstrated  the  great- 
est improvements  in  government,  of  any  other  nation  or  people  ; 
our  care  and  attention  should  be  rigidly  directed  to  detect,  and 
eradicate  from  our  systems,  and  habits,  whatever  remains  of  king- 
craft, or  the  plagues  of  monarchy  ;  and  studiously  to  avoid  every 
thing  of  the  kind  in  future,  in  our  civil  policy,  measures  of  gov- 
ernment, education,  customs  and  habits  of  life. 


A  Brief  Contrast   between  some  of  the   Leading  Particulars  of 
Monarchy  and  Republicanism. 

Monarchy,  has  a  tendency  to  enrich,  embellish  and  aggrandize, 
the  metropolis  or  chief  residence  of  the  sovereign  and  his  court, 
to  the  neglect,  impoverishment  and  degradation  of  the  other  parts 
of  the  nation  or  their  dominions. 

Under  the  Roman  despots,  the  city  of  Rome  was  the  privileged 
place,  to  be  enriched,  embellished  and  aggrandized,  with  the  plun- 
der and  exactions  drawn  from  other  provinces  and  places  :  Con- 
stantinople,  is  the  chief  receptacle  of  tributary  and  degraded  Tur- 
key :  Petersburgh,  glitters  and  banquets,  with  exactions  drawn 
from  the  Russian  dominions  :  The  chief  spoil  and  playthings  of 
the  French  monarchy,  centre  at  Paris ;  and  London  teems  and 
sports  with  the  riches,  for  which  British  provinces  and  foreign  do- 


no  JURYMAN'S  GUIDE. 

minions  are  stinted,  and  tasked,  or  robbed  of  their  wealth,  liberty 
and  independence. 

In  a  REPUBLIC,  tliere  is  no  privileged  place  ;  nor  sovereign  chief 
with  his  pensioned  and  tinselled  brood,  to  attract  the  gaze  and  won- 
der of  the  silly  throng ;  or  to  draw  together  and  fatten  a  host  of 
corrupt  and  hypocritical  courtiers  and  sharpers  :  But  every  part, 
place,  and  individual,  are  entitled  to  their  equal  and  just  care, 
representation,  protection,  and  encouragement.  One  place,  part, 
or  individual,  cannot  be  stinted  or  tasked  for  the  benefit  of  anoth- 
er ;  but  all  subsist  upon  terms  of  reciprocal  justice  and  good  fel- 
lowship— 

'■'Jill  served — all  serving." 

Monarchy,  forbids  the  common  freedom  of  speech,  and  of  the 
-press,  to  prevent  the  liglit  and  progress  of  truth,  justice,  reason, 
and  human  improvement,  and  to  veil  and  protect  the  corrupt 
and  deceptive  policy  and  conduct  of  its  chief  managers,  from  de- 
tection and  punishment. 

Republicanism,  invites  and  protects  the  freedom  of  speech,  and 
of  the  press,  to  encourage  and  facilitate  the  progress  of  truth,  jus- 
tice, reason,  and  human  improvement,  and  to  expel  darkness,  cor- 
ruption and  oppression,  from  human  society. 

Monarchy  has  a  tendency  to  enrich,  elevate  and  adorn,  indo- 
lence, vice  and  folly,  and  to  tax  and  degrade  industry,  virtue  and 
human  excellence. 

On  the  contrary,  republicanism  tends  to  punish  and  degrade  in- 
dolence and  dishonesty,  and  to  enrich,  elevate  and  honor  human 
virtue,  industry  and  merit. 


Juryman's  Guide. 

Juries — in  order  to  act  consistently,  and  wisely,  and  to  pro- 
long and  extend  their  usefulness  and  respectability,  should  endeav- 
our to  act  with  as  much  understanding,  and  independence,  as  pos- 
sible.    Many  men,  while  acting  as  jurymen,  have  suffered  them- 


JURYMAN'S  GUIDE.  Ill 

selves  to  be  dictated  and  trifled  with,  by  judges,  and  lawyers,  and 
often  ruled  so  much  that  they  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  exer- 
cised any  judgment  or  opinion  of  their  own,  in  their  final  decision 
of  cases.  Such  jurymen  generally  seem  to  study  to  catch  and  fol- 
low the  opinion  or  will  of  some  judge,  lawyer,  or  other  leading  or 
driving  character,  instead  of  forming  an  opinion  of  their  own, 
from  the  evidence  and  law,  in  the  case  before  them.  This,  un- 
fortunately for  the  cause  of  justice,  liberty  and  humanity,  is  chief- 
ly owing  to  the  want  of  proper  intelligence  and  instruction  on  the 
subject  of  their  duties. 

The  highly  important  duties  required  of  us  as  jurymen — so  indis- 
pensable to  the  cause  of  justice,  liberty  and  humanity — and  which 
in  fact,  properly  belongs  to  every  man  who  sits  in  solemn  judg- 
ment upon  the  life,  liberty,  reputation,  or  fortune,  of  a  fellow  be- 
ing, demands  that  we  should  let  every  other  consideration  rest, 
but  that  of  our  duty  towards  God  and  society,  and  seriously  exert 
our  reason  and  best  judgment,  in  deciding  whatever  properly 
comes  before  us,  in  such  cases. 

Lord  Mansfield,  that  tyrant  of  law,  was  not  perhaps  more  hos- 
tile to  the  actual  usefulness,  respectability  and  preservation,  of 
JURIES,  than  some  of  our  little  knaves  and  tyrants  on  the  throne  of 
judgment. 

There  ought  to  be  published,  in  a  neat  little  volume,  a  correct 
definition  of  the  nature  and  character  of  the  various  criminal  and 
other  offences,  subject  to  the  examination,  trial  and  final  decision 
of  jurors,  duly  simplified,  classed  and  arranged  ;  together  with  a 
faithful  explanation  of  the  proper  business,  province  and  duties  of 
jurors,  to  serve  as  juryman's  guide  :  so  that  every  body,  at  least, 
of  grand  and  petit  jurymen,  should  have  the  same,  to  guide  and 
assist  them  in  the  correct  and  faithful  performance  of  their  ardu- 
ous and  important  duties ;  and  so  as  to  guard  against  the  errors, 
and  partialities,  of  every  different  court,  and  different  judge — their 
various  charges,  (no  two  of  which  was  ever  alike,)  defining,  (ac- 
cording to  their  individual  will,  or  judgment — but  seldom  if  ever 
correctly,  and  never  sufficiently  extensive  and  explicit,)  the  duty 
of  jurors,  and  the  nature  and  character  of  the  different  offences 
within  their  province,  and  of  what  was  law,  in  the  several  cases. 


1 12  BRITISH  SYSTEM  AND  POLICY. 

Such  a  publication,  if  ably  and  faithfully  performed,  would  save 
our  jurymen  individually,  a  great  deal  of  time,  and  trouble ;  cor- 
rect, improve,  and  systematize  the  proper  business  of  juries  gen- 
erally, and  finally  serve  to  perfect,  extend  and  perpetuate  their 
usefulness. 

It  is  inconsistent  with  our  character,  as  a  community  of  repub- 
licans, and  certainly  at  direct  variance  with  the  professions  of  our 
republican  leaders,  that  such  a  work  has  not  long  ago  been  pub- 
lished and  in  general  use,  and  particularly  when  its  necessity, 
utility,  and  importance,  are  duly  considered. 

We  ought,  also,  to  have  a  corle  of  probate  law,  comprising  all 
the  law  generally  necessary  for  the  settlement  of  deceased  persons 
estates,  duly  simplified,  arranged,  and  published  in  a  neat  little 
volume,  to  serve  as  a  guide  in  such  transactions ;  and  to  save  us, 
the  common  people,  as  much  as  possible,  from  the  unnecessary 
vexations,  and  ruinous  expences,  snares  ^nd fangs  of  lawcraft. 


British  System  and  Policy. 

Mankind  are  too  apt  to  be  dazzled  out  of  their  senses,  by  the 
pomp  and  ceremony  of  corrupt  and  arbitrary  authorities,  until  we 
are  made  to  feel  the  oppressor's  gripe. 

An  American  merchant,  who  had  spent  a  considerable  time  in 
England,  in  a  kind  of  trading  visiting  cyiC\xt^\oi\*  became  a  great 
admirer  of  the  British  system  and  policy — that  is,  he  thought  them 
very  fine  for  gentlemen  to  live  under.t 

*  All  clever  and  jolly — fine  eating  and  drinking,  and  the  prospect  of 
good  profits  on  his  return  home.  John  Bull,  I  guess,  knows  how  to  bait 
his  best  customers  ! 

f  Mechanics,  manufacturers,  and  sailors,  (the  most  valuable  part  of 
their  population,)  are  not  allowed  common  freedom,  in  Britain.  They 
have  to  disguise  themselves,  under  the  assumed  appearance  of  mer- 
chants or  gentlemen,  in  order  to  get  a  passport  or  permission  to  leave  the 
kingdom.  Sailors  are  taken  by  force,  as  a  kind  of  public  property^ 
wlienever  the  ministry  want  them.     But  if  a  man  has  the  appearance  of 


BRITISH  SYSTEM  AND  POLICY.  113 

Some  years  after,  (1803 — 4 — 5)  the  merchant  had  returned 
home  to  America,  he  embarked,  with  a  valuable  cargo  of  coffee, 
and  other  articles,  for  some  port  on  the  continent  of  Europe.  They 
were  captured,  by  a  British  cruizer,  nigh  the  port  of  their  desti- 
nation, and  carried  into  a  port  in  England,  for  adjudication,  as 
enemy's  property  ;  and,  after  undergoing  a  tedious  and  vexatious 
detention  and  trial,  and  being  subjected  to  an  enormous  bill  of 
cost  and  other  expenses,  they  were  finally  cleared,  as  bonatide 
American  property.* 

During  their  detention,  the  cargo  got  damaged,  and  the  market 
to  which  they  were  bound,  became  glutted  ;  so  that  the  voyage 
finally  terminated  in  a  very  heavy  loss. 

After  the  American  merchant  had  returned  home,  one  of  his 
old  acquaintance,  asked  him  how  he  then  liked  the  British  system 
and  policy,  to  which  he  replied  and  said,  "  I  would  sooner  take 
my  dog  and  gun  and  retire  to  the  wilderness  and  live  like  the  In- 
dians, than  again  put  myself  within  the  power  of  those  tyrants  of 
the  ocean — who  rob  under  colour  of  law^  and  justice^  and  make 
^ne  speeches,  and  solemn  prayers,  and  perform  tedious  ceremonies , 
to  conceal  their  actual  designs  ;  the  chief  part  of  whose  labour- 
aw^  population  are  actually  but  little  better  off  than  slaves." 

a  merchant,  or  gentleman — that  is,  dresses  finely,  and  has  not  the  vulgar 
airs  or  g-arb  of  having  earned  his  living  by  the  habitual  exercise  of 
some  mechanical  or  manufacturing  business,  or  by  the  occupation  of  a 
sailor,  then,  if  he  has  none  of  these  marks  of  John  Bull's  privileged  sub- 
jects about  him,  he  is  entitled  to  locomotion — the  privilege  of  going  where 
he  pleases.  This  is  *'  British  freedom  !"  This  is  the  fruits  of  a  sys- 
tem and  policy,  that  some  of  our  American  gentlemen  ^re  so  much  charm- 
ed and  delighted  with  ! 

*  The  lawyers  made  a  fine  haul  ;  and  seemed  to  say  to  the  British  crui- 
zers,  "  Go  catch  another  neutral  for  us — no  matter  whether  he  is  inno- 
cent, or  guilty — we  would  like  to  try  them,  all— over  and  over  again. ^' 
This  LAW  WITHOUT  JUSTicfi  makes  fine  picking  for  lawyers  ! 


15 


114  THE  MOST  TRULY  JUST  AND 

The  most  truly  Just  and  Honourable  Prof ession  of  Men. 

The  PARMER,  is  the  most  truly  just  and  honourable  profession  : — 

In  the  first  place,  the  profession  or  business  of  the  farmer,  is 
the  most  necessary  or  useful  of  any  other  ;  and  his  habits  are 
uniformly  the  most  athletic,  manly,  temperate,  healthy  and  wise. 
His  business  is  also  the  freest  from  evil  temptations,  fraudulent 
transactions  and  designs. 

Farmers  are  usually  the  most  firm,  undeviating  patriots  and  sup- 
porters of  our  country,  in  peace  and  in  war. 

Our  farmers  are  generally  the  most  secure,  and  just  in  their 
dealings  ;  sincere  in  professions,  and  truly  benevolent  and  hu- 
mane, in  their  general  conduct  and  disposition. 

The  Ameican  farmer,  first  subdues  the  forest  and  its  wild  in- 
habitants, and  brings  the  country  into  a  state  of  productiveness, 
order  and  embellishment,  for  the  general  support,  security,  com- 
fort and  enjoyment  of  civilized  man.  It  is  his  labour,  enterprise 
and  skill,  that  supplies  us  with  the  most  important  necessaries  and 
luxuries  of  life,  produced  from  the  soil. 

Farmers  generally  reside  in  the  country,  where  good  air,  good 
water,  health,  temperance  and  virtue  most  abound  ;  and  where, 
with  the  use  of  plain  solid  food,  regular  and  manly  industry,  the 
human  constitution  and  character,  both,  are  improved,  renovated 
and  preserved  from  the  desolating  and  fatal  effects  of  an  idle  and 
corrupt  city  life. 

The  regular  and  manly  employment,  which  the  body  and  mind 
of  the  farmer  receives  in  the  practice  of  his  profession,  gives  him 
unequalled  stability  of  character. 

The  country  is  emphatically  the  home  of  true  virtue  and  liber- 
ty- 
Most  of  our  large  cities  and  towns,  would  degenerate,  if  not 
actually  depopulate  and  run  out,  were  it  not  for  the  recruits  they 
are  continually  receiving  from  the  country  and  smaller  towns. 

The  farmer  generally  despises  those  idle  and  dissipated  habits ; 
monkey  airs,  and  artificial  wants,  that  distinguish  the  bloated 
pride,  vanity  and  hypocrisy  of  a  corrupt  city  life. 

Farmers  form  no  professional  clubs  or  combinations  for  con- 


HONOURABLE  PROFESSION  OF  MEN.  115 

cealing  a  knowledge  of  their  profession,  or  for  the  monopoly  of  its 
practice  :  they  use  no  mysterious  artifices,  blind  language  or  jug- 
gling, to  perplex  or  conceal  the  light  or  knowledge  of  their  pro- 
fessional business,  improvements  or  concerns  :  they  require  no 
test  or  license,  to  he  permitted  to  exercise  their  honourable  calling. 
But  they  freely  and  liberally  give,  without  fee  or  reward,  the  light 
or  knowledge  of  their  improvements,  and  best  advice,  to  the  inex- 
perienced and  whoever  may  need  or  desire  them.  They  enter  into 
no  combinations  to  set  the  laws,  or  the  rights  of  their  fellow-men 
at  defiance  ;  or  any  way  to  secure  to  those  of  their  profession, 
undue  privileges  or  advantages. 

The  American  farmer  despises  the  base  and  unmanly  customs 
and  policies  of  the  old  world,  combined  and  practised  to  rob  and 
degrade  honest  labour.  He  discountenances  their  schemes  of 
tenanting,  and  under-tenanting  ;  and  generally  chooses  to  culti- 
vate his  own  soil,  and  to  participate  in  the  labor  himself,  as  his 
regular  and  principal  business. 

Our  farmers  generally  bring  up  their  families  in  the  regular 
habits  of  industry,  economy  and  usefulness. 

The  American  farmer  has  no  interest  in  involving  his  fellow-men 
in  ignorance,  depravity  or  oppression ;  nor  in  any  way  exciting,  or 
indulging  schemes  of  general  calamity  or  distress,  for  he  knows 
who,  at  last,  has  got  to  bear  the  chief  public  burdens  and  expen-- 
ces.  His  permanent  interests,  active  employments,  temperate  and 
prudent  habits,  engage  the  farmer's  body  and  mind,  and  leaves 
him  no  loose  inclinations  for  unlawful  indulgences,  or  treacherous 
hankerings  after  extra  privileges. 

The  property  of  the  farmer  is  visible,  and  permanent  ,•  and  hi» 
pursuits  are  not  likely  to  involve  his  neighbours  or  fellow-men,  in 
Wind  hazards  or  ruinous  speculations. 

The  good  habits  of  our  farmers,  with  their  usual  candour,  and 
practical  good  sense,  give  them  unequalled  stability  and  worth  of 
character  ;  and  finally  render  them,  truly,  the  chief  supporters 
and  defenders  of  this  republic  :  and  I  will  honor  and  reward  the 
true  character  of  the  American  farmer,  to  the  last  dash  of  my  pen. 
They  are  truly  the  first  lords  of  this  country. 

Next  to  the  farmer,  on  the  general  scale  of  honour  and  public 


116  -THE  MOST  TRULY  JUST  AND 

worthj  stand  our  mechanics  and  manufacturers.  The  business 
of  their  ])rofession  is  the  next  most  necessary  and  useful;  and 
their  habits  of  industry  and  prudence,  are  generally  equal,  and  in 
some  instances  superior  to  those  of  the  farmer. 

The  ingenuity  and  persevering  industry  of  mechanics  and 
manufacturers,  furnish  innumerable  necessaries,  conveniences, 
and  comforts  of  life.  They  devise  and  make  the  various  tools 
and  utensils  with  which  the  farmer  subdues  the  forest  and  culti- 
vates the  soil  to  the  greatest  advantage,  and  conveys  his  produce 
home  or  to  market.  They  build  our  houses,  ships,  and  land  car- 
riages ;  furnish  the  main  articles  of  our  clothing,  furniture,  and 
the  chief  instruments  for  the  acquisition  and  support  of  human 
rights — including  the  press,  that  mighty  engine  for  the  propaga- 
tion of  human  kn<jwledge.  In  fact,  the  benefits  rendered  to  man- 
kind by  the  contrivance  and  labour  of  mechanics  and  manufactur- 
ers, is  beyond  all  human  calculation.  The  ingenuity  and  indus- 
try of  mechanics  and  manufacturers,  has  made  England  the  rich- 
est, most  powerful  and  enlightened  nation  in  the  world.  What 
would  she  be  without  them  ! 

The  high  intellectual  and  practical  knowledge  and  attain- 
ments of  our  mechanics  and  manufacturers,  already  begins  to  be 
a  source  of  considerable  national  wealth,  independence  and  exal- 
tation. 

Tiie  justice,  patriotism — devotion  to  the  honour,  independence^ 
and  prosperity  of  the  nation,  generally  manifested  by  the  Ameri- 
can mechanics  and  manufacturers,  are  rarely  ever,  if  any  behind 
the  farmers. 

Commerce,  is  the  handmaid  of  agriculture  and  manufactures, 
that  passes  from  one  to  the  other,  their  respective  productions  ; 
and,  in  its  proper  place,  it  is  useful  and  honourable.  But  com- 
merce is  surrounded  by  evil  temptations,  and  degraded  by  habitu- 
al abuses.  Merchants  and  traders,  generally  considered,  are 
subject  to  the  most  evil  temptations,  and,  with  a  few  highly  hon- 
ourable exceptions,  practice  the  most  fraud  and  dishonourable 
schemes,  of  any  other  equally  numerous  profession  of  men  in  our 
country.  Such,  for  instance,  as  adulterating  groceries  and  other 
articles  of  trade  ;    intentionally  procuring  and  vending   deceitful 


HONOURABLE  PROFESSION  OF  MEN.  Ul 

made  wares  and  articles  of  traffic  ;  using  false  and  fraudulent 
weights  and  measures ;  doing  business  and  obtaining  credit  on 
false  representations  and  appearances  of  property  and  responsibili- 
ty— thereby  throwing  the  actual  risk  on  to  others,  without  their 
Jcnowledge  or  consent,  and  without  any  chance  of  a  participation 
or  share  in  the  profits ;  making  sham  auction  and  other  sales,  to  de- 
coy and  take  in  others,  and  to  disguise  the  true  ownership  of  property ; 
affecting  failures  and  making  fraudulent  concealment  of  property, 
to  cheat  honest  creditors  ;  involving  the  business  of  commerce  and 
trade  in  unnecessary  perplexities  and  obscurity,  in  order  to  render 
a  knowledge  of  the  same,  a  deep  and  intricate  science,  kaown  on- 
ly to  the  craft  or  trade,  to  the  exclusion  of  others  ;  defrauding  the 
revenues  of  the  country,  by  direct  smuggling,  and  by  false  invoi- 
ces, and  bills  of  entry  and  clearance  ;  carrying  on  foreign  trade 
under  false  papers,  flags  and  other  counterfeit  pretensions ;  tra- 
ding with  the  enemy  in  time  of  war,  and  thereby  affording  them  aid 
and  comfort ;  studiously  embarrassing  the  revenue,  credit  and  re- 
sources of  the  country,  in  times  of  war  and  general  distress ;  car- 
rying on,  or  conniving  at,  piracy,  and  traffic  in  human  beings  ; 
aiding  and  conniving  at  the  impressment,  and  other  abuse  of  our 
seamen,  in  order  to  please  the  "  mistress  of  the  ocean,"  and  ulti- 
mately favor  their  cupidity  in  foreign  trade,  or  foreign  politics ; 
sending  seamen  to  encounter  seizures,  pestilences  ond  other  haz- 
ards, unknown  to  them,  in  prosecuting  desperate  commercial  en- 
terprizes ;  enticing  seamen  and  others  to  commit  criminal  and  other 
acts,  in  violation  of  revenue  and  other  laws  ;  making  efforts  to  en- 
courage foreign  trade  and  manufactures,  to  the  manifest  injury  of 
our  own  country  ;  studiously  employing  deceitful  artifices  and  rep- 
resentations to  prejudice  the  public  against  domestic  manufac- 
tures and  other  home  concerns,  to  the  embarrassment  of  our  na- 
tional wealth,  resources  and  independence  ;  adopting  and  recom- 
mending to  others,  foreign  fashions  of  dress,  manners  and  customs, 
injurious  to  the  best  interests  of  our  own  country ;  forming  and 
conducting  monopolizing  and  other  extensive  schemes  of  specula- 
lation,  whereby  thousands  of  worthy  and  unsuspicious  persons  are 
drawn  into  ruin,  and  others  ultimately  compelled  to  pay  an  exorbi- 
tant tax  or  contribution  for  their   support  and  aggrandizement ; 


IJ8  TRUE  PRIDE  OF  CIVILIZED  MAN. 

carrying  on  corrupt  intrigues  with  the  officers  and  agents  of  gov- 
ernment, to  facilitate  schemes  of  fraud,  monopoly  and  other  spec- 
ulations, and  to  obtain  extra  privileges. 

There  is  an  abundance  of  evidence  to  show  that  the  farmers 
are  the  most  just  and  honourable  profession  of  men  in  our  coun- 
try ;  the  mechanics  and  manufacturers  the  next ;  and  that,  with  a 
few  honourable  exceptions,  merchants  and  traders  stand  the  last  or 
lowest  on  the  general  scale  of  honour  and  public  usefulness,  of 
the  three  general  professions. 

Were  the  farmers  and  mechanics  as  destitute  of  principle  and 
fellow-feeling  as  some  other  professions  are  ;  and  should  they  unite 
for  extra  privileges  and  advantages  overall  others,  what  would  their 
numbers  and  power  enable  them  to  accomplish  !  But  they  are 
too  just  and  honourable  to  attempt  any  undue  advantages  over  their 
fellow  men.  They  ask  nothing  but  an  equality  of  rights  and  priv- 
ileges,  and  that  they  never  refuse  to  others. 


True  Pride  of  Civilized  Man. 

The  true  pride  of  civilized  man,  is  the  noblest  impulse  of  the 
human  senses.  It  is  founded  in  justice  and  reason  ;  and  is  a  prop- 
er sense  of  human  virtue,  worth  and  excellence,  without  vanity, 
haughtiness  or  deceit. 

Vanity,  haughtiness,  impudence,  and  hypocrisy,  are  proper  sub- 
jects of  human  disgrace,  contempt,  and  scorn,  or  any  thing,  rath- 
er than  what  we  ought  to  exult  in. 

A  proper  sense  of  human  pride,  keeps  mankind  above  base  or 
mean  actions  ;  and  excites  us  to  the  very  summit  of  human  ex- 
cellence. 

All  true  sources  of  human  pride  and  exaltation,  are  unalloyed 
with  future  regrets  or  uneasiness.  Like  the  life  and  character  of 
a  truly  good  and  great  man,  they  are  subjects  of  pure  joy,  that 
grow  brighter,  more  elevated  and  interesting,  on  reflection. 

Haughtiness,  is  the  fruit  of  ignorance,  vanity  and  hypocrisy  : 


THREE  PROFESSIONAL  CHARACTERS.  119 

generally  the  result  of  bad  education ;  an  erroneous  opinion  of 
what  human  worth  and  excellence  consists  in. 

True  greatness,   is  self-possessed,  calm,  affable,  dignified,  and 
always Jws^  and  reasonable. 


Warning  concerning  three  Professional  Characters. 

Said  Uncle  Ned,  (in  his  warning  to  his  friends,)  there  are  three 
professional  characters,  of  whom  I  warn  you  to  be  cautious  how 
you  trust : — Namely,  the  priest,  the  doctor,  and  the  lawyer.  The 
priest  requires  the  charge  of  your  soul — the  doctor,  of  your  hody, 
and  the  lawyer,  of  your  purse.  The  priest  triumphs  in  your  igno- 
rance and  superstition — the  doctor,  in  your  intemperance  and  ill 
health,  and  the  lawyer,  in  your  depravity  and  embarrassments. 

They  are  all  in  the  habit  of  disguising  their  professional  policy 
and  conduct,  in  blind  language,  and  by  hypocritical  pretensions. 
They  have  been  permitted  to  be,  chiefly  their  own  judges.  They 
may  be  good  servants — but  they  are  intolerable  masters. 

Priests,  and  lawyers,  when  not  strictly  watched  and  guarded,  in 
their  professional  policy  and  conduct,  too  often  prove  the  very 
spiders  and  canker  worms  of  truth,  virtue,  justice  and  human  lib- 
erty ;  and  doctors,  when  left  to  consult  their  own  professional  in- 
terests, frequently  prove  the  parents  of  debility,  and  the  nurses  of 
disease. 

It  would  therefore  be  important,  and  especially  for  the  people  of 
this  republican  community,  if  there  was  an  able,  independent  and 
faithful  REVIEW,  published  in  every  considerable  state  or  district, 
criticising  the  general  policy  and  conduct  of  the  learned  profes- 
sions ;  and  thereby  keeping  in  check  much  of  the  favorite  crafty 
they  are  inclined  to  indulge  in,  and  especially  when  left  to  them- 
selves without  watching  and  frequent  public  inspection. 


120  THE  LIGHT  OF  HEAVEN  NO  MYSTERY. 

The  Light  of  Heaven  no  Mystery. 

Heaven  has  rendered  the  way  to  human  enjoyments,  light,  sim- 
ple and  easy — accessible  to  the  simplest  capacity,  it  is  truth — it 
shines  always  the  same,  and  fairly  admits  of  but  one  construction. 
But  it  seems  not  to  have  answered  the  purpose  of  priestcraft,  king- 
craft, and  of  witchcraft — it  is  too  simple — every  body  can  com- 
prehend it  :  so  they  have  conjured  up,  (as  they  would  have  us  be- 
lieve,) a  better  light — a  mysterious  light,  a  light  that  looks  like 
darkness,  and  which,  like  the  grocer's  liquor,  is  the  better  for  be- 
ing adulterated  ! 

Let  any  one  attend  to  the  guide  which  nature  has  furnished  for 
our  senses,  and  he  can  hardly  mistake  the  way  to  true  happiness. 
Every  thing  around  us,  seems  naturally  to  proclaim,  that  temper- 
ance is  health,  industry  is  wealth,  and  honesty  is  honour.  On 
the  contrary,  intemperance  causes  stupidity,  disease  and  death  ; 
indolence  is  the  mould  and  rust  of  human  talents,  and  cancer  of 
virtue  ;  and  dishonesty  makes  a  man  the  most  base  and  contempt- 
ible being  on  earth. 

It  is  charging  the  Creator  with  a  lack  of  justice  and  discern- 
ment, to  suppose  that  He  had  provided  no  asylum  for  oppressed 
humanity — designed  no  reward  for  virtue,  but  left  them  to  chance, 
or  the  mere  invention  of  man. 

Morality  is  divine.  Schemes  of  religion  are  the  works  of  men  : 
so  far  as  any  scheme  or  system  of  religion  cultivates  virtue  and 
moral  excellence  in  society,  so  far  it  is  good — but  no  farther. 

A  system  of  religion  that  embraces  any  thing  beyond  what 
truth  and  reason  can  support,  loses  much  of  its  force  ;  and  every 
attempt  to  compel  subjects  into  its  belief,  becomes  suspicious,  and 
frequently  turns  away  honest  minds  with  indignation. 

You  cannot  compel  the  mind — the  body  may  be  enslaved.— 
Thoughts  are  involuntary.  It  is  impossible  to  force  any  one  to 
Heaven  against  their  own  will.  Besides,  a  person  of  a  corrupt 
and  vicious  mind,  without  a  change  of  understanding  and  feel- 
ings, surrounded  by  all  the  felicities  of  Heaven,  would  be  in  tor- 
ment. 


THE  LIGHT  OF  HEAVEN  NO  MYSTERY.  12i 

Weak  people  may  be  terrified  into  a  confession  of  that  which 
they  do  not  comprehend  ;  and  the  unprincipled  may  be  Mred^  by 
the  possession  or  prospect  of  some  worldly  gains  or  advantages,  to 
profess  what  they  don't  believe. 

The  holy  inquisitiunj  sacrificed  people,  (by  imprisonment,  tor- 
ture, death,  and  a  confiscation  of  their  property,)  because  they 
were  too  honest  to  take  ^  false  oath — to  swear  to  that  which  they 
did  not  believe. 

True  Christianity,  like  republicanism,  needs  no  other  arms  but 
the  force  of  truth  and  reason  to  carry  it  into  effect,  and  maintain 
its  dominion  ove«-  the  human  character.  When  any  other  means 
are  resorted  to,  depend  upon  it,  there  is  mischief 

There  is  a  kind  of  hot-bed  religion,  which  is  produced  by  ex- 
traordinary excitement  and  nursing  ;  that  may  serve  as  a  kind  of 
curiosity  J  from  its  sudden  growth,  and  rare  appearance  :  but  it 
seldom  has  much  substance^  and  generally  expires,  or  changes  its 
complexion,  as  soon  as  exposed  to  the  common  atmosphere. 

True  religion,  is  sincere,  and  is  founded  in  a  just  sense  of  vir- 
tue and  wisdom.  It  is  generally  slow  and  steady  of  growth  ;  ^nd 
is  to  be  known  by  its  consistency  and  good  works.  But  false  re- 
ligion, is  a  cheat,  founded  in  folly  and  wickedness — generally  the 
artifice  of  base  men,  calculated  to  disguise  fraudulent  intentions, 
and  to  impose  on  the  ignorant  and  credulous. 

All  hopes  oP  future  felicity,  that  are  not  founded  in  righteous- 
ness, are  vain  and  impious. 

Don't  trust  that  teacher,  who  preaches  up  mysteries  he  cannot 
unravel  or  comprehend  himself,  lest,  through  ignorance  or  design, 
he  lead  you  on  to  destruction. 

Of  what  use  is  any  system  of  religion,  that  does  not  promote 
virtue  and  human  excellence  ? 

We  are  frequently  cautioned  against  examining  into  the  truth 
or  soundness,  of  doctrines  held  out  by  divine  teachers  concerning 
the  bible  and  a  future  state.  This  art,  (for  it  must  be  confessed 
the  business  has  been  managed  with  a  deal  of  art,)  has  caused 
more  bloodshed  and  human  misery,  than  perhaps  all  the  avowed 
infidelity  on  earth.  What  !  will  not  the  works  of  divinely  inspir- 
ed revelation,  bear  the  test  ?    If  the  various  things  preached  up 

16 


122  THE  LIGHT  OF  HEAVEN  NO  MYSTERY. 

by  divines,  concerning  the  present  and  future  happiness  of  man- 
kind, are  founded  in  truth  or  reason,  they  certainly  can  lose  noth- 
ing by  examination  ;  but  if  their  schemes  are  conceived  in  error, 
or  wickedness,  they  may  be  detected  by  inspection.  Popery ^  the 
holy  inquisition f  and  all  their  horrid  consequences,  grew  out  of 
this  error  or  neglect  of  mankind  ;  and  numerous  other  evils, 
equally  abominable,  have  been  practised  or  cloaked  under  pious 
pretensions. 

It  is  the  common  art  of  villainy,  to  cloak  evil  designs,  under 
good  names,  or  fair  professions. 

It  should  be  remembered,  that  the  church  of  Rome,  professedly 
deriving  their  authority  from  the  Christian  Scriptures,  at  one  time, 
exercised  such  a  horrid  despotism  over  the  fortunes,  bodies  and 
consciences  of  men,  as  to  call  forth  the  arduous  supplications  of 
true  Christians,  for  the  downfall  of  popery  and  superstition. 

It  may  be  well  to  explain,  a  little,  in  regard  to  the  origin  and 
progress  of  this  evil. 

After  the  leading  knaves  and  tyrants  of  the  ancient  world,  had 
rendered  the  greater  part  of  mankind  miserable,  by  their  frauds, 
oppressions  and  cruelties,  they  then  pretended,  that,  those  who 
served  them  faithfully,  and  scrupulously  adhered  to  their  rules  and 
exactions,  would  be  made  happy  in  another  life — in  a  toorld  to 
come  ;  but  that,  those  who  transgressed  their  rules  and  authority, 
would  be  doomed  to  misery  and  destruction. 

This  is  probably  the  foundation  of  ancient  religious  despotism  : 
and  from  which  the  world  experienced  no  substantial  relief,  until 
the  introduction  of  Christianity. 

When  the  leaders  of  this  ancient  religious  despotism,  had  spent 
their  fury  and  chief  force,  against  the  mild,  righteous  and  humane 
precepts  and  practices  of  Christianity,  without  being  able  to  ar- 
rest its  progress  ;  they  then,  hypocritically,  professed  to  turn 
round  and  embrace  its  doctrines  ;  but  managed  their  designs  so, 
as  finally  to  include  and  continue  most  of  their  idolatrous  forms, 
and  arbitrary  practices,  under  the  7iame  of  Christianity. 

Thus  papisti-y  reared  her  awful  dominion  :  wherein  the  pope, 
the  head  of  the  church,  professed  to  hold  the  keys  of  Heaven  and 
hell,  and  thereby  to  exercise  a  kind  of  sovereignty  over  the  future 


THE  LIGHT  OF  HEAVEN  NO  MYSTERY.  123 

destinies  of  mankind  !  and  as  an  authority  expressly  derived  from 
the  Christian  scriptures.  But,  lest  the  fallacy  of  these  preten- 
sions should  be  detected,  the  chief  managers,  dhso]\ite\y  prohibited 
the  common  use  of  the  Bible  !  Perhaps  a  greater  cheat  never  was 
practised  on  the  human  race. 

Under  the  expressed  authority  of  the  pope,  the  professed  head 
of  the  Roman  church,  or  papal  sovereignty,  multitudes  carried  on 
a  commerce  in  sin,  and  actually  sold  licenses,  (indulgences  they 
call  them,)  to  commit  criminal  and  other  offences,  for  a  stipulated 
sum,  for  which  they,  the  priests,  absolved,  or  agreed  to  screen  the 
purchaser  from  all  future  punishment  or  accountability,  both  earth- 
ly, and  divine  V 

While  truth  was  thus  chained,  and  virtue  and  humanity  lay 
weltering  and  wailing,  under  the  bigotry  and  despotism  of  the  Ro- 
mish church,  or  papal  authority,  Calvin,  after  Luther,  commen- 
ced his  aid  in  the  general  reformation. 

In  this  undertaking,  however,  Calvin,  no  doubt  thought  best  to 
conform  his  creed,  in  a  degree,  to  some  of  the  leading  notions  and 
policy  of  kingcraft  J  in  order  to  conciliate  earthly  sovereignty,  and 
obtain  the  aid  and  approbation  of  the  powers  nigh  him.  This  may 
be  easily  seen,  in  his  ideas  of  prelection^  and  sovereign  grace — that 
is,  an  appointment  or  determination,  fixed  by  the  lot  of  birth, 
without  any  regard  to  merit  or  previous  actions — a  place,  pension, 
title  or  distinction,  bestowed  by  sovereign  authority,  agreeable  to 
the  whim  or  pleasure  of  the  monarch,  and  in  contempt  of  merit,  or 
the  principles  of  justice. 

Calvin's  making  his  God  the  arbiter  of  an  unjust,  cruel  and  re- 
lentless policy,  in  imitation  of  earthly  sovereigns,  was  no  doubt 
highly  flattering  to  their  vanity  and  pretensions. 

It  may  readily  be  perceived,  however,  that  the  moral  socie- 
ties, established  by  Calvin,  had  a  more  important  effect  in  impro- 
ving the  actual  condition  of  society,  than  his  religious  creed. — 
Their  good  effects  are  strikingly  visible  to  this  day,  in  places  where 
they  were  first  established.  Something  like  a  regimen  of  diet 
and  exercise,  attending  the  prescription  for  using  a  certain  com- 
pound of  medicine — they  are  worth  more  than  the  medicine.  So 
Calvin's  moral  societies  are  worth  more  than  his  religious  creed. — 


124  THE  LIGHT  OF  HEAVEN  NO  MYSTERY. 

The  first  is  founded  in  positive  benefits,  and  the  latter  is  chiefly 
imaginary. 

The  idea,  held  out  by  some,  that  one  man  can  answer  or  atone 
for  the  sins  of  another  person,  in  a  moral  or  religious  point  of 
view,  is  perhaps  the  most  absurd  and  slavish  notion,  that  priest- 
craft ever  invented. 

A  person's  making  confessions  in  ^055,  and  without  offering 
any  amends  to  those  whom  they  have  injured,  is  encouraging  to 
hypocrisy  and  villainy. 

Some,  who  profess  to  have  undergone  a  religious  change,  have 
exchanged  a  manly  sense  of  honesty,  for  a  sickly  state  of  insensi' 
hility.  They  are  no  longer  troubled  with  anxiety  about  discharg- 
ing their  earthly  duties,  or  engagements  to  their  fellow-men. — 
Their  compunctions  of  conscience  cease  to  upbraid  them  of  faith- 
less or  dishonest  actions — a  state  of  stupidity  and  hypocrisy  has  ta- 
ken their  place.  Indeed,  many  who  have  experienced  sudden  re- 
ligious conversions,  or  undergone  a  nominal  change  in  favour  of 
some  sectarian  creed,  policy,  or  mode  of  external  worship— rely- 
ing upon  their  assumed  piety  to  screen  them  from  suspicion  and 
punishment,  often  presume  to  do  with  impunity,  that  which,  before 
they  put  on  their  outside  sanctity,  they  would  not  have  dared  to 
attempt. 

The  advocates  of  mischief,  address  themselves  to  our  faith  in 
imaginary  things,  and  prove  their  works  by  deception. 

Can  any  system,  that  is  founded  in  error,  and  supported  by  de- 
ception, be  good  ?  "  Yes*,"  say  the  slaves  of  satan,  **  such  are 
the  means  by  which  we  serve  our  master,  and  set  mankind  at  va- 
riance with  themselves — by  enslaving,  tormenting  and  butchering 
one  another ;  and  frequently  in  a  cause  wherein  ninety  and  nine- 
hundredths  of  them  have  the  same  general  object  in  view,  only — 

THEY  ARE  DECEIVED." 

Mankind  are  not  the  happier  for  what  they  have  enjoyed  ;  but 
we  rather  pass  from  pleasure  with  regret,  and  feel  our  happinesi 
augmented  by  what  we  hopefully  expect  to  enjoy.  Hence  a  hope 
of  future  felicity,  founded  in  a  just  and  well  grounded  prospect,  is 
the  sweet  anchor  of  the  soul. 

The  idea  of  an  immortal  soul,  and  of  a  state  of  rewards  and 


THE  LIGHT  OF  HEAVEN  NO  MYSTERY.  125 

punishments  according  to  our  understandings  and  voluntary  trans- 
actions, is  certainly  the  most  just  and  sublime  conception  that  ev- 
er entered  the  mind  of  man  ;  and  when  it  is  pursued  by  just  and 
rational  precepts  and  examples,  it  is  most  eminently  calculated  to 
exalt  the  human  character,  and  to  promote  the  general  peace, 
prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  whole  human  family. 

The  christian  system,  in  its  true  and  rational  character,  is  the 
very  palladium  of  our  religious  and  political  liberties.  It  has  done 
more  perhaps  to  civilize  mankind — to  allay  and  restrain  the  fero- 
city and  despotism  of  the  human  character — to  excite  and  culti- 
vate a  proper  sense  of  returning  justice  and  fellow  feeling  among 
the  human  family,  than  any  thing  else  that  has  ever  been  known. 

Our  divine  Saviour,  in  teaching  the  ways  of  God  to  man,  de- 
veloped more  true  goodness  and  greatness  of  the  human  character, 
than  the  world  had  ever  before  seen. — He  shows  mankind,  that 
true  greatness,  does  not  consist  in  the  imposition,  or  exercise  of,  a 
haughty  sovereignty,  or  despotism  over  our  fellow  beings,  or  in 
any  way  manifesting  a  contempt  for  their  wrongs  and  sufferings : 
But  in  enlightening  the  ignorant  ;  detecting  and  reproving  the 
faulty ;  relieving  and  comforting  the  oppressed,  and  those  who  are 
unrighteously  and  sorely  afflicted  ;  and  in  finally  promoting  the 
general  peace,  security,  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  whole 
human  family,  by  a  mutual  exchange  of  good  services — by  doing 
unto  others  as  we  would  have  mankind  do  unto  us.  ( How  much 
is  this  unlike,  most  of  the  heads  of  our  church  establishments,  at 
the  present  day !) 

Real  christians  don't  persecute,  nor  oppress  their  fellow  men. 

Ingratitude,  and  revenge,  are  the  fruits  of  ignorance  and  cor- 
ruption. 

The  spirit  of  true  Christianity,  breathes  nothing  but  peace, 
righteousness,  benevolence  and  good  will  towards  mankind. 

The  real  christian  in  mind,  rejoices  in  the  happiness  of  his  fel- 
low beings ;  but  the  snake  tempered  hypocrite  and  despoiler, 
squirm  and  hiss  at  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  their  very  neigh- 
bours. Miserable  and  discontented  in  mind,  themselves,  they  wish 
the  world  so,  too. 

Practical  Christianity,  teaches  us  cheerfulness  and  afFability  in 
our  temper,  and  dispositions ;  justice,  benevolence  and  humanity, 


126  ORATORY. 

in  our  dealings,  and  general  conduct  towards  our  neighbours  and 
fellow  men. 

The  true  christian's  mind,  moves  with  gratitude  and  satisfaction, 
towards  private  and  public  benefactors. 

And  when  the  christian's  life  is  run,  he  sinks  into  a  hopeful 
eternity,  in  peace  with  himself  and  the  world  of  mankind. 

Here,  then,  is  an  immediate,  and  positive  benefit,  with  an  eter- 
nity  of  bliss  in  prospect,  resulting  from  the  faith  and  practice  of 
true  Christianity. 


Oratory. 


True  oratory,  is  the  natural  and  unaffected  speaking  of  the 
mind — the  pouring  out  of  the  soul,  through  the  medium  of  the  hu- 
man senses ;  and  is  generally  manifested  by  the  tone  of  voice, 
looks,  actions  and  other  expressions  of  feeling.  Tears  some  times 
express  the  language  of  the  soul,  most  eloquently. 

There  is  an  acquired  art  of  speaking,  imitating  genuine  ora- 
tory— affecting  the  true  sensibility  and  language  of  the  soul.  This 
art,  chiefly  consists  in  modulating  and  managing  the  voice,  ges- 
tures, and  manner  of  speaking,  to  charm  or  captivate  the  human 
senses,  by  the  music  of  the  voice,  and  pleasing  manners  of  a  speak- 
er— to  gain  a  particular  cause,  point  or  purpose,  by  the  sound  and 
manner,  rather  than  by  the  substance  of  argument,  and  finally  to 
triumph  over  human  justice  and  reason,  by  a  hypocritical  appeal  to 
passions. 

This  art  of  public  speaking,  may,  possibly,  be  applied  to  good 
purposes,  in  certain  instances  ;  but  it  is  an  unnecessary,  and  very 
dangerous  art,  and  far  more  evil  than  good  is  to  be  apprehended 
from  its  indulgence. 

Truth,  soberly  and  fairly  expressed  to  our  understanding,  is  an 
address  to  reason — instead  of  passion  ;  and  is  the  great  agent  and 
promoter  of  justice,  virtue  and  human  excellence.  But  an  affected 
tone  of  voice,  feeling  and  manner  of  speaking,  studiously  calcula- 
ted and  managed  to  operate  upon  the  huma.n passions,  instead  of 
reason,  is  an  art  of  satan. 


LAWYERS.  127 

There  seems  to  be  a  great  deal  of  study  and  effort,  to  acquire 
this  hypocritical  art  of  speaking,  and  chiefly  by  those  who  are 
thoughtless,  or  ignorant  of  its  true  character  and  consequences  ; 
but  every  virtuous  nnd  enlightened  member  of  society,  should 
avoid  and  detest  all  art  and  affectation  in  speaking,  as  the  music 
and  charms  of  satan. 

It  is  this  art  of  speaking,  by  which  unprincipled  and  designing 
lawyers  often  endeavour  to  lull  justice  to  sleep,  while  they  plunder 
and  distress  their  intended  victims,  or  effect  the  escape  of  their 
guilty  clients. 

The  very  same  art  that  unprincipled  and  designing  priests  often 
hypocriticallv  employ,  to  delude  and  oppress  their  unhappy  sub- 
jects. 

It  is  the  "  syren  song'^  intended  to  hush  the  watchmen  of  liber- 
ty, while  the  enemy  possess  themselves  of  the  strong  holds  of  public 
safety. 

The  speeches  and  writings  of  Wm.  Penn,  Washington,  Frank- 
lin, Jefferson,  and  many  others,  the  best  friends  and  benefactors 
of  mankind,  are  plain,  unaffected,  and  direct  communications  to 
the  human  reason  and  understanding ;  and  serve  as  an  example 
for  present  and  future  generations.  i 

After  a  people  have  been  accustomed  to  be  led  by  the  sound  in- 
stead of  the  substance  of  words  or  arguments — suffer  themselves 
to  follow  an  artful  and  affected  address  to  their  passions,  rather 
than  a  sober  and  candid  appeal  to  their  reason,  they  may  be  readi- 
ly subjected  to  their  own  degradation  and  ruin.        I 

This  unnatural,  inhuman  and  affected  art  of  speaking,  makes 
game  of  fellow  beings,  and  is  calculated  to  play  the  very  deml 
with  the  human  understanding  and  character. 


Lawyers. 


There  is  perhaps  no  profession,  whereby  a  man  might  render 
more  important  services  to  society,  than  in  that  of  the  law,  provi- 
ded those  who  practice  law  would  exert  their  skill  and  talents  to 
ipxomote  justice;  and  I  am  happy  to  perceive   there  are  some  of 


J«B  LAWYERS. 

the  profession,  of  that  character.  Unfortunately  for  society,  how- 
ever, it  must  be  confessed,  that  the  number  of  such  lawyers  is  small, 
and  that  those  who  compose  it,  are  truly  above  the  general  intiu- 
ence  and  example  of  their  profession. 

The  principal  gains  of  lawyers,  proceed  from  the  ignorance, 
wounds  and  depravity  of  society. 

Could  there  be  a  mode  devised  whereby  lawyers  should  be  paid 
or  compensated,  in  proportion  as  they  should  promote  justice — ren- 
der its  access  more  sure,  expeditious,  and  economical,  it  would  be 
highly  important  for  mankind.  At  present,  however,  nighly  the 
reverse  is  the  case  ;  and  lawyers  study  to  promote  their  interests, 
by  unnecessary  perplexities  and  delays  of  justice. — We  should 
certainly  think  it  a  queer  way  to  improve  roads  or  navigable  wa- 
ters, by  rendering  their  passage  more  lengthy,  intricate,  hazardous 
and  expensive,  and  yet  these  seem  to  be  essentially  such  altera- 
tions as  lawyers  generally  choose  to  make  in  the  course  of  pr^es- 
^«rf  justice.  ^' 

It  is  perfectly  natural  for  every  one  to  desire  an  increa^^  of  the 
prohts  and  sources  of  their  own  calling  or  professional  business. 
Therefore  it  is  not  extraordinary  that  lawyers  should  study  to  fos- 
ter, and  increase  the  natural  sources  and  advantages  of  l^eir  pro- 
fessional business  ;  that  they  should  study  to  catch  eveiy  human 
ditference,  evil  passion,  or  spark  of  litigation,  and  blow  k  up,  ^d 
endeavour  to  multiply,  extend  and  prolong  the  same  ;  ihd  finally 
to  manage  every  controversy  or  job  of  law,  for  their  own  benefit.* 
It  isalso  reasonable  to  conclude,  that  they  would  strive  to  get  and 
retain  all  the  ojjices  of  any  considerable  trust  or  profit,  to  them- 
selves, families,  friends  and  connexions,  or  to  those  under  their 
influence  and  control ;  that  they  would  try  to  legislate  aftd  make 
the  laws,  and  then  plead,  ^adjudge,  to  suit  themselves  ;  that  they 
should  even  labor  to  rentier  mankind  so  dependent  upon  their  pro- 


♦Like  an  unprincipled  doctor,  who,  for  the  purpose  of  making  or 
enlarging^  a  job  for  himself,  aggravates  and  converts  a  wart  or  pimple  in- 
to: a  cancer  ;  or  who,  perhaps  otherways  ex^aggerates  a  malady,  or  nurses 
and  prolongs  youT  infirmity,  or  disease,  to  lengthen  out  his  visits  and  in- 
crease his  charges  ;  or  purposely  injures  your  constitution,  so  as  to  make 
you  depeadant  on  his  assistance  during  life. 


LAWYERS.  129 

fession,  as  hardly  to  be  able  to  transact  the  most  trifling  business 
without  their  aid  or  advice.  Besides,  it  is  quite  probable  their 
professional  views  would  lead  them  to  endeavor  to  control,  directly 
or  indirectly,  most  of  the  newspapers  and  other  sources  of  public 
intelligence,  in  order  to  prevent  criticisms  on  their  policy  and  con- 
duct  J  and  to  advocate  and  promote  their  own  policy  y  interest  and 
designs. 

Having  the  chief  control  of  the  legislative,  judicial,  and  execu- 
tive authorities  of  a  state  or  nation  ;  it  would  be  very  convenient 
for  the  craft,  in  order  to  recruit  the  sources  of  their  professional 
interests,  to  hoist  the  flood  gates  op  vice,  for  a  season,  under 
some  special  garb  or  pretext  of  necessity ^  mercy ^  liberality ^  expe- 
diency, or  good  policy — to  sow  vice  or  evil  temptations,  and  then 
harvest  the  sins  of  the  people  ! 

It  is  really  wonderful,  however,  that  lawyers  should  have  been 
so  far  indulged,  as  they  have  been,  in  this  enlightened  age,  and 
country.  How  unfortunate  it  is  for  society,  that  there  should  be 
a  profession  of  men,  so  tolerated  or  indulged,  who  are  interested 
in  catching  every  man  in  a  passion,  or  evil  moment,  and  binding 
of  him  in  a  litigious  controversy,  to  the  filial  injury  of  himself, 
and  friends — in  exciting ^  nngmenting,  and  prolonging^  those  petty 
broils  and  misunderstandings  which  mankind  are  perpetually  lia- 
ble to ;  and  which,  if  judiciously  attended  to  in  season,  are  gene- 
rally settled  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  concerned  ;  but  if  entrusted 
to  the  management  of  lawyers,  too  often  terminate  to  the  disad- 
vantage of  both  parties. 

But  what  necessity  is  there  for  lawyers  ?  justice  chiefly  depends 
on  the yac<5  (not pleadings,)  produced  in  evidence  to  the  court; 
and  the  judges  know,  or  ought  to  know,  the  law — as  well  as  to  be 
capable  of  reasoning. 

Can  a  lawyer  make  what  has  been,  not  to  have  been,  or  what  has 
not  been,  to  have  been.  What  is  the  odds — whether  a  man  takes 
my  purse  behind  my  back,  and  passes  it  cunningly  under  his  leg, 
from  his  right  hand  to  his  left,  through  a  button  hole,  says  over 
"  hocus  pocus,"  and  puts  it  into  his  pocket,  or  whether  he  takes  it 
before  my  face  and  bears  it  straight  off  without  any  ceriinony  ? 
I  know,  that,  sticklers  for  law  and  policy,  will   make  %  deal  of 

17 


130  LAWYERS. 

odds :  but  I  can  see  no  essential  difference,   only  that  the  former 
evinces  the  most  premeditated  and  determined  villniny. 

It  would  generally  be  much  easier  to  make  a  just  and  correct 
decision  of  a  case,  from  a  judicious  summary  of  the  law,  and  the 
principal  facts  in  evidence,  than  after  hearing  all  the  sophistry, 
squirming f  twisting  and  jnggling  of  the  lawyers.* 

William  Penn,  Washington,  Franklin,  Samuel  Adamb, 
Hancock,  Generals  Warren,  Greene,  Putnam,  La  Fayette, 
and  a  host  of  the  political  fathers  and  benefactors  of  this  republic, 
Were  not  lawyers.f  Washington,  has  indeed  left  us  a  warning 
and  example  to  shun  lawyers  and  the  snares  of  litigation,  in  the 
provisions  for  settling  his  estate,  "  got  volumes  of  meaning  in  it." 

The  study  and  practice  of  law,  generally  cultivates  a  quibbling, 
contracted  and  base  policy.  A  knowledge  of  history  and  general 
science,  gives  men  much  more  correct,  extensive  and  liberal  views 
of  society. 

Knowledge  debases  no  man  ;  but  the  ordinary  practice  of  law, 
too  often  renders  men  practical  villains.  Accustomed  to  oppose 
truth  and  justice,  lawyers  frequently  lose,  even  their  natural  sense 
of  right  and  wrong.  Tutored  in  the  great  school  of  deception,  a 
lawyer  becomes  a  hypocrite  by  profession — a  kind  of  two  sided 
craft — any  body's  friends  for  money !  Of  course,  a  lawyer  is  a 
kind  of  privileged  tool,  in  the  hands  of  vicious,  or  wealthy  men 
— sometimes  hired  to  keep  justice  off,  at  others  employed  to  enforce 
a  fraudulent  or  unjust  demand,  just  as  suits  their  client's  purposes. 

We  are  apt  to  form  a  most  detestable  opinion  of  those,  who  can 
be  hired  to  fight  against  the  cause  of  justice  and  humanity.  It  is 
indeed  often  necessary  and  proper,  that  criminal  and  other  offend- 
ers, should  have  advice  and  assistance,  to  prevent  them  fix)m  be- 

*  The  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of  New  York,  it  is  said,  with  the 
chief  justice  presiding-,  went  tlirough  one  of  their  county  sessions,  with- 
out any  pleadings,  and  the  result  was  highly  pleasing — to  all  but  lawyer*. 
This  course  was  adopted,  in  consequence  of  some  airs  the  lawyers  or 
bar  had  taken  upon  themselves,  which  the  judge  would  not  submit  to. 

•jr  Jefferson  soon  entered  into  public  life,  so  that  he  had  no  time  to 
become  corrupted  by  the  contaminating  influence  and  practice  of  the 
law.     And  even  John  Adams,  did  not  remam  many  years  in  their  reach. 


LAWYERS.  131 

ing  convicted  of  more  than  they  were  guilty,  or  from  being  any 
way  wronged  or  unjustly  treated.  But  when  lawyers  exert  them- 
selves beyond  that — to  prevent  the  truth  from  coming  to  light,  or 
justice  from  taking  place,  by  studying  to  garnish  over  or  conceal 
the  crimes  or  offences  of  their  clients  ;  when  they  strive  to  wring 
and  twist  a  known  or  confirmed  villain  or  offender  out  of  the 
hands  of  justice,  and  let  him  looso  upon  society  again ;  by  so  do- 
ing, they  obviously  participate  in  their  client's  offence,  and  too  of- 
ten partake  bountifully  of  their  plunder  or  ill-gotten  wealth. 

Some  lawyers  attempt  to  excuse  themselves  for  assisting  rogues 
to  evade  justice,  by  saying  that  their  oaths  oblige  them  to  be  faith- 
ful to  their  employers — (plaguey  oath  !)  but  why  take  such  an 
oath,  if  it  requires  them  to  become  accomplices  with  every  villain 
who  may  see  fit  to  employ  them  to  facilitate  an  evasion  of  justice  1 

If  a  man  under  standingly  makes  implements,  or  renders  other 
essential  aid  or  assistance  to  effect  the  commission  of  a  fraudulent 
or  criminal  act ;  or  to  facilitate  the  escape  of  rogues  ;  or  if  he 
knowingly  conceals  a  criminal  offender  ;  or  disguises  or  secretes 
stolen  property,  or  partakes  of  the  same,  he  p^irticipates  in  the  of- 
fence— unless,  indeed,  he  has  been  indulged  with  a  lawyer's  oath, 
and  then  he  just  receives  his  reward,  or  part  of  the  plundered,  as 
a  FEE. — What  a  privilege  ! 

Their,  clients  deceive  them,  too— (naughty  cZicw^s  .'J  But  does 
not  every  lawyer  know,  that  men  are  generally  in  a  passion  when 
they  go  to  law,  and  that  every  man  is  inclined  to  be  more  or  less 
partial  to  his  own  side  of  the  case  ? 

Lawyers  not  only  get  larger  fees,  for  advocating  injustice,  but 
consider  it  a  greater  evidence  of  their  professional  abilities,  when 
they  succeed,  than  they  do  for  managing  on  the  side  of  justice. 

Those  who  prosecute  under  just  claims,  or  attempt  to  resist  pal- 
pable injustice,  generally  conceive  they  have  very  little  need  for 
the  services  of  lawyers. 

Lawyers  knowingly  encourage  opposition  to  justice,  that  would 
not  otherways  be  made.  They  cultivate  an  equivocating  and  tri- 
fling disposition  in  society,  by  endeavouring  to  render  litigation 
honourable.  Indeed,  they  would  endeavour  to  persuade  us  thai 
iheirs  was  "  the  most  honaurahle  profession." 


132  LAWYERS. 

The  more  trifling  the  cause  of  action,  the  greater  the  offence  ; 
and  attack  a  man,  let  his  conduct  and  position  be  ever  so  correct, 
and  you  will  generally  compel  him  to  take  extreme  grounds,  for 
resistance.  Hence  it  is  the  policy  of  lawyers,  to  encourage  the 
institution  of  suits  for  doubtful,  exaggerated  or  petty  offences,  and 
to  excite  false  ideas  of  honour,  or  prospects  of  success,  to  induce 
their  clients  to  persist  to  the  extremity  of  the  law — well  knowing 
that  one  law  suit,  unjustly  instituted,  or  unreasonably  prolonged, 
like  a  war,  generally  provokes  another. 

The  laws  were  professedly  designed  as  our  guide  and  protec- 
tion ;  but  how  could  it  be  reasonably  expected  that  men  of  com- 
mon abilities  should  understand  the  laws,  and  be  able  to  use  them, 
when  they  are  the  subject  of  perpetual  doubts,  and  often  of  the 
very  mm  who  made  the  laws  1 

If  those  who  went  to  law,  generally,  expected  jus/tcc  would  take 
place,'there  would  be  quite  a  difference  in  the  parties  ;  and  many 
matters  that  are  now  violently  contested,  would  be  amicably  set- 
tled, and  without  the  aid  or  advice  of  a  lawyer. 

The  advocate  of  injustice,  says,  "  I  am  not  confined  to  certain 
unalterable /ffc^s — but  make  just  such  statements  as  are  best  cal- 
culated to  answer  my  purpose  ;  and  if  I  succeed,  I  get  something 
for  my  pains ;  but  if  my  opponent  gets  his  case,  he  recovers  no 
more  than  was  justly  his  own,  and  that  often  at  an  expense  that 
far  exceeds  its  value." 

The  laws  should  be  so  made  and  administered,  that jws//cf  might 
be  accessible  to  people  of  common  abilities.  In  many  instances, 
however,  the  laws  seem  to  be  made,  or  administered,  so  as  to  in- 
crease the  powers  of  those,  whose  learning,  property,  and  personal 
influence,  (the  bane  of  justice  and  civil  liberty,)  naturally  gives 
them  too  much  the  advantage. 

Bad  laws  are  generally  worse  than  none.  They  cost  more  than 
they  fetch.     Justice  is  out  of  the  question. 

It  is  the  natural  policy  of  lawyers,  to  throw  the  rights  of  men 
into  doubtful  contest,  and  then  shtflle  law  for  the  issue — to  render 
truth  and  error  equally  doubtful,  and  then  let  the  partiality  of  the 
judges  go  the  way  they  are  generally  inclined. 

Lawyers  no  doubt  would  be  highly  gratified,  if  they  could  ren- 


LAWYERS.  133 

«ler  the  rights  of  men  so  doubtful,  as  to  be  frequently  contested  in 
law. 

If  the  laws  were  rendered  plain  and  explicit,  so  as  to  be  easily 
understood,  and  readily  administered,  there  would  be  but  few  law- 
suits, or  attempts  to  resist  justice — unless  those  entrusted  with  the 
administration  of  the  laws  should  violate  the  proper  duties  of 
their  station ;  for  mankind  are  not  such  fools,  generally,  as  to  at- 
tempt to  resist  a  plain,  regular  course  of  justice,  without  some  un- 
due excitement,  aid,  or  encouragement. 

The  talents  which  generally  enable  men  to  acquire  wealth  and 
power,  by  the  practice  of  law,  are  not  rated  among  the  most  es- 
teemed of  human  faculties.  Some  lawyers  have  gained  their  fees 
by  extreme  insolence,  browbeating,  or  bullying — such  as  would 
often  give  the  purest  innocence  a  purple  tinge,  or  frighten  the 
most  amiable  modesty  into  confusion  ;  while  others  have  triumph- 
ed over  their  opponents,  by  superior  strength  of  lungs,  employed 
in  loud,  or  long  speaking ;  and  all  owe  more  or  less  of  their  suc- 
cess to  intrigue  and  deception* 

Tribunals  of  justice,  bring  the  reasoning  faculties  of  men  into 
cool  and  deliberate  action  ;  but  courts  of  law,  like  war,  too  often 
give  scope  to  the  vilest  passions  of  the  human  character.  In 
fact,  suits  at  law  are  often  conducted  more  like  a  siege  at  war, 
than  like  tribunals  of  civil  justice — in  collecting  and  drilling  wit- 
nesses ;  changing  the  modes  or  points  of  attack,  or  defence ;  cor- 
rupting or  swerving  witnesses,  lawyers  and  judges,  and  causing 
unnecessary  perplexities,  delays  and  expenses. 

It  is  a  great  object  with  the  profession,  to  render  the  laws  intri- 
cate, complicated  and  difficult  to  administer ;  and  also  to  have  it 

*  What  a  sense  must  it  create,  in  a  virtuous,  intelligent  and  reflecting- 
mind,  to  behold  an  old  grey  headed  man,  (as  the  case  sometimes  is,)  one 
who  had  been  honoured  with  a  seat  in  the  councils  of  his  nation,  employ- 
ing sophistries  and  other  arts  of  deception,  before  a  public  assembly, 
dignified  with  the  name  of  a  tribunal  of  justice — perhaps  to  rob,  per- 
secute or  oppress,  some  good  person — possibly  a  public  benefactor,  to 
favour  or  indulge  some  treacherous,  malignant,  envious  or  oppressive 
client — and  all,  too,  for  the  paltry  consideration  ofa/cc  /  What,  indeed, 
must  be  the  opinion  entertained  of  such  a  man,  and  of  a  profession  that 
would  tolerate  such  a  general  course  of  conduct .'' 


134  LAWYERS. 

customary  to  make  fine  long  speeches  on  frequent  occasionB  ;*  m 
as  to  exclude  all  but  "  the  most  honourable  profession^"  from  offi- 
ces of  any  considerable  trustor  profit.  Then,  instead  of  choosing 
public  officers  from  among  the  people,  they  would  have  to  be  cho- 
sen of  the  lawyers  ! 

Lawyers  already  consider  a  knowledge  of  law  so  intricate^  as 
to  exclude  all  but  those  of  their  own  profession,  from  knowing  any 
more  about  "  legal  affairs ^'^  than  they  generally  do  about  the  me- 
chanic arts.  Indeed,  some  oi  tlie  quirks  and  quibbles  of  law,  are 
as  mysterious  and  perplexing,  as  the  art  of  juggling  or  slight  of 
hand — and  quite  as  useless  and  mischievous  in  society.  But  ev- 
ery man  of  good  common  sense,  generally  knows  the  principles 
of  equity — of  common  right  and  wrong,  and  which  are  the  essen- 
tials of  all  just  and  good  laws. 

Most  of  those  who  practice  law,  have  signalized  their  lives,  es- 
pecially their  youths,  by  their  hatred  of  industry,  and  their  con- 
tempt for  those  who  earn  tlieir  living  by  honest  labour  ;  as  well 
as  manifested  a  disregard  for  most  of  die  good  and  wholesome 
laws  and  customs  of  society.  A  pretty  set  of  men,  to  be  sure,  to 
select  to  make  and  administer  laws,  for  the  purpose  of  guarding 
the  rights  of  honest  industry — encouraging  honesty  and  fair  deal- 
ing among  men  ;  promoting  temperance  and  sobriety,  and  protect- 
ing virtue  and  innocence  in  society. 

Almost  as  soon  as  a  person  commences  the  study  of  law,  in 
some  places,  he  is  dub'd  Esqr.  and  viewed  with  a  kind  of  terror, 
by  the  common  people,  as  having  power  to  do  them  harm. 

In  short,  lawyers,  in  their  zeal  to  render  the  progress  of  law  ex- 
pensive, and  its  issue  uncertain,  have  nighly  overreached  them- 
selves, in  as  much  as  they  have  rendered  the  progress  so  tedious 
and  expensive,  and  its  issue  so  uncertain,  that  many  people  had  ra- 
ther suffer  injustice  in  the  first  instance,  than  contend  in  law  for 
their  rights.     Nor  has  the  zeal  of  this  privileged  and  highly  in- 

*  How  silly  it  often  appears,  for  an  old,  and  otherwise  dignified  char- 
acter, such  as  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation,  a  state,  or  the  like  oflS- 
cer,  to  have  to  learn  the  matter  of  their  communications  by  heart,  like  a 
school  boy,  so  as  to  deliver  them  off-— make  a  speech,  instead  of  giving 
the  same  in  a  written  m€«*a^e. 


LAWYERS.  135 

dulged  profession  ended  here ;  for  they  have  not  only  trampled  on 
the  laws  of  the  states,  in  some  instances,  by  their  "  bar  rules,''  to 
obtain  illegal  and  exorbitant  fees  ;  but  have  they  not  actually  set 
the  constitution  of  the  nation  at  defiance,  by  obstructing  the  gen- 
eral freedom  of  exercising  our  professional  talents,  in  certain  in- 
stances, unless  we  have  studied,  or  resided,  a  given  time,  within  a 
certain  district  or  local  hound  1 

Instances  of  lawyers  being  governed  by  principle — advising  cli- 
ents for  their  actual  and  best  good,  contrary  to  the  general  dictates 
oftheir  professional  policy,  are  indeed  so  rare,  that  they  are  noticed 
as  extraordinary  occurrences.  For  example  :  when  the  late  judge 
Wythe,  (of  Virginia,)  during  his  practice  of  law,  once  returned 
a  client  his  fee,  with  advice  to  settle  the  matter  in  the  best  manner 
he  could,  without  going  :o  law — the  transaction  was  considered  as 
an  extraordinary  instance  of  honesty  in  a  lawyer.     And  when  Mr. 

B of  Vermont — a  young  lawyer  of  considerable  talents,  but 

no  fortune,  not  only  refused  to  advocate  the  cause  of  a  rogue, 
(who  had  stolen  a  cow  from  a  poor  widow,)  but  actually  volun- 
teered on  the  other  side — and  got  the  case — the  transaction  was 
noticed,  and  highly  applauded  by  the  people,  as  an  instance  of  hon- 
ourable conduct  in  a  lawyer. 

Some  lawyers  seem  to  think  they  must  necessarily  be  a  kind  of 
devils  or  political  jugglers,  but,  surely,  dishonesty  is  as  inconsist- 
ent with  the  proper  duties  of  their  profession,  as  that  of  any  other.* 

Finally,  lawyers  are  among  the  best  or  worst  members  of  soci- 
ety, just  as  they  vary  in  their  natural  inclinations,  and  in  the  pos- 

*As  an  apology  for  adopting  the  general  policy  of  the  profession, 
against  the  best  dictates  of  the  human  senses,  some  have  said,  that,  were 
they  to  have  done  otherways,  the  whole  bar,  and  even  bench,  in  most  in- 
stances, would  not  only  be  at  war  with  them  in  their  practice,  but  most 
probably  they  would  prevent  them  from  being  admitted  to  practice  before 
the  different  courts!  To  understand  this,  the  reader  must  recollect,  what 
he  probably  well  knows,  that  lawyers  are  in  the  habit  of  forming  them- 
selves into  a  club  called  the  "  bar  ;"  who,  in  conjunction  with  the  judg- 
es,— (who  arc  generally  of  the  same  profession,)  examine  and  admit,  or 
permit  to  practice  the  profession  of  law,  whomsoever  they  please  ! 

This  1  presume  is  an  assumed  restriction,  for  1  have  no  recollection  of 
any  legislative  act  to  that  purpose. 


fUSI?BIES; 


136  REMARKS  ON  GOVERNMENT,  No.  I. 

session  and  final  exercise  of  their  talents  and  professional  skill.— 
When  they  stand  forth  the  bold  and  faithful  advocates  of  truth, 
justice,  virtue,  liberty,  and  human  excellence — the  defenders  of 
individual  rights  and  personal  security — the  sincere  and  judicious 
opposers  of  fraud,  persecution,  oppression  and  cruelty — the  con- 
sistent friends  and  promoters  of  human  improvement,  and  of  na- 
tional independence  and  prosperity  :  Then  lawyers  become  the 
real  friends  and  benefactors  of  mankind,  and  deserve  to  be  esteem- 
ed and  rewarded  accordingly.  But  when  lawyers  are  the  willing 
instruments  of  fraud,  persecution,  oppression  and  cruelty — wlien 
they  study  to  excite,  aid  and  prolong  unnecessary  difficulties  and 
contentions  in  society,  that  they  may  be  benefitted  by  the  result — 
when  they  designedly  facilitate  the  escape  of  rogues  or  confirmed 
villains,  to  the  injury  of  the  better  part  of  community — when  they 
labor  to  excite  and  harden  the  worst  passions  of  human  nature, 
at  the  expense  and  ruin  of  the  best — study  to  nurse  and  indulge 
vice  and  indolence,  at  the  expense  and  destruction  of  virtue  and 
industry — and  finally  to  build  up  depravity  and  despotism,  upon 
the  downfall  and  ruins  of  virtue  and  human  liberty  :  Then  I  say 
lawyers  deserve  the  execrations  of  mankind,  as  the  leading  wolves 
and  vultures  of  society — the  actual  prompters  and  defenders  of 
villainy. 

What  an  opportunity  there  is  now  offered  to  the  better  class  of 
lawyers  to  immortalize  themselves,  by  reducing  all  the  vague, 
complex  and  absurd  systems  of  law,  into  one  simple  and  definite 
CODE,  suited  to  the  general  wants  and  capacities  of  the  people, 
and  to  assist  in  carrying  the  same  into  general  effect !  It  is  believ- 
ed that  this  is  already  the  design  of  many,  and  that  the  object 
will  be  accomplished,  by  the  general  interest  it  has  in  view. 


Remarks  on  Government,  No.  1. 

A  WELL  regnlated  community,  is  a  compact  between  individu- 
als, entered  into  for  mutual  accommodation  and  advantage,  whereby 


REMARKS  ON  GOVERNMENT,  No.  1.  137 

fiach  individual  member  is  justly  bound  to  perform  a  part,  corres- 
ponding to  his  advantages  and  abilities. 

I  should  therefore  be  inclined  to  doubt  the  honesty  of  any  man, 
who  studies  to  enjoy  the  protection  and  advantages  of  government, 
without  contributing  his  part. 

Those  who  will  not  support  government  by  their  military  servi- 
ces, rendered  personally  or  otherwise,  when  properly  required  of 
them,  should  not  be  permitted  to  exercise  the  responsible  and  man- 
ly privileges  of  ereemen — to  vote,  and  direct  government.  Some 
would  go  farther,  and  say  they  ought  to  be  compelled  to  wear  pet- 
ticoats, and  let  public  spirited  and  resolute  women  take  the  breech- 
es ! 

There  is  something  so  unjust  and  absurd,  in  the  idea  that  one 
man  is  better  than  another— entitled  to  more  peivileges,  merely  from 
the  circumstances  of  his  hirth,  fortune,  creed,  ox  profession,  that 
I  can  hardly  persuade  myself  any  rational  being  would,  voluntari- 
ly and  understandingly,  be  subject  to  its  exactions. 

We  certainly  profess  to  allow  of  uo  privileged  orders  or  distinc- 
tions in  this  country  ;  but  do  we  not  practice  in  direct  contradic- 
tion, when  we  exempt  from  military  duty,  thfe  whole  number  of  a 
sect,  merely  because  they  dress,  and  profess  to  think,  different 
from  other  people,  in  a  few  particulars  ? 

However  the  language  and  dress  of  mankind  may  vary,  we  all 
possess  essentially  the  same  passions  and  inclinations :  and,  be- 
cause some  do  not  give  scope  to  their  feelings  in  open  warfare,  is 
no  evidence  they  do  not  indulge  them  at  all. 

For  my  part,  I  dread  a  secret  and  sly  enemy,  the  worst  of  all. 

It  is  easy  to  put  on  a  plain  tongue,  and  garment ;  and  by  expe- 
rience, one  may  acquire 

"  skill  to  grace^ 


•'  sKui  lo  gri 
A  devil's  purpose,  with  an  angel's  face.' 


The  sect  commonly  called  quakers,  have  certainly  some  habits 
and  customs,  highly  commendable,  and  deservedly  entitled  to  gen- 
eral encouragement   and   adoption.     But  are  they  to  be  exempt 

from  a  common  duty,  on  account  thereof?  or  ca^nnot  they  practice 

IP 


138  REMARKS  ON  GOVERNMENT,  No.  I. 

their  good  habits,  without  refusing  to  bear  arms  in  defence  of  life, 
liberty,  and  property  ?  ^ 

It  would  appear  equally  absurd,  in  my  estimation,  to  refuse  a 
support  of  the  civil,  as  the  military  authority  of  the  country,  under 
"conscientious  scruples"  of  aiding  the  shedding  of  blood,  for  the 
military  is  the  actual  support  of  the  civil  authority,  without  which 
it  could  not  be  maintained,  and  blood  is  frequently  shed  in  carry- 
ing the  laws  into  effect. 

Justice  is  appropriately  represented  with  a  balance  in  one  hand 
and  a  sword  in  the  other. 

The  spirit  of  resistance  to  impending  injuries,  is  the  immutable 
law  of  God,  implanted  in  the  human  frame  for  self  preservation  ; 
and  justly  considered,  it  authorizes  nothing  that  is  inconsistent 
with  the  character  of  a  christian,  or  good  citizen. 

There  is  something  extremely  absurd,  in  refusing,  under  pre- 
tended scruples  of  conscience,  to  perform  common  military  train- 
ing, or  to  pay  the  fines  required  for  a  delinquency  thereof — which 
have,  in  fact,  a  direct  tendency  to  prevent  war-like  aggressions ; 
while  the  same  people,  pay  other  imposts  and  taxes,  comprehending 
those  commonly  called  war  duties,  and  war  taxes,  levied  by  the 
states  and  general  government,  for  the  express  purpose  of  provid- 
ing munitions  of  war,  and  to  pay  people  for  fighting. — There  is 
scarcely  an  imported  article  used,  on  which  there  is  not  something 
taxed  for  the  general  support  of  the  civil  and  military  expenses 
and  operations  of  government. 

Mr.  Cummings,  an  Englishman,  of  the  sect  called  quakers, 
"  plotted  dind  headed  a  military  expedition  ^gSimsi  a  French  settle- 
ment in  Africa.  This  conduct  he  justified,  as  perfectly  consistent 
with  his  religious  principles ;"  because  he  presumed,  and  it  so  hap- 
pened, that  it  was  a  "  bloodless  victory." 

Numerous  conquests,  both  by  sea  and  land,  have  been  made  un- 
der military  expeditions,  without  the  mere  shedding  of  blood  ;  and 
it  may  always  be  presumed  to  be  the  case,  whenever  it  suits  our 
convenience.  Warlike  sieges,  however,  often  produce  consequen- 
ces far  more  horrible  to  society,  than  the  mere  shedding  of  blood. 
Such,  for  example,  as  corrupting,  and  enslaving  mankind ;  the 
painful  and  protracted  anxieties  of  the  besieged,  during  their  per- 


REMARKS  ON  GOVERNMENT,  No.  2.  139 

iious  condition  :  famine,  pestilence,  and  the  like,  resulting  from  a 
confined  and  restricted  situation. 

These  remarks  finally  lead  to  the  conclusion,  that  there  is  some- 
thing more  like  bigotry,  cowardice,  and  avarice,  in  these  scruples 
of  conscience,  than  of  virtuous  and  enlightened  religion. 

If  all  the  people  in  the  United  States  were  quakerized — that  is, 
should  they  all  be  disarmed  and  refuse  to  bear  arms  in  defence  of 
life,  liberty  and  property,  as  the  quakers  do,  what  in  all  probabili- 
ty would  ultimately  be  our  fate  1 

May  not  the  haughty  and  corrupt  foes  of  our  national  liberty 
and  independence,  say,  in  truth,  that  "  Every  quaker  made  in  the 
United  States,  not  only  disarms  a  foe,  but  two  to  one  produces  a 
friend  to  monarchy." 

Passive  obedience  and  non-resistance,  is  all  that  the  most  despot- 
ic governments  generally  require  of  their  subjects. 

I  most  sincerely  wish  the  whole  world  of  mankind  were  Friends, 
or  duakers ;  in  which  case  there  would  not  be  any  need  of  bear- 
ing arms  against  our  fellow  men.  But,  until  mankmd  are  com- 
pletely civilized,  or  become  the  subjects  of  truth,  justice  and  rea- 
son, the  wolves  and  vultures  of  society,  must  be  kept  off,  entrapped, 
hunted  down  and  checked  or  destroyed,  by  force  of  arms. 


Remarks  on  Government,  No.  2. 

Energy,  without  reason,  is  tyranny  ;  but  just  and  necessary  laws 
and  regulations,  executed  with  promptness  and  fidelity,  are  the 
sacred  guardians  of  individual  and  public  safety,  happiness  and 
prosperity. 

Partiality  is  the  very  hane  of  human  confidence.  Every  ser- 
vice rendered  the  public,  should  be  paid  or  compensated,  as  nigh 
as  possible  in  proportion  to  their  actual  merits  : — 

If  more  is  given  than  merited,  it  induces  unwarrantable  exer- 
tions to  obtain  public  office  or  employ  ;  and  if  less  is  allowed  than 
strict  justice  demands,  it  produces  neglect  of  duty,  and  renders 
an  excuse  for  mischievous  perquisites. 


140  REMARKS  ON  GOVERNMENT.  No.  3. 

Jurors  should  be  paid  as  amply,  in  proportion  to  what  they  mer- 
it, as  judges  of  a  higher  grade  ;  soldiers  as  well  as  officers,  and  so 
on,  every  service  rendered  the  public. 

Justice  satisfies  every  reasonable    expectation,     and 

STRIKES  a  terror  ON  FRAUD. 

I  hardly  know  which  is  most  to  be  dreaded,  in  those  invested 
with  the  government  of  a  country,  too  much  severity,  or  too  much 
leiiity  ;  for  the  former  restricts  and  punishes  without  justice  or 
reason,  and  the  latter  indulges  injustice  and  transgression,  and  ex- 
cites evil  passions,  by  not  laying  them  under  proper  restraint. 

An  extreme  arbitrary  or  despotic  government,  or  exercise  of 
power,  stijles  or  deforms  the  noblest  impulse  of  human  genius  and 
acquirements  ;  and  an  extreme  imbecile  or  profligate  government, 
or  exercise  of  public  authority,  leaves  virtue  and  merit  unguarded, 
by  neglecting  to  punish  and  restrain  the  evil  minded  and  worst 
part  of  community. 

There  is  very  little  difference,  between  the  effects  of  despotism 
and  anarchy.  In  one  case,  the  professed  rulers  are  the  aggressors 
on  human  rights,  and  in  the  other,  the  unruly  become  the  pests  of 
society. 

An  extreme  weak  or  profligate  government,  may  sometimes  be 
truly  said  to  grant  a  bounty  for  indolence  and  treachery,  and  to  tax 
virtue  and  industry  to  pay  the  bounty.  They  seem  ultimately  to 
say, 

"  FVee  pardon  dJvA  favor  for  rogues — restrictions  and  taxes  for 
HONEST  MEN — Houcst  men  we  can  drive,  but  rogues  we  must  buy, 
or  some  how  make  X\iem  partners  of  our  power  and  privileges." 


Remarks  on  Government,  No.  3. 

It  matters  little,  indeed,  with  the  good  and  faithful  citizen, 
whether  his  person  is  assaulted  and  his  earnings  wrested  from 
him  without  justice  or  remedy,  by  a  vicious  and  unrestrained  pop- 
ulace, or  individuals  calling  themselves  republicans,  or  by  a 
haughty  and  overgrown  despot.     His  wounds  in  each  case  are 


REMARKS  ON  GOVERNMENT,  No.  3.  141 

painful,  his  losses  afflicting,  and  his  case  withoat  remedy.  There 
is  this  difference,  however  : — in  case  of  a  deficiency  of  legal  or 
popular  restraint,  the  remedy  is  with  the  people ;  but  in  case  of 
abuses  from  arbitrary  power,  the  cause  of  the  good  citizen  is  hope- 
less. Truth  and  reason  dare  not  hold  up  their  heads.  Remon- 
strance is  unknown. 

Legislators,  chosen  from  among  the  common  people,  in  conven- 
ient districts,  and  frequently  changed,  have  many  and  important 
advantages  : — they  would  have  similar  interests  with  their  constit- 
uents— as  well  as  know  their  minds  and  situations,  truly  and  feel- 
ingly ;  and  being  but  a  short  time  in  office,  they  would  hardly 
have  time,  or  a  disposition,  to  plot  and  eifect  unequal  measures. 

In  order  to  have  a  people  truly  represented,  the  number  of  rep- 
resentatives should  be  apportioned  among  the  different  interests 
throughout  a  state  or  district,  so  as  to  have  every  considerable 
trade,  profession  or  branch  of  business,  duly  represented  by  those 
who  know  ^nd  feel  their  concerns,  truly. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  persuade  me,  that  any  man  was  fit  to 
manage  the  public  concerns,  who  had  not  proved  his  patriotism, 
and  abilities,  by  the  able  and  judicious  practice  or  management  of 
some  useful  profession  or  calling  in  society. 

Were  we  to  respect  men,  merely  because  they  possess  talents^ 
without  any  regard  t;o  their  application,  even  the  devil  might  be 
honoured. 

To  entrust  the  chief  officers  of  a  state  or  nation  with  money  for 
secret  and  indefinite  purposes,  is  eventually  licensing  their  use  of 
poison,  for  the  assassination  of  whom  they  please. 

Is  it  not  a  little  remarkable,  that  governments  are  inclined  to 
grow  worse — become  more  unequal,  arbitrary  and  unjust,  while  all 
other  sciences  are  generally  improved  for  the  better,  with  the  pro- 
gress of  time  ?  Is  it  not  because  mankind  generally  put  too  much 
confidence  in  the  mere  professions  of  their  fellow-men — permit  the 
biggest  hypocrites  and  knaves  to  watch  over  their  concerns — trust 
the  wolves  to  guard  the  sheep  ? 

Virtuous  and  enlightened  minds,  are  attached  and  held  togeth- 
er, by  mutual  esteem,  and  a  sense  of  equity,  and  public  usefulness ; 
and  vicious  ones,  by  fear  and  policy.     The  latter  oflen  dare  not 


142  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  1. 

quarrel  or  separate,  for  fear  of  having  their  mtm  transactions  or 
characters  exposed  or  brought  tolight. 

Hence  a  league  of  unprincipled  men — more  especially  if  in 
potoer,  are  perhaps  the  strongest,  and  certainly  the  most  to  be 
dreaded  by  the  friends  of  justice  and  humanity,  of  any  associa- 
tion of  human  beings. 

We  sometimes  see  public  agents  amass  fortunes,  by  violating 
the  duties  of  their  stations,  and  yet  avoid  punishment.  This  cer- 
tainly never  should  be  the  case  ;  for  if  the  whole  united  public 
cannot  bring  an  individual  offender  to  justice,  what  could  an  indi- 
vidual do  in  defence  of  his  rights  ?  But  when  the  public  agents 
are  generally  inclined  to  be  treacherous,  they  can  assist  and  favour 
each  other,  by  connivance,  and  playing  into  each  other's  hands, 
alternately,  and  avoid  punishment — if  the  people  will  wink  at  such 
conduct  J  and  neglect  to  employ  the  best  means  in  their  power  to 
punish  offenders,  and  to  prevent  like  occurrences  in  future. 

**  Ah  !"  said  a  league  of  gamblers,  "  if  we  had  the  making  and 
administration  of  the  laws,  gambling  should  be  the  most  honour- 
able PROFESSION." 


Judiciary  Censor,  No.   1. 

There  is  nothing,  perhaps,  which  attaches  the  hearts  of  good 
men,  more  strongly  to  the  interest  6f  a  state  or  country,  than  the 
security  of  personal  rights,  and  the  easy  and  certain  access  to 
JUSTICE  ;  which  are  the  result  of  good  and  sufficient  laws,  faith- 
fully and  judiciously  administered. 

But,  as  individuals  who  suffer  injustice,  generally  consider  it  too 
great  a  task  for  them  to  remove  the  cause,  the  evil  progresses,  and 
its  authors  thrive,  until  the  calamity  becomes  general. 

This  evil,  I  think,  might  be  prevented,  in  a  great  measure,  by 
appointing  a  suitable  number  of  ^^  persons,  in  every  state  or  dis- 
trict, to  act  as  CENSORS  of  the  laws  and  constitutions,  both  of  the 
states  and  general  government.  It  should  be  the  duty  of  the  cen- 
sors, to  notice. every  error  or  deficiency  of  the  laws,  and  constitu- 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  1.  143 

tions,  and  particularly  unsuccessful  attempts  to  obtain  justice  in 
courts  of  law,  and,  if  possible,  find  out  the  cause  and  report  a 
remedy. 

KEEP    THE    FOUNTAINS    OF    JUSTICE    PURE    AND    EFFICIENT. 

What  is  the  price  oi  justice — may  it  be  had  on  demand — with- 
out respect  to  persons  or  property  1  are  the  questions,  that  would 
naturally  arise  in  the  mind  of  a  sensible  and  good  man,  in  pursuit 
of  a  country  to  live  in;  for  that  excellent  production  of  human 
virtue  and  wisdom,  (justice,)  is  seldom  to  be  found  under  an 
excessive  climate,  or  in  a  barren  or  unhealthy  country. 

Weak  or  insufficient  laws,  or  laws  unfaithfully  administered^  are 
often  worse  than  none.  They  only  restrain  the  weakest  and  most 
harmless  capacities  in  society  ;  while  they  seem  to  offer  a  bounty, 
or  free  pardon,  to  those  who  have  the  ability  to  commit  injustice  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  evade  the  final  penalty  of  the  law. 

The  laws  are  generally  much  less  in  fault,  than  those  who  have 
the  chief  power  and  influence  in  administering  them.  It  is 
they  who  study  to  favour  those  of  their  own  craft  and  condition  in 
society.     Here  is  the  place  to  apply  the  principal  remedies. 

It  must  indeed  be  confessed,  that  so  far  as  the  professed  guar- 
dians of  justice  and  human  liberty,  bind  up  the  innocent  and  faul- 
ty in  one  common  bond,  and  extort  their  sacrifices  and  prolong 
their  miseries  together,  so  far,  at  least,  they  act  a  very  unbecoming 
part. 

The  CENSORS  should  be  chosen  of  those,  who,  from  habit  and 
situation,  participate  in  the  common  interests  and  welfare  of  soci- 
ety. 

I  very  much  doubt  the  propriety  of  trusting  any  man,  or  set  of 
men,  to  make  and  administer  laws,  who  thrive  on  public  calami- 
ty, or  who  are  interested  in  unnecessary  perplexities  and  delays  of 
justice. 


144  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  2. 

Judiciary  Censor^  No.  2. 

Every  thing  that  has  a  tendency  to  interrupt  the  necessary  and 
peaceable  pursuits  of  mankind,  or  to  embarrass  the  progress  of 
justice,  should  be  regarded  as  an  evil  of  serious  national  tendency 
and  concern. 

Justice,  is  the  professed  end  and  object  of  ail  law  ;  and  when- 
ever that  is  not  attained  by  the  ordinary  proceedings  or  final  decis- 
ions of  courts  of  law,  there  should  be  an  efficient  remedy  provided 
and  applied  ;  for  why  should  individuals  be  wronged,  or  suffer 
injustice  without  remedy,  because  it  has  been  effected  under  color 
of  law,  any  more  than  if  it  had  been  done  without  that  ceremony. 

Every  uniuccssary  trouble,  and  expense,  occasioned  by  law  pro- 
ceedings, is  worse  than  a  total  sacrifice,  as  it  regards  society  gen- 
erally ;  for  the  time,  trouble  and  expense,  are  not  only  so  much 
loss  to  the  parties  concerned,  in  the  first  place,  but  the  amount  so 
expended  generally  goes  to  strengthen  and  encourage  the  wolves 
and  vultures  of  society — a  craft  that  is  preying  upon  the  very  best 
interests  of  this  community. 

Unjust  decisions  of  courts,  have  a  most  powerful  tendency  to 
weaken  the  cause  of  justice  and  humanity  : — The  person  who  is 
wronged  thereby,  not  only  loses  his  confidence  in  the  protection 
and  security  of  the  laws  ;  but  is  often  induced,  thereby,  to  become 
th6  aggressor — from  desperate  motives  of  retaliation,  or  from  a 
conviction  that  dishonesty  has  become  the  best  policy ;  and  the 
person  who  is  favored  by  the  unjust  decision,  will  very  natually 
feel  an  exultation  and   encouragement,  in  his  unrighteous  course. 

The  example  of  the  evasions  of  justice,  on  those  who  are  not 
immediately  concerned,  must  obviously  be  very  pernicious  to  so- 
ciety. 

Courts  are  in  fact  too  often  attended  by  a  set  of  idle  specula- 
tors, or  villains,  who  are  studying  out  the  crooks  and  quibbles  of 
law  proceedings,  to  take  the  Advantage  of  them. 

Peaceable,  honest  and  industrious  men,  frequently  hate  the  very 
sight  of  a  court  of  law — as  the  good  man's  worst  foe — places  of 
intrigue,  deception,  robbery,  persecution  and  oppression. 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  2.  145 

The  corrupt  influence  and  effect  of  court  policy y  has  always 
been  considered  as  most  fatally  hostile  to  the  general  cause  of 
truth,  justice,  virtue  and  human  liberty.  And  yet,  it  seems  quite 
a  matter  of  calculation,  already,  with  many  in  this  country,  to  car- 
ry on  some  secret,  or  outdoor  intrigue  or  management,  in  order  to 
prejudice  or  influence  the  court  in  their  favor. 

The  progress  of  law  has  been  rendered  so  tedious,  expensive, 
vexatious  and  uncertain,  as  to  disgust  and  fairly  sicken  the  better 
part  of  community. 

There  is  scarcely  a  virtuous  and  enlightened,  or  well  informed 
member  of  society,  who  is  not  interested  in  the  abuses  referred  to, 
that  does  not  dread  the  corrupt  and  unrestrained  power  and  in- 
fluence of  lawyers,  and  tremble  for  the  consequences.  The  only 
question  is,  how  shall  they  be  properly  restrained  and  corrected? 
I  answer,  by  appointing  and  putting  over  them  judiciary  censors, 
as  is  herein  provided.  Then,  lawyers  violating  the  proper  duties 
of  their  profession,  would  be  brought  to  justice  and  corrected,  like 
other  men.  They,  too,  would  then  be  subjects  of  law — but  now 
they  are  mainly  masters  of  law. 

If  men  of  other  professions  violate  their  duties  and  engage- 
ments, to  your  injury,  the  laws  afford  some  remedy  ;  but  if  a  law- 
yer violates  his  duty  or  engagement  to  the  injury,  or  even  ruin 
of  his  client,  the  latter  has  no  adequate  and  practicable  remedy. 

An  able  and  independent  review  of  our  judiciary  proceedings, 
bestowing  applause,  or  censure,  wherever  they  were  merited, 
would  do  more  to  promote  final  justice,  and  the  general  good  of 
mankind,  than  all  the  hinting  and  squinting  at  the  subject,  that 
ever  appeared  incur  half  enslaved  public  prints. 

The  censors  should  review  the  conduct  of  the  lawyers,  as  well 
as  judges — notice  the  suits  they  institute,  and  resist — -their  manage- 
ment of  cases — their  conduct  and  decorum  in  the  examina- 
tion of  witnesses,  pleadings,  &c.  This  would  prune  the  bar,  of 
much  of  the  filth  and  excresences  that  are  now  permitted  to  flour- 
ish there — do  away  that  bullying,  blackguarding,  and  quibbling, 
as  well  as  the  sophistry,  intrigue,  dind  juggling,  that  too  general- 
ly disgraces  our  judicial  proceedings ;  and  ultimately  bring  up  a 
truly  honorable  and  useful  set  of  men. 

19 


146  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  3. 

In  the  present  case,  we  commit  our  lives,  liberties,  reputations 
and  fortunes,  to  the  chief  management  and  control  of  lawyers^ 
who  are  lawless  in  their  demands,  and  under  no  practicable  re- 
straint or  accountability  for  their  conduct  or  management  of  our 
concerns. — Not  even  common  censure,  for  who  dare  say  a  word 
openly  against  these  knights  of  craft  and  terror — who  hold  the  laws 
as  a  rod  in  their  own  hands,  to  rule  and  ruin,  whom  they  please. 


Judiciary  Censor y  No.  3. 

There  should  be  one  censor  for  every  county  or  judicial  dis- 
trict in  a  state,  to  attend  courts  of  record  within  the  same  ;  who 
should  be  chosen  annually  by  the  freemen  or  electors  thereof 

The  censors  should  be  men  of  good  general  information — de- 
termined republicans  in  principle,  and  possessed  of  sufficient  in- 
tegrity and  independence  of  mind  to  do  their  duty  without  fear  or 
affection. 

They  should  be  allowed  ample  salaries  ;  and  their  office  should 
be  considered  next  in  dignity  and  importance  to  the  governor  or 
chief  executive  magistrate  of  the  state. 

The  censors'  seat  or  station  in  court,  should  be  at  the  right  hand 
of  the  judges,  or  some  where  between  them  and  the  jury,  so  as  to 
be  situated  as  conveniently  as  possible  to  witness  the  general  pro- 
ceedings of  the  court  ;  they  should  there  notice  and  record  what- 
ever might  be  thought  essential  to  their  general  purposes,  to  the 
end  that  the  progress  of  justice  might  be  rendered  as  sure,  expc" 
ditioits,  and  economical  as  possible. 

The  censors  should  have  no  control  over,  or  interference  with, 
the  proceedings  of  the  court  ;  but  to  witness,  as  privileged  specta- 
tors, and  ascertain  and  report,  any  part  of  their  transactions  that 
should  be  considered  remarkable,  or  susceptible  of  improvement. 

The  censors  should  be  regarded  as  the  direct  agents  of  the 
people,  to  witness  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  to  improve 
TUB  ROAD  TO  JUSTICE  ;  aud  should  be  rendered  as  independent  as 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  3.  147 

possible  of  all  other  power  or  control,  but  that  of  their  constitu- 
ents— the  sovereign  people. 

The  censors  might  depute  persons  to  act  for  them  occasionally, 
in  case  of  their  being  sick  or  unable  to  attend  court  in  person. 

They  should  always  be  bound  to  attend  to  any  well  authentica- 
ted complaint,  or  statement  of  facts,  materially  concerning  the  bu- 
siness of  their  appointment. 

At  the  close  of  every  judicial  year,  commencing  at  some  con- 
venient period,  the  censors  from  the  several  judicial  districts, 
should  meet  at  some  central  and  proper  part  of  the  state,  and 
there  select,  arrange  and  publish  in  a  volume,  a  digest,  or  the  sub- 
stance of  their  annual  review,  of  the  principal  judicial  transac- 
tions and  concerns  of  the  state — noticing  every  thing  worthy  of 
particular  reproof,  approbation  or  improvement,  in  the  general 
character,  commencement,  management  and  termination,  of  suits; 
the  conduct  of  judges,  lawyers,  sheriffs,  parties,  witnesses,  or  oth- 
ers. They  should  notice  the  errors  or  imperfections  of  the  laws, 
and  constitutions,  both  of  their  respective  states,  and  of  the  gen- 
eral government,  when  within  their  view.  Every  thing,  in  fine, 
that  has  a  tendency  to  create  unnecessary  expenses,  perplexities 
and  delays  of  justice  ;  and  point  out  every  improvement  that  might 
be  considered  practicable,  in  rendering  the  way  to  justice,  as 
sure,  expeditious  and  economical  as  possible.  So  that  the  legisla- 
tors in  their  next  session,  might  be  enabled  to  enact  measures  to 
promoite  the  general  object  in  view. 

The  laws  do  indeed  profess  to  protect  our  lives,  liberties,  repu- 
tations aad  fortunes  j  but  when  they  become  the  medium  of  evil 
excitemcats— the  instruments  of  fraud,  persecution  and  oppression, 
it  is  high  time  there  should  be  an  effectual  remedy  pointed  out  and 
applied. 

One  .virtuous  and  enlightened  judiciary  censor,  to  witness  the 
progress  and  final  result  of  law  proceedings,  with  a  penetrating 
and  steady  view  to  correct  and  improve  the  same,  would  do  more 
to  remove  the  evils  complained  of,  than  a  host  of  legislators,  with- 
out him. 

These  censors  would  do  more  to  perfect  and  expedite  correct 


148  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  4. 

and  efficient  legislation,  alone,  than  doubly  to  compensate  for  their 
services. 

The  censors  might  form  a  body  for  the  trial  of  impeached  judg- 
es, and  high  executive  officers. 


Judiciary  Censor ,  No.  4. 

Writs,  are  mostly  made  out  by  lawyers,  and  particularly  special 
writs,  which  are  various  in  form,  and  in  general,  extremely  cere- 
monious and  hypocritical.  They  often  contain  false  and  malicious 
charges,  and  insinuations,  and  draw  foul  inferences,  that  if  only 
made  equally  public,  without  the  ceremony  and  sanctity  of  the  law, 
would  be  considered  as  actionable  offences. 

If  the  plaintiffs  declaration  was  only  a  plain  simple  charge^  or 
statement  of  the  principal yizr/s  he  complains  of,  made  under  oath, 
or  affirmation,  this  difficulty  would,  in  a  great  measure,  be  obvia- 
ted. 

A  writ,  never  ought  in  fact  to  be  granted  at  the  solicitation  of 
an  individual,  without  their  first  making  oath  or  affirmation  to  the 
truth  of  the  matter  complained  of ;  and  the  magistrate  or  person 
granting  the  writ,  should  be  held  responsible  for  there  being  law 
for  grounding  the  action. 

The  plaintiff  should  not  only  state  the  facts  he  complains  of, 
fairly  and  truly  written,  and  subscribe  an  oath  or  affirmation  to 
the  truth  of  his  charge  ;  but  he  should  have  included  in  his  writ, 
the  substance,  or  name,  at  least,  of  the  particular  statute  or  law 
by  virtue  of  which  he  claims  his  remedy. 

The  defendant,  after  being  duly  served  with  a  copy  of  thjB  writ, 
should  reply  and  state  the  grounds  of  his  defence,  or  principal 
facts,  in  writing,  and  subscribe  an  oath  or  affirmation  to  the  truth 
of  the  same — or,  at  least,  he  should  be  allowed  a  reasonable  time 
to  make  such  a  reply,  if  he  intends  to  set  up  any  defence  against 
the  suit  and  charges  ;  his  neglecting  such  a  reply,  without  some 
special  reasons  to  justify  the  same,  should  be  construed  against 
him,  or  considered  as  a  fair  presumption  of  his  dishonest   inten- 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  4.  149 

tions,  and  always  terminated  to  his  disadvantage,  in  a  merited  and 
just  degree. 

In  all  disputable  causes,  where  the  nature  of  the  case  will  ad- 
mit, or  justify  the  attempt,  the  plaintiff  should  not  be  permitted  to 
litigate,  or  proceed  to  a  trial  of  the  case,  without  first  having  made 
a  fair  effort,  (either  before  the  suit  was  brought,  or  in  good  season 
previous  to  the  time  of  trial,)  to  effect  a  compromise  or  peaceable 
settlement  of  the  matter  in  dispute.* 

As  suits  of  law  are  now  conducted,  lawyers  are  enabled  to  lead 
the  parties  blindfold  into  vexatious  and  ruinous  contests  ;  which 
the  parties  might  avoid,  by  being  made  acquainted  with  the  actual 
state  of  the  case,  in  good  season  to  effect  a  compromise  or  peacea- 
ble settlement,  before  the  time  of  trial. 

It  is  quite  common,  in  our  courts,  for  parties  to  be  surprised,  on 
trial,  with  testimony  or  other  matter  in  evidence,  which  they 
might  easily  have  confuted  or  done  away,  had  they  been  given 
timely  notice  of  the  same  ;  and  thereby  avoided  the  injustice  re- 
sulting from  false  evidence.  New  or  second  trials,  are  often  had  to 
correct  the  errors  of  such  blind  proceedings. 

Each  of  the  parties  being  in  possession  of  the  actual  state  of 
the  case — that  is,  the  defendant  being  furnished  with  a  copy  of  the 
plaintiff's  charge,  the  law  by  virtue  of  which  he  claims  his  remedy, 
together  with  the  principal  facts  or  evidence  in  support  of  his 
charge,  and  the  plaintiff,  in  return,  being  duly  served  with  the  de- 
fendant's reply,  including  the  chief  evidence  on  which  he  grounds 
his  defence,  a  reasonable  time  before  the  trial ;  the  parties  would 
be  enabled  to  see  their  own  situations,  and,  whether  they  were  in 
the  wrong  intentionally  or  other  ways,  they  would  be  much  more 
likely  to  compromise  or  settle  their  differences  peaceably,  and 
avoid  the  trouble,  expense,  and  uncertain  issue  of  a  protracted 
controversy. 

There  should  always  be  an  honourable  encouragement  held  out 
to  induce  parties  at  variance  to  compromise  or  settle  their  differ- 

*  One  of  the  articles  of  the  (late)  Spanish  constitution,  expressly  de- 
clares that  a  suit  at  law  cannot  be  brought,  until  conciliatory  measures 
have  first  been  resorted  to. 


150  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  5. 

ences  peaceably.  Such  settlements  often  deserve  a  friendly  no- 
tice in  public  newspapers,  especially  when  effected  after  an  action 
had  been  commenced  and  the  cause  aggravated,  so  as  to  disturb 
the  ordinary  peace  of  society,  or  to  endanger  the  ultimate  good  of 
the  parties  at  variance.  Certainly  every  thing  that  has  a  tendency 
to  promote  the  harmony,  and  prosperity  of  society  generally,  as 
well  the  honour  and  good  of  individuals,  is  deserving  of  the  notice 
of  a  faithful  public  sentinel.* 

When  one  has  been  misled,  by  ignorance  or  passion,  it  is  one 
of  the  noblest  traits  of  the  human  character,  to  correct  ourselves. 

If  my  neighbour,  through  a  hasty  or  mistaken  impression,  or  to 
gratify  a  crooked  or  overbearing  disposition,  institutes  a  suit 
against  me — a  desire  manifested  on  my  part  to  avoid  the  trouble, 
vexation  and  expense  of  a  protracted,  aggravating  and  unnecessa- 
ry contest,  by  an  immediate  and  peaceable  compromise,  or  refer- 
ence of  the  matter  at  variance,  would,  most  probably,  under  pres- 
ent circumstances,  be  artfully  construed  into  a  confessed  fear,  or 
deficiency,  on  the  grounds  of  my  defence,  instead  of  a  just,  paci- 
fic and  wise  sense  of  duty,  both  as  a  Christian  and  good  citizen. 


Judiciary  Censor ^  No.  5. 

There  should  always  be  an  inducement  held  out  to  invite  crim- 
inal and  other  offenders  to  a  voluntary  confession ;  and  if  for  no 
other  purpose  than  to  save  the  state  or  individuals  the  trouble  and 
expense  of  a  trial  ;t  but  the  example  of  ordinary  trials,   too  oftea 

*  Where  are  all  our  peace  societies,  and  Christians^  when  neighboars 
vtar^  and  the  enemy  are  preying  upon  the  very  vUals  of  civil  society  ? 
Is  nothing  but  external  warfare  regarded  as  worthy  of  their  notice  ? — 
Surely,  one  internal  foe  to  the  peace,  happiness  and  prosperity  of  socie- 
ty, is  more  to  be  apprehended  than  a  dozen  external  enemies.    ^ 

A  peace-maker,  is  truly  a  Heavenly  character.  Have  lawyers  artful- 
ly blinded  our  eyes  against  this  important  and  Christian  duty  ? 

t  At  the  annual  meeting  of  the  society  for  i\\e  prevention  of  panperismy 
in  the  city  of  New  York,  December,  1823  ;  it  is  recorded,  among  the 
addresses  and  statements  made  to  the  society,  and  particularly  in  regard 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  5.  151 

confirms  new  offenders,  and  excites  them  to  farther  and  more 
dangerous  efforts,  and  to  rely  upon  new  stratagems  for  success. 

"  Don't  plead  guilt  f/ — give  me  the  money!  and  let  them  prove 
the  fact,  if  they  can,''  said  a  lawyer,  to  a  young  man,  who  hjsid 
participated  in  the  division  of  a  sum  of  money,  without  knowing 
the  offence  attending  its  possession,  and  who  was  disposed  to  con- 
fess and  explain  the  whole  matter,  as  far  as  he  was  knowing  to  the 
transactions. 

The  laws  were  professedly  made  for  the  restraint  and  correction 
of  evil  passions ;  but  how  often  are  they  perverted  into  instruments 
of  the  basest  excitement  and  indulgence. 

Actions,  brought  without  any  just,  necessary  or  sufficient  cause ; 
suits  unnecessarily  repeated  in  the  same  case,  or  aggravated,  or 
continued  to  an  excessive  or  unreasonable  length  or  degree ;  aiid 
every  other  malicious,  vexatious  or  unnecessary  trouble,  delay,  or 
expense,  occasioned  by  either  party,  in  necessary  suits,  should  all 
be  provided  for  with  costs  and  reasonable  damages  :  for  why  should 
one  man  suffer  without  remedy,  from  the  ignorance,  negligence, 
malice  or  treachery  of  others  ? 

If  only  the  suits  that  originate  in  malice  and  treachery,  togeth- 
er with  the  unnecessary  delays,  vexations,  troubles  and  expenses 
that  are  indulged  in  necessary  suits,  were  properly  punished  and 
discontinued,  more  than  one  half  of  the  present  business  and  gains 
of  lawyers  and  others  concerned  in  promoting  litigation,  would 
cease. 

Under  the  present  perverted  state  of  the  laws,  and  the  abuses 
of  litigation,  every  man  of  middling  or  small  property,  exists,  as  it 
were,  at  the  will  and  pleasure  of  his  more  wealthy  or  numerous 
foes,  who  can,  at  their  option,  harrass  and  perplex  him  with  law- 
suits, to  his  ruin. 

Hie  whole  profession  of  lawyers,  may  be  personal  enemies  to  an 
individual,  as  the  case  frequently  is,  on  account  of  his  political 
opinion,   undertakings,  or  ideas  of  their  professional  policy — as 

to  a  "  refuge  for  juvenile  offenders,  before  the  society  of  abandoned  had 
received  them.  That  this,  upon  a  moderate  calculation,  would  annually 
save  the  city  ^30,000 ;  for  the  conviction  of  eveiy  felon  was  an  expense 
to  the  city  of  |5150." 


162  JUDICIABY  CENSOR,  No.  6. 

the  priesthood  of  some  of  the  old  countries  are,  to  those  who  see 
through  their  policy  and  designs,  and  have  virtue  and  courage 
enough  to  expose  them.  And  yet,  under  existing  circumstances, 
lawyers  have  the  almost  sovereign  control  of  all  litigious  investiga* 
tions :  So  that,  as  the  case  now  seems  to  be,  a  man,  under  such 
circumstances,  is  liable  to  be  tried,  and  to  have  his  case  managed 
by  his  most  bitter  and  designing  personal  enemies.  But  few 
people,  who  are  not  profes-sional  lawyers,  are  sufficiently  acquaint- 
ed with  all  the  ceremonies^  quirks  and  quibbles  of  law  proceedings, 
to  manage  their  own  cases ;  and  even  if  they  should  undertake  to 
do  without  the  aid  or  assistance  of  lawyers,  it  is  probable  the 
whole  craft  would  combine  against  them,  openly,  or  secretly. 

This  is  certainly  a  most  dangerous  and  highly  alarming  state  in 
our  j)olitical  concerns — an  evil  that  is  increasing,  and  is  daily  prey- 
ing upon  the  virtue,  liberty  and  independence  of  the  best  mem- 
bers of  this  republican  community,  and  loudly  demands  a  speedif 
and  ejicient  remedy. 


Judiciary  Censor ^  No.  6. 

As  the  judicial  or  court  business  of  our  country  is  now  con- 
ducted, the  parties  in  cases  intended  for  trial,  are  generally  obliged 
to  hire  lawyers  to  stand  sentry ^  as  it  were,  at  court,  from  day  to 
day,  during  the  same  term,  and  sometimes  for  several  terms  in 
succession,  merely  to  anstcer  whenever  their  particular  case  hap- 
pens to  be  called — that  the  parties  should  not  be  unintentionally 
defaulted,  or  nonsuited.  This  trouble  and  expense  might  be  ea- 
sily avoided,  by  the  parties  giving  due  notice,  in  writing,  of  their 
determination  to  stand  trial,  and  by  the  courts  seasonably  fixing 
the  time  for  each  case.  The  same  regulation  will  save  the  par- 
ties, and  witnesses,  the  trouble  and  expense  of  more  than  one  jour- 
ney and  attendance  at  court,  on  the  same  trial,  and  from  unneces- 
sary detention  at  court,  waiting  for  trials  to  commence.  If  either 
party  neglect  their  compliance  with  such  engagements  and  regu- 
lations, let  them  suffer  a  just  punishment,  by   being  defaulted,  or 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  6.  153 

nonsuited,  and  always  obliged  to  pay  all  the  unnecessary  trouble  and 
expense  they  have  occasioned  the  adverse  party.  For,  surely  no 
man  ought  to  suffer  for  the  faults  or  deficiences  of  others. 

Written  testimony  speaks  an  unequivocal  language,  that  can 
not  easily  be  denied,  or  misunderstood ;  but  the  extraordinary 
excitement,  bluster  and  confusion  of  a  trial  at  court,  or  the  ordinary 
examination  of  witnesses  there,  often  produces  extremely  doubtful 
results  ;  and  at  the  same  time  occasions  considerable  unnecessary 
delay,  trouble  and  expense.  Besides,  there  are  but  a  small  pro- 
portion of  mankind  who  can  go  before  a  public  assembly  and  tell 
a  straight  and  consistent  story,  right  off,  more  especially  when 
touched  or  attacked  every  moment  by  litigious  jugglers,  black- 
guards and  bullies. 

It  is  often  attended  with  considerable  unnecessary  trouble  and 
expense,  for  witnesses  to  attend  court  and  be  there  examined,  and 
particularly  when  their  testimony  is  only  required  to  eke  out 
some  formality,  or  to  establish  or  support  some  single  point  or 
fact. 

Some  have  indeed  denied  their  knowledge  or  recollection  of 
important  facts,  merely  from  a  dread  of  going  before  a  court  to 
testify,  and  be  there  publicly  browbeat,  insulted,  and  twisted. 

Men  of  considerable  power  and  influence,  are  sometimes  per- 
mitted to  give  their  testimony  in  wriiingy  while  others  similarly 
situated  in  every  other  respect,  are  refused  the  indulgence. 

The  general  substance  of  testimony,  at  least  to  all  important 
facts,  should  be  written  down  and  signed  by  the  witness,  whether 
taken  in,  or  wit  of  court,  and  especially  if  requested  by  either 
party ;  so  that  perjury  might  be  more  readily  detected,  without 
being  subject  to  the  ordinary  equivocations  and  escapes  ;  and  so 
that  the  same  deposition  or  evidence  might  be  identiiied  and  em- 
ployed again,  if  necesssary,  in  other  courts,  and  in  different  ca- 
ses. 

It  is  often  attended  with  enormous  risk,  trouble  and  expense,  to 
obtain  depositions  from  any  considerable  distance  abroad,  espe- 
cially out  of  the  state  where  the  court  is  to  sit. 

It  generally  seems  as  though  courts  and  lawyers  study  to  make 
as  great  a  bluster  and  parade  as  possible ;  and  that  lawyers  often 

20 


154  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  6. 

occasion  their  own  clients,  a  great  deal  of  unnecessary  trouble  and 
expense. 

And  after  all,  most  of  the  suits  litigated  are  only  scummed  over 
— not  examined  to  their  origin  and  foundation,  or  real  cause :  ei- 
ther from  the  indolence  or  inability  of  the  inquisitors,  or  oftener 
perhaps  from  a  fear  of  resulting  against  their  own  policy  and  in- 
terest.— The  indulgence  of  vicious  transgressors  must  be  connived 
at  and  encouraged^  or  mankind  will  find  that  honesty  is  truly  the 
best  policy,  and  cease  to  resist  justice  from  design,  or  to  practice 
and  encourage  deceit,  fraud  and  crimes. 

Witnesses  to  important  facts,  and  perhaps  all  witnesses  in  cases 
of  considerable  interest  and  excitement,  especially  when  there  are 
more  than  one  to  testify  on  the  same  subject  or  matters  of  fact, 
should  be  examined  separately,  for  hearing  each  others  stories, 
prevents  them  from  unintentional  contradiction,  and  defeats  the 
ultimate  detection  of  much  false  swearing.  It  also  excites  treach- 
ery in  persons  of  wavering  integrity. 

If  every  person  who  was  called  upon  to  testify  to  important  mat- 
ter, was  required  to  sign  the  same,  or  at  least  the  written  substance 
of  the  testimony,  and  knew  that  it  would  be  preserved,  after  being 
publicly  read  in  court — they  would  be  much  more  cautious  of  testi- 
fying falsely. 

It  should  be  a  common  and  indispensable  privilege,  secured  to 
all  classes,  the  right  and  opportunity  of  acknowledging  actions  for 
the  security  and  collection  of  debts,  so  as  to  facilitate  the  final  ex- 
ecution of  justice,  without  any  unnecessary  delay,  trouble  or  ex- 
pense. And  no  method  of  keeping  off  justice,  should  be  licensed 
or  indulged,  in  the  actions  or  omissions  of  judges,  lawyers,  sher- 
iffs, or  any  persons  entrusted  with  the  execution  of  the  laws. 

Suppose  a  court  composed  of  three  or  more  justices  of  the  peace, 
agreeable  to  the  nature  and  magnitude  of  the  case,  to  sit  at  regu- 
lar periods,  or  to  be  called  together  as  occasion  might  require,  and 
serve  as  a  court  of  record,  (every  tribunal  should  be  a  court  of 
record,)  in  every  considerable  township  or  district  for  the  purpose, 
and  try  cases  of  a  certain  magnitude  and  description,  with  power 
to  grant  execution  to  unlimited  amount,  for  indisputable  claims. 
Such  a  tribunal  would  not  only  enabble  our  citizens  to  avoid  most 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  6  155 

of  the  delays,  trouble  and  expense  of  going  a  considerable  distance 
to  a  county  house,  but  would  be  quite  as  likely  to  do  justice  in  the 
end,  as  any  of  our  present  established  courts.  Perhaps  it  might 
be  adviseable  to  employ  a  jury  in  addition,  in  disputable  cases  of 
certain  magnitude.  A  judicious  arrangement  of  such  a  court 
or  counsel  of  justices,  would  be  ultimately  bringing  good  and 
wholesome  justice  nigher  to  our  own  doors ;  and  every  year  would 
be  adding  essentially  to  the  general  knowledge,  and  ultimate  per- 
fection of  the  plan. 

Every  judicial  decision  of  a  disputable  «ause,  however  small  in 
magnitude  or  amount,  should,  particularly  at  the  request  of  either 
party,  be  attended  with  a  definite  written  opinion  of  the  court,  ju- 
ry, or  whoever  acted  as  judges  in  the  case — showing  the  facts, 
and  the  law^  that  governed  their  conclusions ;  so  that,  if  there 
were  any  just  and  well  grounded  exceptions,  they  might  be  filed  as 
errors  in  the  finding  or  decision,  to  be  submitted  in  writing,  for 
the  review  and  final  correction  of  the  same,  or  a  higher  council  or 
authority. 

Giving  decisions  in  gross,  has  been  the  cause  of  innumerable 
errors,  and  great  injustice,  both  from  ignorance,  accident,  and 
design,  and  must  naturally  involve  judicial  proceedings  in  endless 
darkness  and  error.  It  seems  difficult  to  believe  that  such  a  course 
ever  was  contemplated  by  our  legislative  law  makers.  If  a  man 
KNOWS  what  law  he  judges  by,  and  the  facts  in  evidence  that 
rules  his  decision,  he  certainly  can  tell  them  and  explain  him- 
self 

The  treatment  of  our  juries,  is  anti-republican,  and  highly  im- 
proper ;  and  the  usage  they  often  experience  from  some  invested 
with  judicial  authority,  betrays  a  deadly  hostility  to  this  essential 
agency  of  justice  and  human  liberty. 

There  certainly  is  no  justice,  and  I  can  see  no  reason,  in  giv- 
ing one  set  of  men,  delegated  to  sit  in  judgment  upon  the  affairs 
of  their  fellow  men,  a  permanent  and  high  salary,  and  in  occa- 
sionally snatching  others  from  their  daily  occupations  and  con- 
cerns, to  try  cases,  without  allowing  them,  hardly  enough  to  defray 
their  necessary  expences. 

Juries  are  often  overruled,  or  worried  into  compliance  with  the 


156  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  7. 

opinion  of  the  court,  and  their  opinions  and  influence  thus  trifled 
with  or  destroyed.  Sometimes  we  see  it  announced  to  the  public, 
after  stating  the  particulars  of  the  case,  that  the  judge  directed 
the  jury  to  find  a  bill  for,  the  plaintiff,  or  defendant,  as  the  case 
may  be. 

How  absurd  is  it,  too,  to  compel  the  whole  number  of  a  jury  to 
agree!  and, as  the  case  is  in  some  places,  to  shut  them  up,  like 
brutes,  or  felons,  or  starve  them  into  compliance ! 

Why  not  take  the  opinion  of  the  jury,  (in  writing,  and  each  one 
separately,  if  necessary,)  before  they  leave  the  court  room  ?  and 
have  the  opinion  of  a  certain  majority,  be  decisive  ?  According 
to  the  Spanish  constitution,  (of  1820,)  eight  of  the  twelve  jury- 
men agreeing  in  their  decision  of  a  case,  is  sufficient. 

In  the  present  case,  while  the  juries  are  shut  up  by  themselves, 
if  you  can  get  one  of  them,  of  a  suitable  character,  on  your  side, 
he  mdiyjitggle  the  rest  into  compliance  with  his  will,  or  outhog, 
the  whole  ! 


Judiciary  Censor,  No.  7. 

Encouragement  for  Litigation. — Those  who  commence  law  suits, 
have  apparently  many  and  important  advantages.  The  plaintiff" 
or  person  who  commences  an  action,  generally  takes  every  possi- 
ble advantage  of  the  case,  in  the  points  and  position  set  forth  in 
his  writ  and  declaration.  He  also  takes  his  choice  of  lawyers — 
courts — ^judges,  in  many  instances — times  and  places;  and,  in 
some  places,  he  can  attach  all  the  defendant's  property,  and  body 
too,  if  he  chooses — m  ith,  or  without  any  justifiable  cause  !* 

*  There  is  sometimes  a  kind  of  rfc«po/wm  exercised  in  this  way  over 
fellow. beings,  ihatis  absolutely  abhorrent  to  the  human  feelings. 

Is  there  any  other  country  where  human  liberty  is  held  sfj  cheap,  as  in 
some  parts  of  this  boasted  land  of  liberty — where  one  may  seize  his  fel- 
low-man, and  confine  him  in  prison  under  a  pretext  of  debt,  without  the 
fact,  or  even  -pro'  at n lily  bring  first  ascertained  ;  and,  on  his  being  final- 
ly cleared  from  the  charge,  in  most  instances  at  least,  be  is  left  without 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  7.  157 

Where  the  plaintiff  or  his  lawyers,  are  allowed  to  make  the 
first  and  last  plea,  in  arguing  a  case,  there  is  an  undue,  and  of- 
ten powerful  advantage,  over  the  defendant ;  and  no  doubt  this 
practice  has  been  indulged  to  encourage  the  unjust  and  unneces- 
sary institution  of  lawsuits. 

Quibbles, — In  order  to  encourage  litigation  as  much  as  possible, 
it  seems,  a  number  of  different  pleas  are  allowed  in  defence  of 
the  same  case. 

I  remember  an  instance,  in  one  of  the  high  state  courts,  where- 
in damages  were  claimed  for  the  non-fulfilment  of  a  plain  written 
contract,  signed  and  sealed  in  the  presence  of  two  reputable 
and  subscribing  witnesses,  wherein  the  defendant  was  permitted 
to  set  up  three  different  and  distinct  pleas  in  his  defence — either  of 
which,  proving  true,  would  have  been  sufficient.  In  the  first 
plea,  the  delendant  denied  the  execution  of  the  contract,  (his  sig- 
nature must  have  been  a  forgery ^  then,  and  ought  to  have  been 
given  as  a  final  plea  ,)  in  the  second  plea,  the  defendant  owned 
he  executed  the  contract,  but  that  it  had  been  fulfilled  and  dis' 
charged;  and  in  the  third  plea,  the  defendant  owned  he  exe- 
cuted the  contract,  and  that  it  had  never  been  fulfilled  or  dis- 
charged, but  that  his  not  fulfilling  of  it  was  no  damage  to  the 
plaintiff. 

Were  any  person,  voluntarily  to  tell  such  a  story  in  his  own 
private  dealings,  justification  or  defence,  he  would  be  considered 


any  adequate  and  practicable  remedy  for  the  actual  cost,  trouble — indig- 
nity and  injury  done  his  person  and  property. 

It  is  humihating  and  degrading  to  the  character  of  a  freeman  or  re- 
publicao citizen,  to  be  seized  and  dragged  to  prison  like  a  felon,  for  no 
other  fault  than  merely  owing  a  sum  of  money  beyond  his  immediate 
means  of  payment.  At  least,  some  probable  cause  of  fraud  or  malcon- 
duct  should  be  officially  ascertained,  before  the  keys  of  a  prison  should 
be  turned  upon  a  human,  rational  being. 

What  becomes  of  our  boasted  security  against  injustice,  oppression 
and  cruelty,  defined  by  our  national  and  state  bills  of  right,  constitu- 
tions, laws  &c. — wherein  it  is  defined,  that  no  man  shall  be  molested  or 
injured  in  his  person  or  property,  without  Just  cause  ?  that  excessive  bail 
shall  not  be  required,  &c. — where  is  the  remedy,  or  guard  against  these 
abuses  ?  Certainly  it  is  not  in  the  general  disposition,  interests,  or  con- 
duct of  our  judges  and  lawyers,  to  be  just  and  humane. 


158  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  7. 

as  a  most  detestable  lying  scoundrel.  And  yet,  it  seems,  this  is 
all  considered  fair  and  honourable  in  law  proceedings.  No  mat- 
ter how  much  unnecessary  trouble  and  expense  is  made  the  par- 
ties ;  nor  what  crooked,  hypocritical  examples  are  established,  or 
corrupt  unprincipled  excitements  are  held  out,  or  indulged — pro- 
vided lawyers  can  share  well  in  the  general  spoil,  and  sow  the 
seeds  of  future  litigation  for  their  continued  harvest  ! 

Tricks  of  laip. — The  various  little  artifices  and  indulgences 
that  might  be  appropriately  defined  under  this  title,  are  numer- 
ous ;  and  reflect  shame  and  disgrace  on  many  who  preside  in  out 
courts.  To  exclude  evidence,  under  some  ceremonies  or  frivolous 
pretext,  is  not  the  least  of  these  artifices.  Just  as  if  a  court  or 
jury  were  not  to  be  trusted,  or  were  not  competent  to  determine 
whether  the  evidence  has  any  connection  or  bearing  in  the  case, 
or  whether  it  has  any  weight  of  truth  or  consistency  on  its  side. 

The  whole  truth  concerning  a  case,  ought  to  be  admitted  in  evi- 
dence ;  and  every  reasonable  inquiry  should  be  answered,  made 
by  a  jury  man,  or  any  one  who  was  trying  a  case. 

Every  unnecessary  or  improper  inquiry,  evidence  or  explanation, 
would  generally  serve  to  tire  or  disgust  a  court,  jury  or  whoever 
was  hearing  the  case,  and  finally  terminate  to  the  disadvantage  of 
the  party  indulging  in  it,  especially  if  the  transaction  is  duly  noti- 
ced. 

At  least,  a  general  view  of  the  cause,  out  of  which  a  consider- 
able action  or  controversy  arose,  should  be  investigated  and  un- 
derstood ;  and  every  thing  that  was  just  and  reasonable  should 
always  be  allowed  in  evidendfe  or  pleadings,  to  explain  a  case, 
fairly. 

The  final  result  of  many  of  our  lawsuits,  seems  to  depend 
more  on  the  sophistries  and  other  little  artifices  of  lawyers,  than 
upon  the  actual  merits  of  the  cases.  Such  differences  might  as 
well  be  settled  by  a  cast  of  the  die,  as  to  i\ie  justice  of  their  final 
result,  and  avoid  the  delay,  trouble  and  expense  of  a  law  suit,  as 
to  terminate  them  as  they  often  are  done. 

It  is  certainly  dangerous  and  absurd,  to  entrust  an  individual 
with  power  to  cramp,  circumscribe  or  obstruct  inquiries,  necessa- 
ry to  the  maintenance  of  human  rights  and  privileges. 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  7.  159 

Nothing  can  be  more  absurd,  then  to  explain  to  a  court,  open- 
ly, before  the  witnesses,  or  adverse  party,  the  design  and  appli- 
cation of  every  inquiry,  as  it  often  enables  the  witness,  if  crooked 
or  partially  inclined,  to  defeat  the  very  object  of  enquiry.  He 
then  sees  the  very  point  aimed  at  in  asking  him  questions,  and 
can  generally  fashion  his  answers  to  avoid  crossing  or  catching 
himself,  or  injuring  the  party  he  intends  to  favor. 

Parties  should  always  be  allowed  their  oaths,  and  then  be  strict- 
ly examined  :  If  they  perjure  themselves,  punish  them.  Their 
interest  in  the  case  should  be  considered,  and  their  testimony  no 
farther  regarded,  than  should  appear  just  and  reasonable,  in  con- 
nexion with  other  matter,  under  all  the  existing  circumstances  of 
the  case. 

Individuals  are  often  permitted  to  testify  in  cases,  wherein  they 
are  directly  or  indirectly  interested  in  the  final  result,  nighly  or 
quite  as  highly  as  the  parties  themselves. 

To  permit  one  of  a  party  thus  interested,  to  testify,  and  exclude 
the  other  from  his  oath  and  explanation,  is  often  like  holding  down 
one  and  letting  the  other  maul  him  ! 

Well  digested  and  candidly  written  arguments,  to  be  read  or 
given  into  a  court,  jury,  or  whoever  might  have  the  hearing  and 
decision  of  a  case,  should  be  encouraged.  They  would  be  like- 
ly to  give  a  more  brief,  candid  and  fair  representation  and  view 
of  a  case,  than  all  the  sophistry,  quibbling,  and  bawling,  that  ev- 
er beset  our  courts  and  other  public  assemblies — bewildering  and 
disgusting  men  of  common  intelligence  and  feelings :  and  there- 
by avoid  the  unnecessary  confusion  of  a  case ; — save  time,  cost 
and  trouble,  and  in  the  end,  greatly  facilitate  good  sound  and 
wholesome  justice. 

Besides,  and  what  is  of  the  greatest  consequence  to  the  liberty, 
virtue,  prosperity  and  happiness  of  mankind  in  general,  and  par- 
ticularly to  the  people  of  this  republican  community ;  in  this  way, 
any  competent  person  might  write  the  arguments  and  statements 
of  a  case,  and  thereby  ultimately  save  us  from  the  all-grasping 
power  and  influence  of  lawyers — who  often  act  as  litigious  jm^- 
glers^  blackguards  and  bullies ^  and  absolutely  murder  justice  and 
civil  liberty. 


160  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.*  8. 


Judiciary  Censor^  No.  8. 

The  administration  of  the  law,  is  far  more  important  than  the 
legislative  authority  that  enacts  them  ;  for  even  bad  laws  may  be 
rendered  tolerable,  under  the  administration  of  persons  friendly 
to  the  rights,  liberty  and  N^ppiness  of  mankind.  But  when  the 
judges  and  lawyers  have  one  general  object  in  view,  contrary  to 
the  spirit  and  meaning  of  the  law,  it  is  not  difficult  to  see  how 
they  may  accomplish  their  pur|X)ses,  according  to  some  present 
practices  and  indulgences,  even  in  direct  violation  of  the  plainest 
laws. 

"  You  may  make  what  laws  you  please,  only  let  me  interpret 
their  meaning,  and  administer  or  carry  them  into  effect,  and  I  will 
generally  make  them  answer  my  purpose,"  said  a  notorious  cor- 
rupt and  tyranical  judge. 

The  judges  of  our  courts,  are,  in  a  great  measure,  sovereigns 
of  our  iK)litical  rights  : — 

They  can  declare  a  statute  unconstitutional  and  refuse  to  en- 
force it ;  they  can  indulge  vexatious,  and  unnecessary  suits — 
quibbles,  delays,  and  expenses,  to  favor  one  of  the  parties,  at  the 
expense  and  injury  of  the  other — or  to  increase  the  fees  and  pro- 
fits of  lawyers  and  others  concerned  in  court  expences,  to  the  in- 
jury of  both,  plaintiff  and  defendant — (in  many  instances,  they 
admit  domestic  oi  foreign  law,  as  best  suits  their  purposes;)  they 
can  reject  proper  evidence,  or  admit  that  which  is  improper,  and 
give  a  cant  and  coloring  to  favor  their  designs  in  regard  to  either 
party ;  and  finally  put  what  construction  they  please,  upon  the 
laws,  evidence,  and  pleadings :  In  some  cases  they  absolutely 
make  law,  to  suit  themselves !  So  that,  in  fact,  there  is  very  little 
to  prevent  the  judges  from  doing  pretty  much  as  they  please,  in 
most  of  the  cases  that  are  tried  and  finally  decided,  by  them. 
And  even  when  juries  are  employed,  the  judges  generally  exer- 
cise a  kind  of  authority  over  their  proceedings,  that  sometimes 
amounts,  nighly  or  quite  to  a  decision  of  the  case. 

In  some  instances,  a  single  individual,  sitting  as  sole  judge  of 
a  court,  can  regulate  and  prescribe  the  admission  of  evidence,  and 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  8.  161 

pleadings ;  even  that  which  is  brought  before  a  jury,  and  then 
charge  the  jury  with  such  a  summary  of  the  case ^  (evidence,  &,c.) 
as  best  suits  his  own  private  interest,  feelings  and  designs ;  and, 
if  the  jury  finally  bring  in  contrary  to  the  intentions  of  the  judge, 
he  can  harangue  them — testify  and  plead,  and  send  them  out  again, 
three  times  in  succession,  in  the  same  case.  And,  after  all  this^ 
if  the  decision  does  not  finally  please  the  judge,  (this  little  judi- 
cial sovereign  on  the  throne  of  judgment,)  he  can  grant  a  new 
trial,  in  some  instances :  and  then,  in  some  places,  they  can  err 
the  judgment,  in  their  final  and  last  resort,  as  members  of  the  court 
of  errors  or  final  revision  and  decision  of  cases. 

This  is  certainly  a  dangerous,  and  highly  improper  power,  to 
rest  in  the  hands  of  a  few  individuals,  wlio  are  under  very  little 
practicable  restraint  or  accountability  for  their  conduct. 

Besides,  the  judges  of  our  courts,  in  some  places,  exercise  the 
power  of  making  appointments  to  office  ;  granting  certain  licen- 
ses, and  privileges,  and  regulate  and  control  prison  limits. 

We  employ  a  great  number  of  men,  some  times  several  hundred 
in  a  body,  to  legislate  and  make  our  laws,  and  then  submit  them 
to  a  very  few  to  interpret  and  carry  into  eifect.  There  are  sel- 
dom more  than  three  or  four  persons  in  number,  who  control  the 
final  decisions  of  our  supreme  courts ;  and  who,  not  only  estab- 
lish points,  and  give  meaning  to  our  own  make  of  laws  ;  but  of- 
ten adopt  new  principles  of  tlwir  own  coining,  and  the  decisions 
of  foreign  courts,  as  law,  and  sometimes  in  actual  contempt  of 
our  legislative  authority. — The  creature  becomes  greater  than  its 
creator — the  little  tyrant,  placed  upon  the  throne  of  judgment, 
almost  beyond  the  reach  of  human  authority  and  control,  hurls 
defiance  at  those  below  him,  and  sends  down  vengeance,  instead 
of  justice,  on  those  who  dare  express  a  doubt  of  his  infallibil- 
ity. 

And  after  all,  one  man — the  chief  executive  magistrate,  of  the 
etate,  or  nation,  as  the  case  may  be,  generally  has  the  power  in- 
vested in  him,  if  he  chooses  to  use  it,  (for  a  good  or  ftarf  purpose,) 
to  suspend,  or  finally  annul  the  whole,  in  many  cases,  by  abating 
the  penalty  incurred,  or  by  pardoning  and  letting  loose  upon  soci- 
ety, even  those  convicted  of  the  most  base  and  criminal  offences. 

21 


162  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  9. 

Why  trust  a  single  individual  with  the  power  of  life  and  death? 
Call  it  what  you  will,  this  idea  of  the  infallihility  of  a  single  in- 
dividual, bears  the  full  stamp  of  monarchy. 


Judiciary  Censor^  No.  9. 

Trials  before  courts,  have  a  virtuous  or  vicious  tendency, 
pretty  much  as  the  judges  and  lawyers  are  inclined. 

To  suppose  that  a  judge  or  lawyer  can  be  indifferent ^  in  a  con- 
test between  right  and  wrong — betwixt  virtue  and  vice^  is  admit- 
ting that  they  are  destitute  of  common  discernment  and  feelings. 
A  person  of  pretty  good  penetration  will  generally  see  which  side 
the  court  are  inclined  to,  in  spite  of  their  studied  and  accustomed 
reserve — something  will  generally  betray  their  feelings,  policy  or 
designs,  in  looks,  words  or  actions. 

If  those  who  have  the  chief  management  and  control  of  law- 
suits, are  disposed  to  aid  or  connive  at  the  final  evasion  of  justice, 
their  efforts,  however  studied  and  reserve,  will  have  a  general  ten- 
dency to  encourage  vice,  and  to  discourage  virtue  ;  and,  on  the 
contrary,  if  those  who  conduct  and  control  public  investigations, 
are  determined  friends  of  truth,  justice  and  humanity,  their  con- 
duct will  naturally  inspire  the  hopes  and  encourage  the  efforts  of 
the  better  part  of  community. 

In  fine — those  who  administer,  or  carry  the  laws  into  effect, 
have  ten  times  the  power  and  influence  to  promote  virtue  or  vice, 
as  they  are  inclined,  than  any  other  branch  of  public  power  or 
authority. 

Some  of  our  plainest  statutes  have  been  superseded  by  the 
practice  of  courts,  in  some  of  their  efforts  to  facilitate  the  final 
evasion  of  justice — to  render  the  laws  complex,  obscure  and  dif- 
ficult to  be  understood — so  that,  instead  of  looking  to  our  statutes, 
we  must  consult  the  practice  of  our  courts  to  know  what  to  rely 
upon  :  and  even  that  is  rendered  precarious  and  uncertain,  from 
the  numerous  and  conflicting  opinions,  indulged  and  recorded. 

Every  wilful  and  unnecessary  sacrifice  of  a  person's  property., 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  10.  163 

made  under  process  or  colour  of  law,  should  be  punished,  and 
finally  guarded  against — even  much  more  rigidly  than  a  wanton 
or  malicious  destruction  by  other  means,  as  it  has  a  powerful  ten- 
dency to  vitiate,  and  to  familiarize  us  to,  a  perversion  of  the  final 
ends  of  justice. 

All  the  time,  trouble  and  money  expended  in  unnecessary  law 
proceedings,  is  generally  much  worse  than  a  dead  loss  to  society, 
as  it  chiefly  goes  to  increase  the  wealth,  power  and  influence,  of  a 
dangerous  craft. 

A  considerable  lawsuit^  in  many  places,  is  regarded  as  almost 
as  great  a  calamity,  to  a  family  or  neighbourhood,  as  a  pestilence 
or  fire.  The  havoc  they  make  is  often  terrible,  and  visible  for  a 
great  extent,  and  length  of  time. 


Judiciary  Censor ,  No.   10. 

In  the  making  and  administration  of  the  laws,  for  the  govern- 
ment of  a  republic,  the  greatest  possible  care  and  precaution 
should  be  taken,  to  guard  against  the  overbearing  and  undue 
power  and  influence  of  men  possessed  of  extra  wealth,  learning, 
influence  and  authority  ;  and  all  unwarrantable  combinations  or 
conspiracies  against  individuals  :  because,  this  is  the  most  dan- 
gerous, and  destructive  of  the  rights,  security  and  prosperity  of 
the  common  people,  and  the  most  to  be  apprehended,  of  any 
thing  adverse  to  justice  and  rational  liberty,  that  could  readily 
happen  in  this  country. 

After  all  the  care  and  precautions  that  could  well  be  employed 
in  making  wise,  equal  and  just  laws,  if  those  who  admijiister 
them  are  not  disposed  to  guard  against  the  undue  power  and  in- 
fluence of  unequal  and  unjust  combinations  against  individuals, 
justice,  virtue  and  human  liberty  will  be  corrupted  and  finally 
crushed  ;  for  when  men  of  crooked  and  overbearing  tempers  and 
designs,  once  find  they  can  be  gratified  with  impunity,  there  is  a 
6road  road  laid  open  for  the  ultimate  destruction  of  the  common 
people. 


164  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  10. 

Judges  should  have  their  duties  definitely  and  extensively  do- 
fined  in  their  oaths,  which  should  be  recorded,  and  they  required 
to  sign  the  same  ;  and  when  they  perjure  themselves,  they  should 
be  punished,  like  other  men,  for  their  offences. 

Every  judicial  officer,  of  every  name  and  grade,  should  always 
be  required  to  construe  the  laws  in  favour  of  justice.  And  also 
to  exercise  every  reasonable  favour  and  assistance  towards  those 
who  undertake  to  manage  their  own  cases,  or  act  without  the  as- 
sistance of  a  lawyer. 

All  cases  of  a  certain  magnitude  and  description,  should  be  ex- 
amined and  decided  by  the  judicial  magistrates  holding  court, 
without  the  employment  or  interference  of  lawyers  on  either  side  : 
because,  if  one  of  the  parties  at  variance  employ  a  lawyer,  the 
other  must  generally  adopt  the  same  method,  in  order  to  guard 
against  the  little  artifices  of  the  craft ;  and  if  either  party  employ 
two,  three  or  more  lawyers  to  manage  their  cases,  their  oppo- 
nents are  generally  obliged  to  employ  equal  forces  in  the  contest. 
The  whole  expenses  of  which  often  far  exceeds  any  thing  that 
the  magnitude  or  amount  of  the  contest,  would  justify.  But  this 
is  but  the  smallest  evil  resulting  from  employing  lawyers  in  every 
petty  case ;  for  they  generally  strive  to  multiply,  aggravate  and 
complex,  trifling  differences  into  serious  troubles,  and  eventually 
leave  the  parties  impoverished,  corrupted  and  inflamed,  to  the  in- 
jury of  themselves  and  the  community  in  general. 

The  progress  of  this  example,  of  magistrates  examining  and 
settling  cases  without  the  interference  of  lawyers,  is  continually 
recorded  in  the  English  papers,  giving  the  particulars  ;  some  of 
the  most  singular  of  which  are  republished  in  our  papers.  Wheth- 
er this  is  an  actual  law,  or  the  magistrate  has  the  power  to  reject 
the  interference  of  lawyers,  or  the  practice  is  the  result  of  a  vol- 
untary custom,  it  is  nevertheless  an  example  worthy  of  adoption. 

Judges  should  be  held  accountable,  like  other  men,  for  injuries 
they  occasion  others  in  violation  of  their  proper  duty — or  it  should 
be  acknowledged,  at  once,  that  they,  like  sovereign  princes,  can 
(fo  no  lifTon^. 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  11.  165 


Judiciary  Censor ,  No.  11. 

When  two  neighbors  or  fellow  beings  are  at  variance — instead 
of  trying  to  push  them /wrfAer  apart,  by  enflaming  their  passions 
and  exciting  their  rapacity,  treachery  or  malice,  as  interested  and 
unprincipled  lawyers  generally  do ;  if  a  real  friend  or  two  of  jus- 
tice and  humanity,  were  to  come  some  where  between  the  parties, 
and  endeavor  to  cool  down  their  passions  and  moderate  their  ex- 
treme expectations  and  desires — bring  them  nigher  together,  as  ju- 
dicious friends  or  mediators,  and  finally  induce  them  to  hear  to  jus- 
tice and  reason,  how  much  better  it  would  be  for  society. 

When  we  duly  reflect  on  the  consequences,  every  good  man,  in 
his  sober  senses,  would  naturally  wish  that  such  a  friend  might 
come  to  his  aid  and  assistance,  in  time  of  need,  and  save  him 
from  the  influence  of  extreme  passions,  and  prejudices ;  and  al- 
ways guard  him  against  the  advice,  influence  and  control  of  those 
who  are  interested  in  involving  their  fellow  men  in  endless  troubles 
and  expences  of  law  proceedings — save  them  from  the  fangs — 
power  and  corrupt  influence  of  the  wolves  and  vultures  of  litiga- 
tion ! 

Judges,  justices  of  the  peace,  and  all  magistrates,  court  author- 
ities, and  ofl5cers  who  preside  in  courts  and  deliberate  assemblies, 
should  endeavour  to  restrain  and  keep  down  every  thing  like  ei- 
ther levity  y  or  malice,  in  the  proceedings ;  and  they  should  al- 
ways take  particular  care  to  suppress  the  little  artifices  and  cun- 
ning of  unprincipled  and  designing  lawyers  and  others  to  excite 
the  passions  of  witnesses,  juries,  or  others  concerned  in  trials,  for 
truth  and  reason  generally  depart  when  passion  takes  the  reins. 

A  tribunal  o^  justice,  should  proceed  in  their  inquiries  and  de- 
liberations, with  dignity,  candor  and  firmness ;  and  every  studied 
outrage  or  material  deviation  from  this  course,  should  be  suppres- 
sed, and  punished,  if  necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  due  order 
and  subordination. 

Every  undue  attempt  to  make/ww,  and  produce  laughter,  or 
to  eJi^trfe  treachery,  or  malice,  should  be  promptly  put  down,  sup- 
pressed or  defeated. 


166  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  12. 

We  should  endeavour  constantly  to  bear  in  mind,  when  con- 
sulting lawyers,  that  it  is  their  interest,  (though  certainly  not  for 
their  honor,)  to  involve  the  concerns  of  their  clients  and  fellow 
men,  in  unnecessary  troubles  and  expenses,  in  order  to  increase 
and  prolong  their  own  professional  gains,  power  and  influence — 
and  not  generally  to  advise  and  assist  mankind  for  their  actual  and 
best  good  ;  and  that  they  are  professionally  in  the  habit  of  disguis- 
ing their  actual  policy  and  designs. 

I  once  employed  a  lawyer  to  settle  and  collect  some  accounts, 
who  voluntarily  told  me,  he  should  not  intentionally  involve  me  in 
any  controversies,  for  he  said  he  was  no  advocate ;  and  he  really 
proved  a  very  worthy  and  useful  man. 

*'  Only  pension  us,"  said  the  lawyers  of  old,  "  and  we  will  then 
change  our  main  policy  and  conduct,  and  endeavour  to  render  the 
laws,  and  the  administration  thereof,  as  plain,  sure,  expeditious, 
and  economical,  as  possible  ;  but  were  we  to  relinquish  our  pres- 
ent gains,  power  and  advantages,  without  a  substitute — by  culti- 
vating the  wisest  and  best  measures  for  the  people  ;  and  finally, 
perhaps  learn  mankind  to  do  without  much  of  our  professional  aid 
and  assistance,  we  should,  by  so  doing,  only  be  robbing  ourselvei 
for  the  general  benefit  of  the  human  race." 

The  people  of  the  United  States  have  learned  to  do  without 
sovereign  princes^  artificial  nobles,  and  other  like  distinctions. 
We  have  also  shown  the  world  a  better  way  to  suppress  Barbary 
and  other  piraces,  than  to  pension  them.  We  have  seen,  too,  that  the 
Friends  or  Quakers  can  adjust  human  differences,  and  maintain 
a  most  excellent  state  of  society,  without  having  much  to  do  with 
lawsuits,  or  lawyers — even  in  a  country  where  latoyers  are  in  pow- 
er. And  it  is  fair  to  presume  that  the  good  people  of  every  coun- 
try will  be  benefitted  by  these  examples,  in  the  end. 


Judiciary  Censor,  No.  12. 

The  judges  of  our  courts,  have  to  ransack  and  study  the  de- 
cisions of  British  courts,  (which  constitute   the  main  substance 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.  12.  167 

of  our  common  law,)  in  order  to  define  criminal  and  other  offen- 
ces, and  then  explain  the  same  in  their  addresses  to  grand  juries, 
at  the  opening  of  court,  and  in  their  definitions  and  tinal  charges 
to  other  juries,  on  the  trial  of  cases.  And  thus,  different  judges 
give  their  definitions  and  views  of  offences,  and  of  law.  This  is 
all  wrong. 

Instead  of  which,  every  state  should  have  an  established  code 
of  law,  classing,  and  defining  in  general  terms,  under  definite 
heads,  the  nature  and  character  of  the  various  criminal  and  other 
offences  ;  together  with  their  several  penalties  ;  and  the  necessa- 
ry proceedings  to  carry  the  law  into  effect  :  so  that  we  might  turn 
to  our  code  of  law,  and  comprehend  their  meaning  and  applica- 
tion, as  readily  as  the  words  of  a  common  dictionary. 

This  would  establish  one  uniform  and  definite  standard,  and 
eourse  of  proceeding,  intelligent  to  all  people  of  good  common 
sense  and  information  ;  save  our  judges  and  lawyers  the  time, 
trouble  and  expense  of  ransacking  and  studying  the  immense 
mass  of  British  laio  lumber ;  and  greatly  abridge  the  trouble,  ex- 
pense, vexation  and  final  uncertainty,  of  our  law  proceedings. 

This  would  produce  a  degree  of  justice  and  equality  among 
professional  lawyers,  by  apportioning  the  business  more  general- 
ly among  them — and  not  let  a  few  of  the  most  learned,  in  the 
quirks,  quibbles  and  uncertainties  of  law  craft,  run  away  with 
nine  tenths  of  the  profits  of  litigation.* 

*  The  following  piece,  (taken  from  the  National  Journal,)  may  serve 
to  explain,  a  little,  what  the  craft  would  be  at. 

In  a  debate  which  arose  in  the  British  House  of  Commons,  during  the 
last  session,  on  the  Delays  in  Court  of  Chancery  some  curious  facts  were 
detailed.  We  select  the  following.  Mr.  Williams  said  "  the  Court  of 
Chancery  was  so  odious  a  dungeon  that  he  who  was  once  immured  sel- 
dom escaped  without  loss  of  comfort,  fortune  and  life."  He  further  de- 
clared that"  in  England  99  lawyers  out  of  100  were  utterly  ignorant  of 
the  principles  on  which  real  property  was  transferred.''  **  It  is  this  un- 
certainty, said  the  same  commoner,  which  fills  the  insatiate  maw  of 
Chancery  with  so  many  dainty  morsels,  and  occasions  such  delightful 
pickings  for  the  Chancery  Lawyers.''  These  assertions  he  illustrated 
by  references  to  many  cases  before  the  Chancellor. 

Dr.  Lushington  stated  a  case,  in  his  own  knowledge  and  practice, 


1C8  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No    13. 

In  publicly  announcing  the  amount  of  damages  awarded  for 
certain  offences,  by  courts  and  juries,  the  publishers  should  en- 
deavour to  ascertain  and  state  the  sum  actually  paid  and  received, 
beyond  rrll  the  cost,  risk,  trouble  and  expenses  of  the  prosecutor. 
This  would  enable  the  public  to  see  the  whole,  and  to  detect 
much  of  the  hypocrisy  and  insufficiency  of  law  proceedings,  as 
they  are  usually  conducted.  For  many  high  sounding  and  enti- 
cing awards  have  been  announced  as  recovered,  where  in  fact 
little  or  nothing  was  ever  paid  and  received  ;  and,  in  many,  if 
not  in  most  cases,  the  actual  trouble  and  expense  of  the  prose- 
cutor, beyond  what  they  recover  in  cost,  amounts  to  nighjy  or 
quite  all  they  receive. 

I  knew  a  case  where  an  action  for  defamation  was  brought, 
and  fifteen  hundred  dollars  damages  finally  awarded,  while  the 
prosecutors  expenses  amounted  to  about  ten  thousand  dollars ;  so 
that  he  was  greatly  the  loser  tn  mere  money — besides  all  his  trou- 
ble and  vexation. 

Unprincipled  and  designing  lawyers  don't  like  to  have  these 
thifigs  noticed,  as  it  has  a  tendency  to  expose  their  crafty  koA  to 
deter  people  from  hastily  entering  into  lawsuits,  and  especially 
in  claims  for  damages. 


Judiciary  Censor ^  No.  13. 

Lawyers  sometimes  club,  or  some  how  volunteer  their  services 
in  defence  of  rogues,  when  they  are  arrested  and  had  up  for  ex- 
amination, or  trial,  and  without  fees,  particularly   when  culprits 

where  '  one  of  the  most  honest  and  respectable  soUcitors  io  Londoo, 
iiad  found  it  impossible,  with  safety  to  his  client,  to  compress  the  abstract 
of  a  Title  to;an  Estate  in  less  than  eight  hundred  sheets  of  paper.'  Mr. 
Taylor  mentioned  '  an  amicable  suit  instituted  in  Chancery  which  was 
not  determined  under  thirty-eight  years.*  In  this  debate  Mr.  Brougham 
mentioned  that  a  commission  appointed  by  the  House,  on  the  abuses  of 
Public  charities,  had  made  "  reports  which  were  contaioed  in  some  12 
or  13  rather  unsightly  and  decidedly  bulky  Folios.'' 


JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  NO.  14.  169 

appear  destitute  of  the  means  of  compensating  their  services — 
although  they  seldom  do  the  same  in  defence  of  honest  men. 

There  is  a  mountainous  pass  in  Naples  infested  by  a  gang  of 
robbers,  who,  if  a  traveller  fees  one,  he  will  guard  and  protect 
him  against  the  rest,  otherways  travellers  are  pretty  sure  to  be 
robbed  by  some  of  the  gang  :  so  they  determine  to  have  some  of 
travellers  money,  one  way  or  the  other.*  If  there  were  none  to 
rob,  there  would  be  no  occasion  to  employ  any  to  guard  and  pro- 
tect, and  the  business  would  all  go  down  together. 

It  is  pretty  much  so  with  lawyers  business  in  counciling  and  as 
sisting  rogues  :  if  it  were  not  for  their  indulgence,  and  exertions 
against  justice,  there  would  be  little  or  no  imployment  for  law- 
yers to  enforce  the  laws.  Besides,  for  the  want  of  able  prompters 
and  assistants  in  villainy,  rogues  would  generally  be  discouraged 
in  their  desperate  pursuits,  and  be  finally  compelled  to  undertake 
some  honest  course  of  life,  and  thereby  the  practice  of  law  would 
be  greatly  diminished. 

Are  our  laws  so  unjust,  or  unreasonable ;  or  are  those  appoint- 
ed to  execute  them,  so  treacherous,  or  despotically  inclined,  as  to 
require,  or  justify  the  employment  of,  great  exertions  to  resist  their 
execution — to  keep  justice  off- — to  encourage  and  harden  criminals 
and  other  offenders  1 


Judiciary  Censor,  No.  14. 

When  public  grievances,  or  abuses  of  power,  are  complained  of, 
those  in  authority,  and  particularly  if  interested  in  the  abuses  or 
evils,  aF€  too  apt  to  study  only  a  temporary  or  partial  relief,  rather 

*  It  has  lately  been  noticed  in  the  newspapers — and  with  a  kind  of 
squintings  that  this  or  another  gang"  of  28  in  number,  "  condescended^'  to 
surrender  themselves  up  to  the  police  !  No  doubt  these  depredators  were 
in  secret  connivance  with  police  officers,  who  probably  shared  a  part  of 
their  plunder.  Are  not  such  things  sometimes  done — even  in  our  own 
country  ? 

23 


170  JUDICIARY  CENSOR,  No.   14. 

than  perfect  a  substantial  cure,  and  guard  against  the  occurrence 
of  the  evils  in  future. 

Thus,  the  enemies  of  justice  and  human  improvement,  flatter 
themselves  that  the  call  for  a  truly  republican  and  civilized  code 
of  law,  lately  made  and  loudly  repeated,  in  several  parts  of  this 
union,  will  soon  die  away  and  be  mainly  forgotten  ;  and  that  our 
present  system  and  practice  of  law,  will  go  on,  without  any  essen- 
tial alterations  or  actual  improvement,  and  finally  be  settled  down, 
to  pretty  much  what  they  are  in  England — where  there  is  law 
without  justice — where  the  toll  of  litigation  is  bigger  than  the 
crrist — where  the  whole  trouble  and  expense  of  lawsuits,  are  esti- 
mated to  have  cost  on  an  average,  more  than  the  amount  actually 
litigated  and  finally  recovered  ! 

Only  let  one  of  the  states  establish  a  complete  civilized  and  re- 
publican code  of  law,  and  all  the  rest  will  undoubtedly  follow  in  its 
adoption — with  such  alterations  as  their  peculiar  situation  and 
interests  require.  When  this  is  done,  then  see  what  becomes  of 
the  enemy  to  improving  the  common  road  to  justice  ! 

A  truly  civilized  and  republican  code  of  law,  is  one  of  the 
greatest  benefits  ever  conferred  on  a  people. 

This  nation  must  either  rise  to  the  highest  pitch  and  elevation 
of  human  virtue,  wisdom  and  excellence,  to  the  everlasting  gratr 
itude,  joy  and  glory  of  civilized  man,  or  sink  to  the  scorn  and  de- 
rision of  the  world.  We  are  already  on  the  march  ;  let  us  perse- 
vere, then,  until  we  arrive  at  that  elevation  and  improved  state  of 
the  human  character  and  condition,  that  we  may  safely  pause  and 
contemplate  with  lasting  benefit  and  satisfaction. 

We  have  volunteered  in  this  glorious  reform ;  let  us  not  then 
shrink  from  the  dignity  and  importance  of  the  midertaking. 
The  eyes  of  the  world  are  upon  us.  The  day  will  come  when 
foreigners  of  the  highest  worth  shall  visit  this  country  to  complete 
and  improve  their  education  and  knowledge — to  behold  the  won- 
ders of  a  VIRTUOUS,  ENLIGHTENED  and  FREE  PEOPLE  ! 


ARBITRATIONS.  171 


Arbitrations. 


A  JUDICIOUS  mode  of  arbitrations,  is  certainly  the  most  correct, 
expeditious,  convenient,  and  economical,  method  of  deciding  con- 
troversies, of  any  that  has  ever  been  adopted. 

Nugent,  an  English  doctor  of  laws,  in  his  travels  through  Ger- 
many, in  speaking  of  Hambugh,  says,  "  They  have  an  excellent 
method  of  reconciling  parties,  and  preventing  lawsuits,  virhich  is 
that  of  arbitrations." 

They  adopted,  what  was  called  an  arbitration  law,  a  number  of 
years  ago,  in  Pennsylvania  ;  and  which  had  a  good  effect,  as  far  as 
it  was  properly  conducted  ;  but  the  unnceasing  arts  and  efforts 
of  unprincipled  and  designing  lawyers,  to  render  this  law  subser- 
vient to  their  crooked  policy  and  purposes,  has^  already,  it  is  fear- 
ed, proved  nighly  or  quite  successful. 

One  thing  is  pretty  certain,  that,  wherever  unprincipled  lawyers 
have  the  chief  management  and  control  of  arbitrations,  they  will 
most  probably  endeavour  to  make  them  instruments  of  injustice,  or 
otherways  render  them  unpopular. 

Various  good  effects  of  well  regulated  and  judiciously  conduct- 
ed arbitrations,    are  within  my  recollection  ;  two  of  which  I  will 

briefly    notice. — The  inhabitants  of  the  township  of , 

in  the  state  of ,  were   formerly  very   highly  esteemed  for 

their  excellent  good  characters ;  and  which  was  finally  found  to 
result,  chiefly  from  a  method  they  had  long  practised,  of  set- 
tling their  personal  differences,  and  other  matters  in  dispute, 
by  arbitration,  and  preventing  lawsuits.  At  the  time  now  refer- 
red to,  the  township  contained  about  2300  inhabitants ;  who  were 
chiefly  farmers  and  mechanics ;  and  from  their  first  settlement 
until  this  time,  there  never  had  been  a  lawyer  employed  in  the 
town.  The  people  were  generally  honest,  industrions,  prosperous, 
aud  happy.  If  any  among  them  were  disposed  to  be  dishonest, 
or  otherways  faulty,  there  was  not  any  lawyer  at  hand  to  be  hired 
to  justify,  or  conceal  their  offences,  or  otherways  juggle  them  out 
of  the  hands  of  justice.  The  little  arts  of  sophistry,  and  quib- 
bling, were  discountenanced,  and  knavery  put  down  ;  so  that  men 


172  ARBITRATIONS. 

found  it  truly  the  best  policy,  to  be  honest,   and  consistent  with 
themselves. 

When  any  personal  differences  arose,  or  offences  were  commit- 
ted, which  the  parties  could  not  adjust,  or  settle  among  them- 
selves, the  case  was  promptly  submitted,  agreeably  to  a  rule  they 
had  established,  to  the  decision  of  an  arbitration.  The  arbitra- 
tors generally  consisted  of  from  two  to  six  persons,  judiciously  se- 
lected for  the  particular  occasion,  agreeable  to  the  nature  and  mag- 
nitude of  the  case.  The  arbitrators  were  men  who  participated 
in  the  general  harmony  and  prosperity  of  the  place,  and  had  no 
interest  in  exciting,  or  prolonging  expensive  and  vexatious  con- 
troversies. They  barely  received  a  moderate  compensation  for 
the  time  they  necessarily  spent  in  attending  to  the  business — be- 
sides the  sweet  and  durable  satisfaction  of  being  the  instruments 
of  justice  and  harmony  among  their  neighbours  and  fellow  men  ! 

The  parties  appeared  before  the  arbitrators,  and  each  made  a 
simple  statement  of  their  case,  and  produced  their  proof,  when  it 
was  required,  and  to  be  had ;  the  arbitrators  made  what  inquiries 
they  thought  necessary,  and,  after  reasoning  the  case  over  among 
themselves,  they  finally  decided — always  without  any  pleadings. 
There  was,  however,  very  few  differences,  at  the  time  now  refer- 
red to,  which  the  parties  could  not  settle  among  themselves.  And 
this  would  be  the  case  with  the  public  generally,  if  it  was  only 
properly  encouraged.  Mankind  are  seldom  such  fools,  as  to  con- 
tend in  law,  voluntarily,  without  management,  without  some  art- 
ful excitement,  or  encouragement  of  a  final  and  undue  advantage, 
somehow  or  other,  in  the  end. 

The  general  harmony  and  prosperity  of  the  inhabitants  of  this 
town  ;  their  excellent  and  upright  characters,  all  chiefly  resulting 
from  their  method  of  adjusting  personal  differences,  and  prevent- 
ing lawsuits ;  at  length  attracted  the  serious  attention  of  some  of 
the  most  sagacious  lawyers,  who,  after  considering  the  subject 
among  themselves,  (probably  atone  of  their  bar  meetings  ;)  final- 
ly concluded,  that  the  example  might  be  followed,  by  other  people, 
to  the  ultimate  diminution  of  the  influence  and  professional  gains 
of  lawyers,  and  therefore  resolved  to  counteract  it.  For  which 
purpose,  they  selected  one  of  the  most  crafty  and  smooth  tongued 


ARBITRATIONS.  173 

members  of  their  professional  club,  to  go  and  settle  in  the  town  ; 
and  who  soon  won  over  the  confidence,  and  allied  himself  to,  some 
of  the  most  influential  families  of  the  place,  by  marrying  the 
daughter  of  their  priest,  {elder ^  I  believe  he  was  called.)  This 
seemed  to  give  a  kind  of  sanctity  to  the  lawyers'  designs  ;  and, 
as  he  was  a  sly  intriguing  character,  and  had  his  views  favoured 
by  the  chief  rulers  of  the  state,  he  soon  found  means  to  stir  up  a 
spirit  of  litigation  and  set  the  inhabitants  at  war.  This  soon 
made  business  for  another  lawyer  in  the  town,  to  oppose  suits 
brought  by  the  first ;  to  bring  retaliating  actions,  and,  partic- 
ularly to  manage  the  cases  that  were  carried  up  to  the  State 
courts. — 

The  inhabitants  began  to  sell  out,  mortgage,  or  make  over 
their  property,  and  to  make  other  considerabla  sacrifices,  in  order 
to  raise  money  and  carry  on  their  lawsuits.  This  also  created  bro- 
kers and  sharpers,  who  stood  ready  to  take  every  possible  ad- 
vantage of  their  neighbours  embarrassments  and  distress — and 
even  to  join  their  efforts  with  the  lawyerSj  to  produce,  and  prolong 
their  neighbours'  troubles,  in  order  to  increase  their  own  opportu- 
nities and  final  gains. — Until  a  spirit  of  confusion,  treachery,  per- 
secution, oppression,  and  jealousy  or  distrust,  seemed  to  pervade 
the  whole  town ;  and  finally  began  to  dissolve  this  little  community 
of  republicans,  and  drive  them  off  to  other  places,  in  pursuit  of 
that  peace,  security,  prosperity  and  happiness  they  had  formerly 
enjoyed  at  home — as  if  satan  had  actually  entered  their  political 
paradise ! 

It  is  about  twenty  years,  at  the  present  time,  since  the  first  law- 
yer moved  into  this  town,  and  yet  the  inhabitants  have  greatly  de- 
creased in  numbers  ;  the  property  is  much  more  unequally  pos- 
sessed among  them,  than  it  was  before  the  spirit  of  litigation  was 
introduced.  Some  of  the  biggest  knaves  and  hypocrites  have  in- 
creased their  wealth ;  but  the  greatest  proportion  of  the  inhabit- 
ants, have  been  reduced  to  a  poor,  discouraged,  degraded  and 
miserable  race  of  quibblers.  In  short,  the  town  is  becoming 
notorious  for  the  treachery,  intemperance,  hypocrisy  and  mean- 
ness of  its  inhabitants. 

Many  who  have  been  ruined  in  fortune   and  prospects,   them- 


\U  ARBITRATIONS. 

selves,  become  crooked  instruments  in  the  hands  of  the  lawyers 
and  designing  knaves,  for  the  destruction  of  others. 

One  further  circumstance  in  regard  to  the  change  of  character 
of  the  inhabitants  of  this  town,  is  perhaps  worthy  of  notice.  Not 
long  after  the  marriage  of  the  lawyer  with  the  priest's  daughter, 
he  was  taken  into  church  communion.  This  example  was  courted, 
and  finally  followed,  by  others  of  similar  character  and  designs ; 
until  it  has  become  no  evidence  of  aperson's^oorf  moral  character, 
to  belong  to  the  church  :  but  frequently  excites  a  suspicion  of 
their  hypocrisy  and  evil  designs.  Indeed,  they  seem  to  be  sensi- 
ble that  their  characters  do  not  compare  with  that  of  a  true  Chris^ 
tian,  and  so  they  call  themselves  professors,  or  communicants — 
probably  to  avoid  a  direct  comparison. 

It  is  also  worthy  of  particular  notice,  that  the  priest,  before  hi- 
connexion  with  the  lawyer,  was  a  plain  unostentatious  and  truly 
excellent  man — always  doing  good  in  society.  He  was  in  fact  a 
true  Christian,  vl  peace  maker,  and  a  guide  to  virtue  and  human 
happiness.  But  his  connextion  with  the  consequential  and  design- 
ing lawyer,  excited  his  vanity  and  pomp,  also,  and  ultimately  made 
him,  what  is  called  ^fashionable  clergyman — fond  of  show,  pa- 
rade, luxuries,  and  worldly  honors  and  distinctions.* 

Another  case  of  the  good  effects  of  arbitrations,  I  shall  notice, 
with  a  brief  view  of  the  transactions  out  of  which  it  originated  ; 
in  order,  in  part,  to  give  some  idea  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
public  are  sometimes  cheated  by  their  agents. 

Some  time  during  the  late  European  wars,  and  while  considera- 
ble forces  were  stationed  in  the  West  Indies,  the  master  of  a  West 
India  trader,  took  a  cargo  on  freight  and  commissions,  to  one  of  the 
islands.  The  cargo  consisted  of  three  principal  articles,  and  be- 
longed to  as  many  different  persons.  On  arriving  at  the  port  of 
destination,  two  public  agents,  one  for  the  supply  of  the  navy,  and 

*  Some  called  this  connexion  between  the  lawyer  and  the  family  of 
the  priest,  a  union  of  church  and  stale  policy.  One  old,  plain  spoken 
man,  said,  when  the  lawyer  was  taken  into  church,  without  any  appa- 
rent change  of  character,  that  it  reminded  him  of  the  fable  of  the  cat  and 
rats—"  Something  whispers  me  there  is  mischief. ">'  I  fear  he  is  only  put- 
ting on  a  sanctified  evil,  the  better  to  conceal  his  bad  intentions  and  de- 
signs. 


ARBITRATIONS/  175 

the  other  for  the  army,  appeared  as  the  only  purchasers  ;  each  of 
whom  made  an  offer  for  the  whole  cargo,  at  specified  prices  for 
each  of  the  three  articles,  but  neither  would  take  any  part,  unless 
they  had  the  whole.  Each  of  the  agents  wanted  the  biggest  part  of 
the  cargo  for  govertiment^  which  they  rated  at  more  than  worth, 
and  the  remainder  for  themselves ^  which  they  rated  at  much  less 
than  worth.  The  master  found  he  could  not  do  better  than  to  take 
the  offer  that  averaged  the  most  for  the  whole  cargo  ;  and  then, 
concluding  that  such  a  quere  transaction  would  hardly  be  under- 
stood, or  believed  by  his  employers,  if  related,  he  made  an  en- 
tire account  of  sales,  equalizing  the  prices  of  the  different  articles, 
as  fairly  as  possible^  On  his  return  home,  the  shippers  appeared 
well  satisfied,  and  even  pleased  with  their  returns. 

Some  time  after,  however,  information,  some  how  or  other,  got 
to  the  understanding  of  the  shipper,  whose  part  of  the  cargo  was 
rated  at  much  more  than  worth,  by  the  purchaser — but  which 
price  could  not  have  been  obtained  separately,  nor  without  sacri- 
ficing on  the  rest  of  the  cargo ;  and  being  a  hasty  and  violent 
tempered  man,  he  immediately  flew  to  arms — consulted  a  lawyer, 
who,  (without  making  any  candid  inquiries  into  the  probable 
cause  of  excitement,  or  perhaps  without  any  further  concern  than 
regarded  his  prospect  of  obtaining  a  good  round  sum  for  his  ser- 
vices, in  the  end,)  said  it  was  a  gross  piece  of  fraud,  and  no  man- 
ner of  doubt,  exemplary  damages  would  be  recovered.  A  suit, 
of  course,  was  authorised,  and  an  action  was  immediately  brought, 
of  the  most  severe  and  aggravating  character ;  and  all  was  a  scene 
of  bustle,  irritation,  and  preparation  for  the  final  conflict,  on  both 
sides — peace  and  good  felllowship  had  fled  the  neighbourhood. 

A  few  days  after  the  suit  had  been  commenced,  the  said  master 
and  supercargo,  after  relating  the  whole  transactions  out  of  which 
the  suit  originated,  to  one  of  his  neighbours,  expressed  a  regret 
that  he  should  be  obliged  to  abandon  his  next  intended  voyage,  for 
which  his  vessel  was  nighly  loaded  and  ready  for  sea,  in  order  to 
attend  to  this  unnecessary,  perplexing,  and  vexatious  lawsuit. 
The  neighbour,  who  was  well  convinced  that  no  fraud  was  either 
affected,  or  intended,  offered  his  services  as  a  mediator,  to  effect 
a  compromise  or  peaceable  reference  of  the  matter.     But,  although 


176  ARBITRATIONS. 

both  of  the  parties  appeared  wilhng  enough  to  avoid  the  trouble, 
vexation  and  expense?,  of  a  protracted  and  bitter  contest,  yet  nei- 
ther would  authorise  an  advance,  or  explanation,  for  fear  his  ad- 
versary might  get  some  advantage  by  it.*  They  however  agreed 
to  meet  the  friendly  neighbour,  at  a  given  place,  in  the  evening ; 
where  he  had  convened  three  judicious  and  experienced  individ- 
uals, who  were  practically  acquainted  with  the  West  India  trade. 
When  met,  the  active  mediator  invited  his  neighbours,  (the  par- 
ties at  issue,)  to  submit  their  case  to  the  three  individuals  assem- 
bled and  then  present  ;  they  accepted  the  invitation,  and  the  bu- 
siness was  soon  settled  to  their  mutual  and  complete  satisfaction. 
And  no  body  was  heard  to  complain,  except  the  lawyers  ;  who  pro- 
bably calculated  on  a  long  and  profitable  job,  out  of  these  neigh- 
bours' differences,  which  they  knew  how  to  aggravate  and  keep 
along — no  matter  if  it  had  have  terminated  to  the  injury,  or  even 
ruin,of  both  the  parties,  and  disturbed  the  peace  and  happiness 
of  the  neighbourhood  for  years. 

In  some  places  where  arbitrations  are  indulged,  they  are  ren- 
dered the  subordinate  creatures  of  other  courts,  and  are  so  ham- 
pered and  restricted,  as  to  be  finally  rendered  more  tedious,  haz- 
ardous and  expensive,  than  the  ordinary  established  courts  of 
law.  This  was  no  doubt  designed,  by  the  litigious  craft,  in  or- 
der to  render  arbitrations  unpopular. 

"  Hang  'cm,''  (said  a  lawyer,  to  one  of  his  craft,  while  he  was 
making  a  mighty  bluster  and  parade,  in  managing  a  case  before 
an  arbitration,)  "  if  they  will  have  arbitrations ^  Til  make  them 
sick  of  'em.'* 

The  Quakers  adjust  their  differences,  by  a  peaceable  refer- 
ence to  the  arbitration  of  a  few  judicious  neighbours,  or  individ- 
uals.    And  no  man,  who  is  well    acquainted  with  the  state  of 


♦It  is  astoDishing,  that,  in  this  enlightened  age,  and  country,  any  ob- 
stacles should  be  permitted  to  lie  in  the  way  of  a  peaceable  compromise, 
or  settlement  of  personal  differences  ;  and  yet,  true  it  is,  that  such  hin- 
drances are  openly  and  unblushingly  licensed  and  imployed ! 

Justice,  and  good  policy,  both,  invUe  parlies  to  mutual  reconcihations, 
and  a  peaceable  adjustment  of  differences. 


ARBITRATIONS.  177 

their  society,  can  be  ignorant  of  the  important  benefits  resulting 
from  such  a  practice. 

It  is  also  one  of  the  rules  of  the  Methodist  church,  to  avoid 
going  to  law,  as  much  as  possible,  by  studying  to  promote  a 
peaceable  reference  or  settlement  of  their  differences. 

I  have  heard  of  men  forming  themselves  into  societies,  for 
the  express  purpose  of  having  all  their  disputable  matters,  settled 
by  arbitration.  An  attempt  to  organize  an  extensive  society,  for 
this  purpose,  has  lately  been  publicly  announced,  at  Pittsfield, 
Massachusetts,  and  another  at  Westchester,  or  some  where  nigh 
New- York  :  but  I  presume  they  will  both  have  been  defeated, 
before  this  goes  to  the  public. 

It  is  certainly  inconsistent  with  our  character,  either  as  Chris- 
tians, or  enlightened  politicians,  to  continue  much  longer  to  liti- 
gate in  the  usual  way.  The  unnecessary  delays,  vexations,  and 
expenses,  attending  the  ordinary  course  of  law  proceedings — (to 
say  nothing  of  their  unjust  decisions,  and  corrupt  excitements 
and  examples,  in  other  respects,)  has  discouraged  thousands  of 
honest  and  worthy  individuals,  in  attempting  to  possess,  or  de- 
fend their  privileges  and  property,  and  ultimately  driven  them  to 
despair,  and  either  added  them  and  their  dependents  to  the  num- 
ber of  public  paupers,  or  multiplied  the  criminal  and  other  offen- 
ces against  the  laws  and  good  order  of  society. 

A  general  change,  in  favour  of  well  regulated  and  judiciously 
conducted  arbitrations,  is  loudly  demanded,  by  every  considera- 
tion and  regard  for  the  public  good. 

Let  the  experiment  be  fairly  tried,  on  a  general  scale,  and  a 
beneficial  consequence  will  undoubtedly  result — and  so  the  law- 
yers believe,  else  they  would  not  be  so  generally  opposed  to  the 
plan. 

If  there  was  a  law  in  each  state,  making  due  provisions  for 
such  references,  whereby  either  party  could  compel  the  other  to 
a  peaceable  reference  of  any  matter  in  dispute,  or  in  a  train  of 
legal  inquiry,  to  an  arbitration,  it  would  be  extremely  important. 

The  arbitrations  should  have  original  jurisdiction  of  causes  ; 
and  be  conducted  independent  of  other  courts,  and  without  the 

23 


178  ARBITRATIONS. 

aid   or   interference  of    lawyers — mainly  upon   Washington's 

PLAN.* 

After  hearing  the  statement  of  each  party,  and  the  facts  or  ev- 
idence in  the  case,  and  making  such  inquiries  of  the  parties,  wit- 
nesses, or  other  where,  as  the  arbitrators  think  just  and  necessa- 
ry ;  and  then  reasoning  the  case  over  among  themselves,  they 
should  give  their  opinion,  in  writing ;  and,  at  the  request  of  ei- 
ther party,  they  should  state  the  principal /ac/5  they  found  in  the 
case,  and  the  evidence  from  which  they  derived  those  facts,  to- 
gether with  the  law,  or  rule  of  equity,  on  which  they  founded 
their  final  judgment  : — so  that  either  party  might  file  an  excep- 
tion to  their  decision,  for  the  review  and  final  correction  of  the 
same,  or  a  higher  tribunal,  in  case  there  should  be  any  gross  er- 
rors or  grounds  for  correction. 

Any  one  of  the  arbitrators  might  also  file  their  exceptions,  to 
any  thing  that  occurred  on  the  trial,  or  in  the  decision,  to  attend 
the  review. 


*  The  following  is  extracted  from  Washington's  will,  and  contains 
provisions  for  the  final  settlement  of  his  estate.  It  is  well  worthy  of  par- 
ticular attention.  After  defining  the  disposition  of  his  property,  &c.  and 
naming  the  persons  for  administering  and  settling  his  estate,  according  to 
bis  WILL  AND  TESTAMENT  : — he  procceds  thus,  in  reference  to  his  will : 
— *' in  the  construction  of  which,  it  will  readily  be  perceived,  that  no 
professional  character  has  been  consulted,  or  has  had  any  agency  in  the 
draught  ;  and,  that  although  it  has  occupied  many  of  my  leisure  hours  to 
digest,  and  to  throw  it  into  its  present  form,  it  may,  notwithstanding,  ap- 
pear crude  and  incorrect ;  but  having  endeavoured  to  be  plain  and  ex- 
plicit in  all  the  devises,  even  at  the  expense  of  prohxity,  perhaps  of  tau- 
tol(^y,  I  hope  and  trust,  that  no  disputes  will  arise  concerning  them  ; 
but  if,  contrary  to  expectation,  the  case  should  be  otherwise  from  the 
want  of  legal  expression,  or  the  usual  technical  terms,  or  because  too 
much  or  too  little  has  been  said  on  any  of  the  devices  to  be  consonant 
with  law,  my  will  and  directions  expressly  is,  that  all  disputes,  if  unhap- 
pily any  should  arise,  shall  be  decided  by  three  impartial  and  intelligent 
men,  known  for  their  probity  and  good  understanding :  two  to  be  chosen 
by  the  disputants,  each  having  the  choice  of  one,  and  the  third  by  those 
two ;  which  three  men  thus  chosen  shall,  unfettered  by  law  or  legal  con- 
structions, declare  the  sense  of  the  testator's  intentions  ;  and  such  decis- 
ion is,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  to  be  as  binding  on  the  parties,  as  if  it 
had  beengiTea  ia  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States." 


ARBITRATIONS.  179 

Arbitrators  should  always  be  encouraged  and  required,  to  act 
with  the  greatest  possible  impartiality,  candor  and  faithfulness. 

If  this  system  of  arbitration  was  once  judiciously  established 
in  our  country,  it  would  soon  be  improved  into  the  most  perfect 
system  of  adjustment  for  human  differences  and  offences,  and  ul- 
timately bring  the  most  pure  and  wholesome  justice,  home  to  our 
own  doors,  as  it  were. 

Such  a  tribunal  would  combine  the  principles  of  law  and  equity  ^ 
and  ultimately  supersede'  both  courts.  They  would  be  chiefly 
governed  in  their  decisions,  by  the  common  statutes  or  laws  of  the 
land,  where  they  were  explicit  and  to  the  purpose,  but  equity  and 
reason  would  rule  their  decisions,  in  other  points  or  cases. 

Their  object  would  be  to  do  justice  to  the  parties,  and  when  the 
laws  were  doubtful  or  insufficient,  the  principles  of  justice  and 
equity  would  rule  their  conduct.  All  of  which  they  would  declare 
in  their  final  award,  and  especially  whenever  required. 

In  cases  where  there  were  several  individuals  acting  together 
as  arbitrators  in  a  case,  they  would  have  in  a  considerable  degree 
the  effect  of  a  court  and  jury,  and  might  ultimately  supersede 
them  both,  as  a  tribunal  of  superior  excellence  and  advantages. 

A  brief  and  explicit  statement  should  be  made  in  writing y  of 
every  disputable  case  referred  for  decision,  by  each  of  the  parties, 
plaintiff  and  defendant,  with  the  arguments  or  reasons  they  think 
proper  to  urge  in  their  favor ;  so  that  an  arbitration,  court,  jury, 
or  whoever  were  to  act  as  judges  in  the  case,  might  have  the  same 
before  them  ;  and  so  that  a  case  might  often  be  referred  and  set- 
tled without  the  presence  of  the  parties  or  their  special  agents — 
and  particularly  so  as  to  avoid  any  long-winded  speech  making  on 
the  subject. 

The  award  being  definitely  stated  in  writing — giving  the  princi- 
pal grounds  on  which  the  case  was  decided  ;  the  whole  might  be 
referred  to  a  superior  tribunal,  for  reviewal  and  correction,  in  case 
of  any  errors  worthy  of  the  trouble  and  expense. 

In  the  supreme  court  of  the  United  States,  which  closed  their 
term  in  the  spring  of  1825,  at  Washington  city,  after  a  laborious 
session,  only  about  thirty  cases  were  actpd  upon ;  at  the  rate  of 
which  it  has  been  computed  that  it  would  take  them  five  years  to 


180    CONTRAST  BETWEEN  A  MISER  &  SPENDTHRIFT. 

get  through  with  the  cases  then  remaining  on  the  docket  of  the 
court !  If  a  written  summary  of  each  case  had  been  judiciously 
referred,  as  above  alluded  to,  (which  is  absolutely  all  that  is  neces- 
sary, if  the  judges  know  the  law,  and  are  otherwise  fit  for  their  sta- 
tions,) it  would  have  been  sufficient  to  have  enabled  the  court  to 
have  reviewed  the  cases  on  necessary  points,  and  made  all  the  cor- 
rections i\\^i  justice  and  reason  require  ;  and  save  the  parties,  and 
the  public,  much  unnecessary  delay,  cost,  trouble  and  expense. 

By  publishing  the  most  correct  and  important  decisions,  made 
by  arbitrations,  as  before  noticed,  would  promote  the  improve- 
ment of  a  system  and  operation  of  trials,  and  ultimately  perfect 
one  of  the  most  just,  safe,  economical,  expeditious,  and  important 
branches  of  human  government. 

Arbitrations  might  be  suitable  to  try  cases  of  any  magnitude, 
and  assembled  at  any  timey  and  place^  most  convenient  for  the  par- 
ties, and  thereby  save  them  much  of  the  time,  trouble  and  ex- 
pense, occasioned  by  ordinary  courts,  and  with  a  far  grater  proi- 
pect  of  ^omg  justice  to  the  parties. 


A  Brief  Contrast  between  a  Miser,  and  a  Spendthrift. 

A  SPENDTHRIFT,  by  his  profusion,  in  the  hour  of  plenty,  lures 
the  generous  and  unsuspicious  youth,  into  the  train  of  hi&^muse- 
ments  and  excesses,  and  ultimately  carries  them  down  with  him, 
in  his  wreck  of  fortune  and  constitution. 

The  spendthrift  often  squanders  that  which  is  not  his  own  ;  and 
what  he  spends  goes  chiefly  to  encourage  and  support  some  of  the 
worst  sharpers  and  other  bad  members  of  society — those  who  are 
interested  in  promoting  excesses  of  eating,  drinking,  gambling, 
frolicking  and  debauchery. 

The  spendthrift  plays  havock  with  the  flower  of  society,  by 
corrupting,  impoverishing  and  debilitating,  the  most  promising 
youth,  and  by  feeding  and  encouraging  the  wolves  and  vultures 
of  society.  And  finally  leaves  the  world  greatly  the  worse  for  hi?; 
existence. 


EDUCATION  OF  CHILDREN,  No.  1.  181 

Not  so  the  miser.  He  is  not  likely  to  corrupt  or  ruin  any  by 
his  conduct  and  examples.  He  only  cheats  himself  for  the  benefit 
of  posterity. 

The  miser's  accumulated  and  hoarded  treasure,  often  excites 
envi/ ;  while  the  squandered  fo»'tune,  debauched  habits,  and  bro- 
ken down  constitution  of  the  prodigal,  rather  provokes  our  scorn 
and  contempt. 

But  I  would  neither  recommend  a  spendthrift,  nor  a  miser.  Ex- 
cesses ^  are  generally  bad  :  somewhere  between  the  extremes  is  the 
course. 


Remarks  on  the  Education  of  Children,  No.  1. 

The  first  duty  required  of  parents,  after  providing  for  the  lives 
and  health  of  their  offspring,  is  to  attend  to  their  education — io 
bring  them  up  to  be  useful  and  ornamental  members  of  society. 

We  often  see  parents  encountering  great  hardships,  and  under- 
going painful  deprivations,  merely  to  accumulate  and  save  wealth 
for  their  children,  and  at  the  same  time  so  negligent  of  their  chil- 
dren's future  happiness  and  prosperity  in  the  world,  as  almost  to- 
tally to  neglect  their  education. 

A  family  of  children,  brought  up  in  decent  good  manners,  and 
taught  some  useful  profession  or  calling  in  society,  are  infinitely 
bette^ff,  with  little  or  no  property,  than  those  who  have  been 
kept  in  a  state  of  ignorance,  or  neglected  to  contract  habits  of  in- 
dolence and  dissipation,  and  left  with  considerable  or  large  estates. 

What  can  afford  a  more  pleasing  sight,  or  present  matter  for 
more  agreeable  reflection,  than  a  well  bred  family  of  children  ?  It 
is  a  kind  of  Heaven  in  miniature,  with  all  its  beauties,  harmony, 
and  pleasing  consequences.  On  the  contrary,  how  disgusting  and 
painful  to  a  sensible  and  reflecting  mind,  is  the  sight  of  an  ill-bred 
family  of  children  ?  It  is  a  kind  of  hell  in  miniature,  with  all  its 
deformity  of  human  character,  confusion  and  horrible  consequen- 
ces. 

Well-bred  children  are  generally  a  consolation  and  support  ta 
their  parents  in  affliction  and  old  age.     They  also  form  supporters 


188  EDUCATION  OF  CHILDREN,  No.  I. 

and  ornaments  of  society.  But  when  neglected  in  their  breeding 
and  usefuhiess,  children  too  often  become  scourges  to  their  parents, 
and  moths  or  pests  in  society.  Indeed,  it  seems  as  though  Pro?i- 
dence  had  wisely  ordained  the  chastisement  of  such  parents,  as 
wilfully  neglect  the  good  breeding  of  their  offspring.  At  any  rate, 
the  contrast  is  surprisingly  great,  and  shows  the  importance  of 
bringing  up  children  in  habits  of  good  manners  and  usefulness,  to 
the  neglect  of  accumulating  and  saving  wealth,  and  especially  be- 
yond a  tolerable  competence, or  beginning.. 

Children  left  in  the  world  with  considerable  or  large  estates, 
without  the  knowledge  of  accumulating  and  making  a  wise  ap- 
propriation of  their  wealth,  are  like  a  purse  without  a  sword,  or 
a  full  storehouse  without  lock,  or  tender.  They  often  serve  as 
prey  for  pickpockets,  and  food  for  sharpers. 

Habits  of  industry  and  care,  judiciously  inculcated  while  the 
mind  is  tender  and  ardent,  are  more  lasting,  and  less  expensively 
acquired,  than  after  the  mind  becomes  callous,  or  occupied  with 
useless  impressions. 

Experience  teaches  the  youth  for  cents ^  and  dimes ;  but  she 
charges  old  blockheads  for  instruction,  in  dollars,  and  eagles — 
sometimes  by  thousands,  and  millions  ! 

System  is  the  very  regulator  of  human  actions,  whereby  rea- 
son is  enabled  to  govern  our  passions,  by  deliberately  and  wisely 
planning  out  the  general  course  of  our  conduct,  beforehand. 

It  does  not,  indeed,  generally  require  one  half  the  care  and  at- 
tention to  manage  our  concerns,  after  they  have  been  properly 
regulated  or  reduced  to  system. 

A  man  without  system  in  his  habits  and  concerns  in  life,  is  like 
a  ship  at  sea  without  ballast,  compass,  or  rudder,  liable  to  be  cap- 
sized by  every  gust  of  passion,  or  to  be  thwarted  or  carried  astray 
by  the  tides,  currents,  and  attractions  of  fortune. 

And  yet,  we  should  never  be  such  slaves  to  rules,  as  to  abide 
by  them,  when  reason   is  clearly  to  the  contrary. 

Mules  were  intended  as  leading-strings  for  simpletons  and  shack- 
les for  rogues — but  never  should  be  permitted  to  cramp  the  geniuys 
of  honest  and  enlightened  minds. 

Children  have  a  natural  desire  to  know  the  meaning  of  what 


EDUCATION  OF  CHILDREN, No.  !.  183 

they  see  and  hear  about ;  and,  although  their  inquisitiveness  i« 
often  troublesome,  yet  they  should  be  answered  correctly,  or 
not  at  all ;  for,  by  deceiving  them,  bewilders  and  misleads  their 
minds;  but  giving  children  correct  ideas  of  things  in  the  begin- 
ning, often  determines  their  course  and  fortune  through  life,  by 
setting  them  in  a  right  way  of  reasoning  and  reflection. 

Parents  often  forfeit  the  confidence  and  respect  of  their  chil- 
dren, by  attempting  to  trifle  with,  or  impose  on  their  credulity  and 
tender  years :  and  in  other  respects,  they  sometimes  employ  the 
most  effectual  means  to  make  their  children  stupid,  sickly,  treach- 
erous, or  other  ways  troublesome. 

For  instance,  a  sugar-plum  or  some  other  unhealthy  or  foolish 
knicknack J  is  given  to  a  child  to  make  peace.  Hence  it  becomes 
a  bounty  for  crying. 

"  What  are  you  crying  for,  Charles,  you  great  booby  ?"  says  an 
older  brother,  "  why  mother  never  will  give  me  any  thing  unless 
I  cry  for  it^'^  answers  honest  Charles. 

"  Sally,"  said  a  too-indulgent  mother,  '^  how  many  times  must 
I  tell  yoUy  before  you  will  leave  off  putting  your  hands  into  victuals 
set  for  other  folks  ?" 

"  John,  you  rogue,  you,"  said  an  unthinking  mother,  "  if  ever 
I  catch  you  at  that  closet,  again,  stealing  cake  and  sugar,  I  will 
whip  you,  AS  sure  as  you  live" — "  Why,  no,  you  won't,  mother," 
answered  impertinent  John,  shrewdly,  "  for  you  have  told  me  so 

ABOVE  a  thousand  TIMES  !" 

If  parents  would  have  their  children  regard  the  truth,  they 
should  observe  it  themselves.  Nothing  could  scarcely  teach  chil- 
dren more  effectually  to  lie,  steal,  and  to  be  otherways  trouble- 
some, than  such  heedless  and  inconsistent  conduct  of  parents. 

Children  have  got  better  memories,  and  are  more  observing  of 
passing  events,  than  parents  are  apt  to  imagine. 

As  soon  as  children  are  capable  of  reasoning,  (and  that  is 
earlier  than  is  generally  imagined,)  they  should  be  taught  to  ask, 
handsomely,  for  whatever  they  want,  and  reproved  for  crying 
without  any  reasonable  or  just  cause. 

Because  the  services  of  children  are  not  needed,  or  their  first 
efforts  will  not  compensate  for  instructing  and  keeping  them  em- 


184  EDUCATION  OF  CHILDREN,  No.  1. 

ployed,  a  suitable  portion  of  their  time,  they  are  too  often  left  to 
contract  habits  of  indolence  and  mischief 

It  is  obviously  the  wisest  and  best  policy  that  ever  dictated  or 
controlled  any  government,  from  that  of  children  up,  to  hold  out 
some  bounty  for  extra  good  deeds,  and  to  cause  some  deprivation, 
or  chastisement,  for  a  wilful  transgression,  or  neglect  of  common 
duty.  It  is  also  important,  both  in  a  moral  and  political  point  of 
view,  to  hold  out  a  reasonable  encouragement  for  evil  doers  to 
repent  and  reform.  "  He  that  stumbles  and  falls  not,  mends  his 
pace" — and  not  unfrequently  becomes  a  better  citizen  after,  than 
before,  a  petty  transgression. 

After  children  come  to  years  of  sufficient  discretion  or  under- 
standing, to  know  right  from  wrong,  they  often  punish  themselves 
for  mischievous  or  disobedient  conduct,  and  particularly  if  the 
subject  is  properly  managed.  For  instance,  instead  of  pitying 
the  child  for  some  petty  hurt  or  injury  brought  upon  himself  by 
carelessness,  or  a  disregard  of  the  directions  and  warnings  of 
proper  authority,  let  the  child  know  that  it  was  the  natural  con- 
sequence or  result  of  his  disobedience,  or  want  of  proper  care 
and  attention. 

"  Well,  George,  you  have  got  stung — I  told  you  the  bees  would 
sting  you,  if  you  went  to  plague  them.  I  hope  you  will  remem- 
ber next  time  what  your  father  tells  you." 

*'  That's  good  for  you,  Sam — I  don't  pity  you  a  bit — it  will  do 
you  as  much  good  as  if  I  had  punished  you,  for  meddling  with 
the  chickens :  did  not  I  tell  you  the  old  hen  would  hit  you  a  clip, 
if  you  did  not  let  her  chickens  alone?" 

The  human  mind,  in  its  infancy,  is  like  a  piece  of  uncultiva- 
ted ground,  varying  in  its  local  situation,  fertility,  and  productive 
qualities,  and  each  having  in  themselves  the  seeds  or  germs  of 
good,  and  evil.  If  the  good  and  useful  plants  are  not  cultivated, 
weeds  and  briars  will  occupy  the  soil,  and  ultimately  root  out  the 
gcions  of  virtue  and  usefulness. 

Vice  is  of  a  rugged  and  savage  character.  When  it  gets  full 
growth,  and  its  rule  established  in  the  human  mind,  reason  has 
but  little  or  no  influence  with  it. 

Vice  and  ignorance,  are  generally  at  war  with  virtue  and  wis- 


EDUCATION  OF  CHILDREN,  No.  2.  185 

dom ;  and  wherever  the  wild,  ferocious  impulse  of  human  depravity 
gets  possession,  every  amiable  and  excellent  quality  of  the  human 
character,  are  soon  strangled  or  expelled. 

Some  people  actually  take  more  pains  in  bringing  up  and  train- 
ing brute  animals,  to  be  valuable  and  useful  in  society,  than  they 
do  in  the  good  breeding  of  their  children.  But  the  error  chiefly 
originates  from  the  lack  of  proper  reflection  or  timely  reasoning 
on  the  subject. 


Remarks  vn  the  Education  of  Children,  No.  2. 

By  endeavoring  to  impose  on  the  minds  of  inquiring  youth, 
bigoted  and  false  ideas,  parents,  and  teachers,  not  only  violate  a 
most  sacred  duty,  but  often  bring  themselves  into  contempt  there- 
by ;  for  whether  the  parent  or  instructor  thus  errs  from  ignorance 
or  design,  the  youth,  when  once  he  discovers  the  deception,  will 
very  naturally  withdraw  his  confidence  from  such  parents  and 
teachers,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree. 

By  cultivating  the  reasoning  faculties  of  youth,  by  fair  pre- 
cepts and  examples,  excites  their  gratitude,  and  exalts  their  honor 
and  understanding ;  but  blinding  and  deceiving  inquiring  youth, 
provokes  their  worst  passions,  and  often  leads  them  to  degradation 
and  ruin. 

It  is  often  astonishing,  and  quite  painful  to  a  sensible  and  re- 
flecting mind,  to  behold  the  miserable  and  worthless  stuff"  that  is 
thrown  in  the  way  of  children,  or  purposely  given  out  to  young 
people  disposed  to  read — tending  to  tire  their  patience  and  occupy 
their  minds  to  no  valuable  purpose,  or  to  bewilder  their  under- 
standings, and  corrupt  their  minds,  and  finally  leave  them  mis- 
guided and  discouraged  in  the  pursuit  of  truth  and  human  im- 
provement :  Instead  of  forming  a  judicious  beginning,  and  lining 
out  a  course  for  their  improvement  and  future  excellence. 

This  early  discouraging,  or  misguiding  the  minds  of  inquiring 
youth,  often  happens  from  the  circumstance  of  the  books  having 
been  given  to  the  young  learner,  or  cost  little  or  nothing,  or  bfv 

24 


186  EDUCATION  OF  CHILDREN,  No.  2. 

cause  they  had  pictures  in  or  about  them.  The  poison  pill  was 
gilded — this  food  for  the  mind  cost  but  little  or  nothing,  and  there- 
fore it  may  be  taken,  although  in  fact  much  worse  than  nothing. 
To  say  nothing  of  the  absurd  prejudices  inculcated  by  the  opera- 
tion ;  it  would  be  a  waste  of  time  and  money,  were  we  to  instruct 
apprentices  at  the  mechanic  and  manufacturing  arts,  agreeable 
to  the  rules,  implements  and  operations  employed  in  promoting 
those  undertakings,  fifty  or  an  hundred  years  ago. 

After  people  have  learned  the  better  way,  or  come  of  sufficient 
years  of  discretion  to  be  able  to  judge  and  choose  for  themselves, 
error  is  comparatively  harmless.  But  books  that  are  not  judi- 
ciously fitted  to  their  wants  and  capacities,  should  not  be  given  to 
young  people,  ever  inquiring  after  truth  and  human  improve- 
ments. 

Wrong  information  is  much  worse  than  nothing. 

Books  or  matter  that  is-  calculated  to  inculcate  obsolete,  bigot- 
ed, erroneous  or  useless  ideas,  are  much  worse  than  nothing,  and 
better  be  destroyed,  rather  than  kept  to  clog  and  distemper  the 
minds  of  inquiring  youth. 

A  prudent  man,  would  not  give  any  thing  to  his  hogs  or  cattle, 
that  would  do  them  more  hurt  than  good — even  although  it  cost 
him  nothing. 

When  the  human  mind  is  once  set  out  right,  in  the  pursuit  of 
useful  knowledge,  it  will  often  go  alone,  and  is  seldom  or  never 
tired,  dicouraged,  or  fully  satisfied.  The  intellectual  appetite 
and  capacity,  increases  by  judiciously  feeding  and  exercising  the 
mind. 

It  is  a  solemn  and  alarming  fact,  and  one  that  ought  to  rouse 
the  attention  of  our  common  people^  that  most  of  the  books  and 
otiier  matter  employed  for  their  education  and  instruction,  are  the 
systems  and  designs  of  weak,  or  wicked  men — those,  who,  from 
the  want  of  sufficient  talents,  correct  knowledge,  and  industry, 
were  incapable  of  the  task,  or  others,  who,  secretly  and  hypocrit- 
ically demote  themselves  to  promoting  the  ignorance,  delusion,  de- 
pravity and  downfall  of  the  common  people. 

There  cannot  he  too  much  excitement,  and  alarm  given  out  oo 
the  subject  of  educating  and  truly  enlightening  our  common  peo- 


SYSTEMS  OF  EDUCATION.  187 

pie.  I  say  our  common  people,  for  those  in  possession  of  extra* 
ordinary  advantages  of  learning,  wealth,  or  power — the  natural 
aristocracy  of  a  country,  will  hardly  be  expected  to  give  a  judicious 
republican  education,  and  the  light  of  proper  intelligence  and  in- 
struction, to  those,  over  whom  they  already  triumph,  and  expect 
to  maintain  an  ascendancy. 


Si/stems  of  Education. 

Our  colleges  and  academies,  or  seminaries  for  promoting  the 
highest  branches  of  education,  are  chiefly  governed  by  rules,  reg- 
ulations, and  authorities,  borrdwed  from  the  countries  of  mon- 
archy, and  designed  for  the  support  of  kings  and  privileged  or- 
ders of  men.  They  are  not  only  adverse  to  many  of  the  clearest 
principles  and  habits  of  republicanism,  but  often  prove  injurious 
to  the  morals  and  health  of  the  students. 

A  considerable  part  of  the  scholar's  attention  is  devoted  to  the 
study  of  matter,  that  too  often  proves  worse  than  a  dead  waste  of 
his  time  and  money,  as  they  serve  to  burden  and  bewilder  his 
senses,  rather  than  enlighten  his  understanding  truly,  and  guide 
him  in  the  persuit  of  truth  and  public  usefulness. 

Suppose  we  were  to  put  those  designed  to  learn  the  mechanic 
arts,  to  study  and  practice,  according  to  the  rules,  implements  and 
operations  employed  in  promoting  those  undertakings,  one  or  two 
thousand  years  ago;  and  then,  after  a  few  years  instruction,  apply 
them  in  our  modern  workshops — what  would  the  thinking  world 
say  of  such  conduct? 

The  prejudices,  policy  and  conduct,  that  were  designed  to  aid 
and  support  monarchy,  or  to  pamper  and  indulge  aristocracy, 
should  be  promptly  eradicated  from  our  systems  and  habits  of 
life. 

Many  of  our  young  students,  not  only  get  their  minds  encum- 
bered and  distempered  with  the  dead  languages,  and  subjects  of 
ancient  literature,  so  that  they  have  little  room  or  taste  for  a  cor- 
rect knowledge  of  the  living  language,  even  of  our  own  country, 
and  a  tnorough  and  practical   understanding  of  modern  sciences 


1S8  SYSTEMS  OP  EDUCATION. 

and  improvements ;  but  they  too  generally  get  their  understand- 
ings bewildered  and  poisoned  by  the  prejudices  and  hypocritical 
arts  of  king-craft  and  its  subordinate  agencies.  The  worst  of 
this,  however,  is  their  afterwards  insulting  and  bothering  the  pub- 
lic with  their  blind  lingo  and  ancient  learning.* 

Those  who  have  exchanged  the  open  air,  plain,  solid  food,  pru- 
dent dress,  industrious  and  athletic  habits  of  a  country  life,  for 
the  sedentary  situation  and  mode  of  life,  of  a  college  student, 
most  generally  contract  a  hatred  for  honest  industry,  and  a  con- 
tempt for  those  who  earn  their  living  by  it  ;  besides,  they  too  of- 
ten pine  and  languish  for  the  solid  food  and  manly  exercise  of  a 
country  life,  and  spend  their  chief  vigor  in  doing  mischief. 

Here,  too,  the  students  get  their  aristocratic  ideas,  and  habits  ; 
that  often  keep  them  hankering  after  the  privileges  and  pensions, 
conferred  by  arbitrary  authorities  on  their  favorites  and  tools. 

To  prevent  these  habits  and  their  pernicious  consequences,  and 
to  create  a  love  of  industry,  and  a  due  respect  for  those  who  earn 
their  living  by  honest  labor  ;  a  certain  proportion  of  the  students' 
time  should  be  regularly  applied  to  some  useful  bodily  labor,  in 
practising  farming  and  mechanical  operations. 

To  accommodate  which,  there  ought  to  be  attached  to  every 
college,  academy,  or  establishment  for  promoting  the  higher 
branches  of  education,  an  experimental  farm,  and  an  extensive 
mechanics'  work  shop,  with  every  material  and  convenience  ne- 
cessary to  employ  the  students  a  certain  part  of  their  time,  at  set 
hours,  and  in  convenient  seasons,  in  practising  farming,  and  some 
of  the  most  useful  and  convenient  mechanic  arts  and  operations. 
They  should  practice  both,  occasionally,  at  convenient  times  and 
seasons,  under  the  care  and  instruction  of  competent  and  judicious 
teachers  of  the  diflerent  branches. 

Such  kinds  of  farming   operations,  as  might  be  conveniently 

*  Something  like  a  man  who  had  spent  several  years  in  acquiring  the 
art  of  walking  bar  hoards,  which  he  represented  as  preferable  to  the 
common  way  of  walking.  In  order  to  show  his  superiority  ovet  his 
neighbours  in  this  art,  or  rare  accnmplishinmt,  he  took  occasion  to  intro- 
duce the  subject  frequently — and  generally  to  their  no  small  disgust  and 
Annoyance. 


SYSTEMS  OF  EDUCATION.  189 

carried  on  upon  a  middling  or  small  scale,  and  as  would  be  of  most 
general  use,  in  affording  the  students  proper  exercise,  and  in- 
struction in  the  most  general  and  important  branches  of  farming : 
— including  the  cultivation  of  common  fruit,  plain  gardening  ^ 
with  the  raising  of  domestic  animals ;  together  with  a  prudent 
and  wise  regulation  and  management  of  our  domestic  and  private 
concerns. 

The  students  should  be  taught  the  different  situations,  charac- 
ters and  qualities  of  soil,  and  how  to  cultivate  and  manage  the 
same,  to  the  best  advantage ;  the  good  and  bad  qualities  of  do- 
mestic animals,  so  as  to  distinguish,  and  raise  them  to  the  most 
useful  purpose.*  In  fine,  the  students  should  be  experimentally 
taught  the  science  of  good  practical  husbandry,  upon  a  finished 
scale. 

The  mechanic  arts  and  operations  selected  for  the  students' 
exercise  and  instruction,  should  be  those  kinds  and  branches  thai 
would  afford  them  the  most  appropriate  and  convenient  employ- 
ment, in  stormy  weather,  and  in  the  winter  season.  They  should 
also  be  active,  healthy  kinds  of  mechanical  employments,  and 
such  as  were  of  general  use. 

In  their  mechanical  labors,  the  students  might  perform  the 
chief  part  of  the  labor  of  building,  and  keeping  in  repair,  work- 
shops and  other  buildings  for  their  own  use  and  accommodation. 
They  might  also  do  the  principal  making  and  repairing  of  many  of 
the  tools  for  their  mechanical  and  farming  operations  ;  with  oth- 
er articles  of  furniture  and  domestic  usefulness. 

The  students  might  raise  the  chief  part  of  the  provisions  for 
their  own  supply ;  and  get  their  own  wood.  They  should  always 
prepare  their  wood,  and  make  their  own  tires ;  brush  their  own 
boots  and  shoes ;  shave  themselves,  and  keep  their  own  persons, 
and  apartments,  in  complete  order  ;  and  be  taught  to  perform  all 
these  operations  in  the  best  manner. 

*  It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  uniTersal  attention,  that  it  generally  costs  as 
much  to  raise  vegetables  from  bad  seed^  and  to  feed  and  raise  animals 
from  a  bad  breeds  as  it  does  from  good  ones — the  original  stock  only  excep- 
ted :  although  the  value  of  the  product,  often  varies,  immensely,  in  their 
actual  worth. 


IW  SYSTEMS  OF  EDUCATION. 

The  man  who  has  learned  to  select  the  materials,  keep  them 
in  order,  and  shave  himself,  in  a  good  and  workman-like  manner, 
has  made  no  trifling  acquisition  to  his  comfort,  convenience,  and 
independence. 

Good  manners,  fit  and  becoming  a  republican  gentleman, 
should  always  be  inculcated  and  enforced  in  such  institutions,  as 
far  as  practicable  and  reasonable. 

The  general  principles  of  good  morals ;  and  the  theory  and 
practice  relating  to  health,  should  be  judiciously  explained  and 
inculcated  among  the  students. 

The  students  should  early  be  taught  a  degree  of  political  sci- 
ence, and  economy,  especially  the  general  principles  of  our  re- 
publican system  ;  and  I  think  it  would  be  well  to  have  them  form 
'  a  jury,  or  arbitration,  as  occasion  might  require,  for  the  trial  of 
their  fellow  students,  for  offences  against  the  rules  and  regula- 
tions of  their  school,  or  college,  or  for  violations  of  good  conduct 
in  any  respect,  subject  to  the  interpretation,  correction  and  final 
control  of  proper  authorities. 

At  a  proper  period  of  their  studies,  the  students  should  receive 
written  or  printed  lectures  or  explanations,  from  competent  teach- 
ers, on  the  various  farming  and  mechanical  operations  they  prac- 
tice, giving  the  reasons  for  their  preference ;  including  a  system 
of  domestic  economy,  and  the  best  private  habits  and  management 
of  individual  concerns.  These  would  not  only  afford  the  scholars 
constant  guide  and  instruction,  but  they  would  excite  improvement 
in  every  essential  branch  and  particular. 

Students,  and  all  in  sedentary  employments,  should  be  taught, 
and  accustomed  to  sit  with  their  bodies  as  straight  as  possible — 
rather  leaning  back,  than  forward,  so  as  not  to  cramp  the  stom- 
ach, or  depress  the  digestive  and  vital  organs  and  operations. 
A  chair  with  rockers,  leaning  backwards,  is  peculiarly  well  cal- 
culated to  ease  and  accommodate  persons  in  habits  of  reading  or 
study,  by  facilitating  a  change  of  position,  and  throwing  the  head 
and  shoulders  back.  By  getting  up  and  walking  only  across  a 
room,  a  few  moments,  every  hour  or  oftener,  has  a  tendency  to 
promote  and  equalize  the  general  circulations  that  renovate  the 
body  and  mind. 


SYSTEMS  OF  EDUCATION.  191 

Our  college  students,  have  generally  contracted  an  effeminacy 
6f  character,  and  a  contempt  or  hatred  for  military  duty.  This 
has  been  aided  and  encouraged,  in  many  places,  by  an  indulgence, 
or  system  o^  favoritism^  tending  to  boost  them  out  of  the  reach 
of  the  chief  burdens  of  military  duty,  by  some  short  and  delicate 
part — an  easy  and  honorable  appointment  in  the  staff,  or  some  of- 
fice of  civil  authority  or  exemption  from  military  duty.  This  is 
the  chief  cause  that  has  rendered  military  duty  irksome,  and  filled 
most  of  our  military  offices  with  ignorant  and  unmilitary  charac- 
ters. The  fault  is  not  generally  with  the  rank  a.nd  Jile,  for  I  never 
would  elevate  a  man  over  me,  who  despised  the  common  defenders 
of  my  country.  The  blame  chiefly  rests  with  our  colleges  and 
government.  They  never  should  nurse  or  indulge  privilegd  or- 
ders. 

When  the  nerves  or  muscles  are  tender,  and  the  mind  ardent, 
a  degree  of  military  exercise  and  instruction,  gives  a  young  man 
a  prompt,  efficient  and  manly  habit — a  correct  attitude  of  body, 
a  graceful  motion,  and  a  sense  of  patriotism  and  human  excel- 
lence— in  a  word,  a  deportment  and  feeling  that  properly  belongs 
to  the  scholar  and  gentleman,  as  necessary  accomplishments,  and 
especially  those  who  are  qualifying  themselves  for  places  of  dis- 
tinction and  high  trust. 

A  degree  of  military  science  and  practice,'"  judiciously  iijrtro- 
duced  and  cultivated  among  our  college  and  academical  students, 
would  contribute  to  their  general  health,  as  well  as  usefulness 
and  eminence. 

There  was  a  military  spirit  inculcated  among  the  students  of 
Dartmouth  college,  some  time  the  latter  part  of  the  last  century, 
that,  although  injudicious,  in  a  degree,  has  been  productive  of 
some  important  consequences. 

For  a  length  of  time^  at  least,  it  will  be  necessary  to-  keep  up 
a  prompt  and  efficient  lUilitary  spirit,  in  sonde  shape  or  other, 
among  our  youth,  and  especially  those  qualifying  themselves  for 
distinction  in  the  support  of  our  national  liberty  and  independence. 

There  is  a  spirit,  in  a  truly  republican  soldier,  that  justly  ex* 
cites  the  admiration  of  every  liberal  and  enlightened  mind.  Who 
indeed  is  there,  worthy  of  the  name  of  good  and  great,  that  doeii? 


192  SYSTEMS  OF  EDUCATIOISr. 

not  admire  the  character  of  Washington,  Lafayette,  Bolitar, 
RiEGo,  and  the  thousands  that  have  volunteered  in  the  genera) 
cause  of  justice  and  humanity. 

Such  a  system  of  education,  judiciously  established  and  promo- 
ted, would  not  only  preserve,  but  greatly  improve  the  students' 
health,  morals  and  habits  of  life,  and  at  the  same  time  afford  hira 
much  more  suitable,  substantial  and  useful  information,  than  they 
usually  acquire  at  our  colleges ;  and  ultimately  prepare  them  for 
the  highest  stations  of  public  usefulness  and  eminence.  Our 
college  learned  men  would  then  be  real  men  of  business,  possessed 
of  a.  practical  knowledge  of  some  of  the  most  important  transac- 
tions and  concerns  in  the  community. 

Many  of  the  speeches,  and  other  pieces  selected  for  the  instruc- 
tion and  improvement  of  scholars,  and  particularly  in  their  public 
declamations  and  exercises,  are,  in  their  general  style  of  language 
and  magnitude  of  subject,  as  much  above  the  learning  and  capa- 
city of  the  young  student,  as  a  giant's  armour  and  equipage  would 
be  beyond  the  size  and  strength  of  a  pigmy. 

Hence  we  may  not  wonder  at  many  of  the  empty,  gasconading, 
dandy-like  characters,  that  have  "  been  through  college" — mighty 
in  sounds  and  imaginary  worth,  but  feeble  in  practical  and  useful 
knowledge. 

Education,  in  order  to  be  consistent,  and  useful,  should,  like  a 
well  proportioned  tree,  spring  up  from  the  centre,  form  the  main 
body  and  limbs,  and  then  increase  in  magnitude,  height,  num- 
ber and  extent  of  branches,  as  the  natural  strength  of  the  plant, 
and  fertility  of  soil,  will  support. 

The  first  inquiries  of  youth,  should  be  directed  to  matters  suita- 
ble to  their  wants,  and  capacity  to  comprehend. 

The  youth  should  always  endeavor  to  acquire,  at  least  a  general 
history  and  knowledge  of  his  own  country,  before  that  of  any  oth- 
er. And  modern  history  and  science  should  be  taught  before  an- 
cient. 

The  ancient  custom  of  teaching  morals  by  fabulous  stories, 
wherein  brutes  are  represented  as  the  principal  agents  of  intelli- 
gence, is  absurd  and  pernicious,  since  real  examples,  and  human 
characters,  are  sufficiently  abundajit,  and  can  be  much  better  era- 


vSYSTEMS  OF  EDUCATION.      *  19S 

pioyed  for  that  purpose.  It  is  not  only  difficult  for  children  of 
common  judgment  and  reflection  to  reconcile  such  stories  with 
truth,  or  to  draw  moral  or  practical  conclusions  from  them,  with- 
out the  powers  of  second  siglit^  as  it  were  ;  but  their  minds  often 
labour  under  a  degree  of  delusion  for  a  considerable  time  after, 
occasioned  by  the  study  of  those  fabulous  subjects.  We  impose 
on  the  credulity  and  tender  minds  of  children,  false  and  ridiculous 
stories  about  the  talking  and  other  wonderful  performances  of 
brutes,  and  then  leave  them  to  get  rid  of  the  delusion,  as  they 
can.     This  is  what  some  call  playing  the  4(^vil  with  children. 

Neither  should  fictitious  cases  be  employed  for  the  exercise 
and  instruction  of  scholars  in  arithmetic. 

It  is  also  important  that  the  forms  of  business,  and  instruments 
of  writing,  selected  for  copies  and  practice,  should  be  of  the  most 
approved  in  modern  use. 

In  this  way  the  students  would  acquire  a  history  of  many  real 
and  important  subjects  ;  and  be  finally  taught  to  love  and  respect 
truth,  virtue  and  human  excellence,  and  to  honour  and  reward  in- 
dustry and  usefulness,  both  by  precept  and  example. 

Regular  and  manly  exercise,  preserves  and  extends  the  health 
and  vigor,  of  the  body  and  mind. 

The  human  mind  effeminates  and  becomes  debilitated,  and  of- 
ten highly  diseased,  merely  from  the  want  of  proper  exercise  of 
the  body. 

When  the  mind  gets  set,  or  unable  to  proceed  in  its  intellectual 
labours,  a  judicious  exercise  of  the  body,  generally  affords  relief, 
by  enforcing  and  equalizing  the  circulation  of  the  animal  and  vi- 
tal fluids,  and  thereby  recruiting  and  renovating  the  energies  of 
the  body  and  mind. 

One  young  man,  judiciously  brought  up  and  educated  in  this 
way,  would  be  worth  a  dozen  of  those  efleminate,  lazy,  labor- 
hating,  ungrateful,  haughty,  hypocritical  and  worthless  charac- 
ters, often  produced  by  our  colleges ;  and  let  loose  to  get  a  living 
in  society.  Perhaps  to  cheat  some  honest  female,  by  their  ficti- 
tious acquirements  and  worth,  and  get  a  fortune  by  marriage ; 
or  by  their  obscure  language,  and  other  hypocritical  and  juggling 
arts  and  designs,  complex,  garnish  over  and  manage  some  profes- 

25 


194  COLLEGE  LEARNING. 

sioiial  policy,  and  take  the  advantage  of  their  fellow  beings,  in 
the  practice  of  schooUcraft ^  priest'craft^  Imc-craft^  medical-crafty 
literary-craft  J  or  any  of  the  family  or  subordinates  of  king-craft  ; 
or  in  office-seeking,  or  other  speculations  and  trespasses  on  the 
rights  and  happiness  of  others. 

The  competition  between  our  numerous  college  establishments 
and  other  seminaries  for  instruction,  many  of  which  are  now  get- 
ting into  operation,  will,  it  is  hoped,  ultimately  improve  the  mat- 
ter and  manner  of  education,  and  render  them  more  consistent 
with  our  interests,  habits  and  republican  character. 


College  Learning. 

The  rules,  regulations  and  authorities,  that  chiefly  guide  and 
control  a  college  education,  have  a  tendency  against  the  general 
cause  of  truth,  justice  and  humanity — by  prejudicing  the  minds, 
corrupting  the  morals,  and  effeminating  the  habits  of  their  stu- 
dents ;  and  finally  excite  and  aid  men,  so  interested,  instructed 
and  accustomed,  in  devising  and  employing  hypocritical  and 
base  arts  and  designs,  to  degrade,  rob  and  oppress  the  common 
people. 

Our  colleges,  have,  indeed,  too  generally  been  schools  of  priv- 
ileged orders — nurseries  of  aristocratic  pride,  habits,  ideas  and 
interests. 

College  learned  men,  for  the  most  part,  combine  their  know- 
ledge and  talents,  to  bind  up  the  light  of  Heaven  and  Earth  in 
obscure  language — to  render  a  knowledge  of  the  arts  and  scien- 
ces, tedious,  and  expensive,  in  order  to  exclude  their  light  and 
benefit  from  the  common  people,  and  to  secure  to  themselves  un- 
due advantages. 

Spain,  probably  has  more  colleges  and  college  learned  men,  in 
proportion  to  her  numbers,  than  any  other  nation  ;  and  who,  un- 
der "  hismo5^  catholic  majesty,"  are  the  chief  impostors  and  tyrants 
of  that  degraded  and  unhappy  country. 

Who,  in  fact,  but  those  who  have  been  most  indulged  with  ed- 


COLLEGE  LEARNING.  195 

ncation  and  other  advantages,  are  the  most  base  tyrants  and  impos- 
tors of  the  old  world. 

Learning^  is  power  ;  and  extra  learning  or  knowledge,  is  extra 
power.  Why,  then,  should  we  give  this  extra  power ^  indiscrim- 
inately to  any  one,  without  knowing  their  disposition. 

Those  who  have  proved  themselves  the  best  friends  and  bene* 
factors  of  mankind,  seldom  have  been  educated  and  brought  up 
at  college. 

Christianity — which  teaches  mankind,  among  other  excellent 
things,  to  do  unto  others  as  we  would  that  men  should  do  unto  us, 
owes  its  origin,  and  the  progress  of  its  just,  humane  and  benevo- 
lent principles,  mostly  to  men  who  were  not  reared  or  educa- 
ted at  college — who  had  no  uncommon  interests j  learning  or  ad?, 
vantages,  over  their  fellow  men. 

Witness  also  the  first  charter  of  civilized  rights,  which  de- 
clares, among  other  things,  that  all  men  are  born  free,  and  equal 
—entitled  to  certain  unalienable  rights,  to  it,  freedom,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness. 

And  so  indeed  are  the  most  important  improvements  that  have 
actually  been  made  in  the  great  cause  of  justice  and  humanity, 
mostly  indebted  for  their  origin  and  chief  impulse,  to  men  who 
were  not  educated  or  bred  at  college — or  even  indulged  any  way 
with  extraordinary  privileges  over  their  fellow  men.  It  is  quite 
an  extraordinary  occurrence,  for  those  who  possess  considerable 
advantages  over  their  fellow  men,  to  befriend  the  cause  of  equal 
justice. 

William  Penn,  Franklin,  Samuel  Adams,  Patrick  Henry, 
Washington,  Jefferson,  Roger  Sherman,  generals  Greene,  Put- 
nam, Jackson,  with  Rittenhouse,  Pulton,  and  a  host  of  our 
greatest  and  best  friends  and  benefactors,  were  not  brought  up  and 
educated  at  college. 

Watt,  Arkwright,  and  Wedgewood,  three  mechanics,  of  Eng- 
land, have  rendered  more  important  sevices  to  their  country,  than 
probably  most  or  all  of  their  college  learned  men  together,  for  the 
period  of  their  active  existence. 


196  REPUBLICAN  ENCYCLOPEDIA. 

Republican  Encyclopedia. 

There  is  a  great  want,  in  this  country,  of  a  truly  Republican 
Encyclopedia — a  kind  of  universal  dictionary — a  publication 
giving  a  brief  and  explicit  general  explanation  and  account  of  the 
proper  meaning  of  all  the  important  words  in  common  use,  as  they 
concern  us  in  general,  relating  to  history,  geography,  statisticks, 
biography,  the  arts,  sciences,  and  human  improvements.  There 
should  be  nothing  in  it  only  what  is  of  importance  and  general 
use,  and  given  in  our  own  language  ;  all  alphabetically  arranged 
under  proper  and  intelligent  heads,  with  plates  or  prints  illustra- 
tive of  the  most  necessary  and  important  subjects,  that  could  not 
be  sufficiently  described  without  their  aid. 

Tlhe  New  Edinburgh  Encyclopedia^  republishing  in  this  coun- 
try, is  a  valuable  and  important  work  of  the  kind.  The  main 
substance  of  the  matter  has  been  re-written^  abridged,  and  gene- 
rally given  in  good  language.  Yet  there  is  a  considerable  part  in 
latin^  and  much  more  that  is  objectionable,  or  worse  than  useless 
to  common  readers,  as  it  greatly  increases  the  expense  of  the 
work,  detains  its  publication,  and  encumbers  the  volumes,  to  no 
manner  of  use,  to  at  least  ninety  and  nine  hundredths  of  the 
people  of  this  country  in  pursuit  of  general  knowledge.  It  is  cal- 
culated for  men  of  extra  wealth  and  learning — the  natural  aristo- 
cracy of  a  country.  The  volumes  are  much  too  large  for  common 
use,  and  for  admission  into  ordinary  bookcases.  Besides,  there  is 
a  great  deal  too  much  matter  concerning  foreign  countries,  and 
nothing  nigh  enough  relating  to  the  history,  geography,  statisticks, 
biography,  arts,  sciences  and  improvements  of  our  oum  country. 
In  short,  the  New  Edinburgh  Encyclopedia  is  m&mly  aristocratic ^ 
and  foreign  ;  we  want  an  Encyclopedia  that  is  domestic  in  its 
matter  and  usefulness,  and  republican  in  form  and  manner. 

The  publication  should  be  undertaken  by  a  number  of  persons 
associated  in  the  general  concern,  one  at  least  of  whom  should 
reside  in  every  considerable  state  or  section  of  our  country,  who 
should  take  ujjon  himself  the  disposal  of  a  certain  number  of  co- 
pies, and  to  procure  and  furnish   for  printing,  the  original    mat- 


REPUBLICAN  ENCYCLOPEDIA.  197 

ler  necessary  for  the  publication,  relating  particularly  to  his  dis- 
trict or  section  of  the  concern. 

The  work  should  be  printed  at  some  central  and  convenient 
place  in  our  country,  and  conducted  by  an  able  and  well  qualified 
editor,  with  a  number  of  assistants. 

There  would  probably  be  from  six  to  eight  volumes,  of  about 
the  size  of  the  English  and  Classical  Dictionary ^  published  at 
Burlington,  N.  J.  in  1813.  Or  the  volumes  might  be  smaller  and 
more  numerous. 

More  than  three-fourths  of  the  prints  contained  in  the  N.  Edin- 
burgh Encyclopedia,  are  useless  to  common  readers  ;  and  many  of 
the  rest  might  be  abridged  and  simplified  ;  and  most  of  these  might 
be  executed  by  wood  cuts,  and  printed  off  typographically  along 
with  the  main  letter  work.  This  alone  would  make  an  immense 
saving  in  the  time  and  expense  of  execution. 

There  should  be  no  prints  bound  in  the  volume  over  the  size  of 
two  leaves.  Maps,  if  larger,  should  be  printed  on  strong  bank- 
paper,  and  used  in  an  atlas,  with  a  limber  paper  cover. 

The  volume  should  be  completed,  bound,  and  all  the  prjjits  in 
their  places,  ready  for  immediate  use,  when  the  books  are  deliv- 
ered. 

Two  volumes  might  be  completed  in  a  year  ;  and  from  ten  to 
fifty  thousand  sets  would  meet  with  ready  subscription  or  sale,  if 
the  publication  is  properly  taken  hold  of  and  conducted,  or  sufl[i- 
cient  assurances  are  given  for  the  faithful  performance  of  the 
work. 

Probably  it  might  be  afforded  at  from  five  to  six  dollars  a  volume, 
if  of  the  largest  size  proposed,  and  proportionably  less  for  a 
smaller  size. 

Such  a  work  would  admit  of  constant  improvement,^ from  new 
matter  alone ;  and  the  utility  and  importance  of  the  publication, 
would  justify  the  belief,  that  a  new  edition  might  be  immediately 
commenced,  as  soon  as  the  original  was  completed,  and  so  on,  a 
third,  fourth,  &c. 

Such  a  publication  would  be  most  admirably  calculated  to  col- 
lect, digest,  concentrate,  and  diffuse  throughout  this  extensive  na- 
tion, a  general  knowledge  of  the  world,  and  particularly  of  the 


198  REPUBLICAN  ENCYCLOPEDIA. 

history,  geography,  statisticks,  biography,  the  arts,  sciences,  and 
improvements,  of  our  own  time,  and  country. 

The  several  volumes  of  this  publication  would  constitute  a  li- 
brary, as  it  were,  of  themselves,  for  common  readers.  And  one  the 
most  perfectly  adapted  to  their  general  wants,  circumstances,  and 
convenience,  giving  a  brief  general  explanation  and  description  of 
all  the  most  necesaary,  interesting  and  important  subjects  of  histo- 
ry and  general  science  ;  arranged  under  their  proper  heads,  with 
references  at  the  close  of  every  extensive  subject,  to  the  principal 
authors  or  books  that  treat  further  on  the  same  ;  so  that,  if  the 
reader  desires  further  information  on  any  particular  subject,  he  is 
directed  where  to  find  it. 

Subjects  of  general  importance  to  the  common  people,  would 
be  detailed  the  most  minutely,  and  others  of  less  consequence 
more  briefly  noticed,  and  so  on  in  proportion  to  their  general  utili- 
ty and  the  public  wants. 

The  people  of  tliis  country  generally,  and  particularly  those  of 
a  common  school  education,  and  those  in  middling  circumstances, 
are  most  in  want  of  such  a  publication  ;  where  they  can  readily 
turn,  in  their  leisure  moments,  when  any  circumstance  or  idea 
occurs  on  which  they  want  to  make  enquiries,  in  regard  to  history 
or  general  science.  By  such  a  course  of  reading  and  reflection, 
their  minds  would  be  constantly  acquiring  the  most  valuable  and 
desirable  information,  in  the  most  effectual  way  to  retain  it,  and 
at  the  least  trouble,  expense,  and  loss  of  time. 

The  book-making'craft — those  who  wish  to  spin  out  every  sub- 
ject to  its  greatest  possible  length ;  those  who  have  got  large 
stocks  of  obsolete,  useless  or  unsaleable  books  on  hand — heaps  of 
stuff*often  not  worth  culling,  or  storage ;  and  those  whose  interest 
or  policy  devotes  them  to  the  promotion  of  complex,  obscure  and 
expensive  systems  of  education :  and  in  fact,  all  who  are  any 
way  against  employing  the  best  means  for  instructing  and  en- 
lightening the  common  people,  will  feel  interested  in  opposing  the 
publication  and  sale  of  a  truly  Republican  Encyclopedia.  It 
may  therefore  be  of  some  importance  to  bear  these  hints  in  mind. 


CRAFT.  199 


Craft. 


Men  often  employ  little  subtleties  and  artifices,  to  deceive  and 
rob,  or  enslave  their  fellow  beings,  quite  similar  to  those  used  by 
fishermen,  trappers,  and  hunters,  to  decoy  and  take  wild  game  or 
animals  of  the  hrute  kind.     For  instance — 

Lottery  brokers,  halt  with  a  few  capital  prizes,  pompously  fig- 
ured out  on  hand  bills,  containing  flattering  and  deceptive  accounts 
of  the  **  scheme  ;"  perhaps  the  lucky  character  of  the  oflice  at 
which  the  tickets  are  offered  for  sale  !  and  other  hypocritical 
allurements  to  induce  the  purchasers  of  tickets  to  expect  a  final 
gain  !  and  then  hook  their  silly  and  deluded  customers,  with  ficti- 
tious advances  on  the  price  of  tickets,  myriads  of  blanks,  and  a 
good  round  discount  on  the  amount  of  prizes.  Some  lotteries  have 
been  managed  to  cheat  in  the  drawing,  and  actual  result  of  prizes ; 
and  in  some  failures  have  taken  place,  so  that  the  amount  of  pri- 
zes drawn,  never  were  paid. 

Quack  doctors  and  hypocritical  nostrum  venders,  hait  with 
their  pretended  remedies  and  cure-alls,  and  then  hook  you 
with,  perhaps  increased  illness,  or  confirmed  debility,  or  disease. 
At  any  rate,  they  are  pretty  sure  to  get  their  customer's  money 
without  giving  them  an  equivolent  of  equal  value  in  return. 

Venders  of  deceitful  made  wares,  or  articles  of  fictitious  value, 
often  lure  and  take  in  their  customers,  with  as  much  deceitfulness, 
as  fishermen  employ,  when  they  angle  and  take  their  game  with 
an  artificial  fly. 

Banks,  and  brokers,  often  bait  and  decoy  people  into  their  pow- 
er and  confidence,  with  accommodation  discounts,  when  money 
is  plenty,  and  when  it  becomes  scarce,  hawl  in  and  take  their 
customers  in  the  snares  of  debt,  vexation,  and  bankruptcy.  Some 
banking  companies — by  displaying  heaps  of  gold  and  silver  on 
their  counters,  and  by  other  manifestations  of  promptness  and 
ability,  have  obtained  a  valuable  currency  for  their  pretty  little 
pictures  J  and  even  induced  people  to  deposite  their  money  with 
them  for  safe  keeping ;  and  some,  by  fictitious  representations, 
or  pretended  profits,  have  obtained  a  premium,  on  the  amount  and 


200  CRAFT. 

sale  of  their  capital  stock,  and  then  managed  to  take  the  multi- 
tude of  their  confidents,  in  the  trap  of  their  specieless  vaults, 
absconding  integrity  and  responsibility. 

Grog-shops,  are  a  kind  of  squat  traps^  where  old  sottish  block- 
heads miserably  squander  their  time  and  money,  and  at  the  same 
time  serve  as  a  kind  of  hover ers,  or  decoy s,  to  entice  silly  boy? 
and  other  simpletons,  to  creep  in  and  get  their  pates  squashed, 
with  confirmed  indolence,  intemperance,  poverty,  disease,  debt, 
and  perhaps  crimes.* 

Prisons  are  often  a  kind  of  wire-trap,  to  those  who  foolislily 
run  in  debt,  or  treacherously  pursue  some  object  or  impulse  of 
evil  temptation,  and  ultimately  find  themselves  brought  up  and 
confined  where  they  can  look  through,  and  see  others  outside  the 
trap  enjoying  their  liberty. 

Men  sometimes  unite  to  obstruct,  or  monopolize,  the  natural  and 
fair  course  of  things,  and  glide  people  into  their  power,  as  fisher- 
men build  weirs  across  rivers  to  turn  the  fish  into  their  pots  and 
pounds. 

Tyrants  and  men  in  arms,  often  frighten  people  into  the  snares 
of  slavery  ;  or  take  their  persons  and  property  by  force,  as  fisher- 
men sweep  and  take  their  game  with  scoop-nets  and  seines. 

Unprincipled  and  designing  priests,  and  lawyers,  study  to  i\\ 
their   puzzling  "  mi/strries,"  and  perplexing  and  vexations  **  un- 
certainties," to  entangle  and  rob  those   in  pursuit  of  political  Jw 
tice,  and  divine   happin^'ss,  with  as  much  art  and  diligence,  a- 
spiders  employ  to  make  their  webs   and  entangle  the  flies  and 

*  A  person  complaining"  of  grog-shops,  (in  their  usual  loose  and  un- 
guarded condition,)  as  the  hot  beds  of  indolence,  vice,  and  poverty — the 
real  nurseries  of  human  misery  and  degradation,  was  called  to  account 
for  his  formerly  having  been  an  advocate  for  unbounded  licenses  to  grog 
shops;  when  he  explained  and  said,  that  at  the  time  they  referred  to,  he 
was  practising  law,  and  expected  the  chief  part  of  his  business  and  gains - 
from  the  improvident  debts,  quarrels,  crimes — deeds  of  ignorance,  want 
and  depravity  generally  that  originate  in  grog-shops  :  But  now,  he  had 
done  with  the  practice  of  law,  and  grog-shops  only  increased  his  insecii 
rity,  and  burden  of  taxes,  in  common  with  others  in  society.  And. 
therefore,  he  did,  most  sincerely  desire  the  decrease,  and  rigid  restriction 
of,  grog'ihops. 


CRAFT.  201 

other  weak  insects,  in  their  passages  and  other  inviting  places  of 
resort. 

Lewd  and  other  unprincipled  seducers,  hait  and  dexov  unsuspi- 
cious virtue  and  innocence  into  their  power  and  confidence,  by 
false  flattery,  professed  friendship,  and  apparent  generosity. 

There  is  a  method  of  hunting  partridges,  or  pheasants,  as  some 
call  them,  by  starting  them  up  in  the  woods,  on  to  the  middle  or 
under  limbs  of  trees,  by  a  little  yelping  dog,  whose  threatening 
and  harmless  blustering,  engages  the  attention  of  the  bird,  while 
the  huntsman  deliberately  approaches,  unobserved,  or  unheeded, 
chooses  his  position  and  makes  the  fatal  explosion. 

How  many  little  yelpers  do  we  often  see  striving  to  attract  and 
pervert  the  peoples'  attention,  while  some  fatal  adversary  of  the 
republic  is  choosing  his  position  and  taking  deliberate  aim  at  our 
national  virtue,  liberty,  independence  and  prosperity  1 

Some  of  our  knavish  and  hypocritical  politicians,  have  laboured 
to  fix  the  public  attention  on  some  distant  or  harmless  object,  while 
they  approached  and  secured  their  game  :  at  one  time,  the  haughty 
and  corrupt  tyrants  of  the  old  world,  were  just  a  going  to  swim 
over  and  devour  the  republic  !  at  another  time  the  little  yelpers  of 
our  own  country,  were  the  particular  objects  of  terror  and  watch- 
fulness— they  seemed  to  say,  **  Look  at  the  overgrown  tyrants  of 
the  old  world — see  how  they  devour  the  common  people  !  watch 
their  scenting !  growling  !  crouching  !  and  leaping  !  Watch 
the  little  yelpers  of  our  own  country — see  they  don't  <c«r  you  in 
pieces  !  or  swallow  up  your  liberties  like  a  volcano  !  But  don't 
trouble  yourselves  about  us — we  men  of  honour — the  people's 
friends ;  let  us  alone,  and  we  can  do  well  enough  !" 

Every  enlightened  and  observing  republican  of  America,  will 
readily  perceive  that  we  have  but  little  to  apprehend  from  external 
foes,  or  the  little  yelpers  of  our  own  country ;  while  the  internal 
enemies  of  our  republican  virtue,  independence  and  prosperity, 
can  hardly  be  too  closely  watched  and  guarded.  Those  men 
(professedly)  without  guile  or  evil  intentions,  whose  purring  lan- 
guage lulls  to  sleep,  while  their  actions  silently  prey  upon  the  very 
vitals  of  the  republic,  like  a  cancer  nigh  the  heart. 

Look  in*he  dark  and  crooked  avenues  that  lead  to  public  pow- 

26 

^^^  or 


202  CRAFT. 

er,  confidence  and  favor;  overhaul  the  treasure 'in  the  public 
vault — count  the  cash  and  examine  the  tellers'  entries ;  enter  the 
steward's  apartment  and  see  who  makes  merry  with  the  public 
stores  :  reconnoitre  the  sentinels  on  duty,  and  particularly  at  the 
silent  hours  of  the  watch  ;  eye  the  public  servants — see  how 
much  time  they  waste  in  indolence,  or  neglect  of  their  duties — in 
juggling  for  places,  contracts,  and  favours,  for  themselves,  families, 
connexions  and  favorites,  and  in  useless  or  mischievous  quibbling, 
or  gabbling  to  the  hindrance  of  themselves  and  others  :  see  that 
all  in  the  public  service  earn  their  wages,  and  that  no  one  unpr(h 
Jitable  servant  is  retained  in  the  public  employ. 

These  are  the  places  to  search  for  the  worst  enemies  of  the  re- 
public. 

If  we  observe  them  faithfully,  shall  we  not  find  public  swindlers 
— men  who  have  got,  or  retained  possession  of  the  public  funds, 
under  an  unnecessary,  quibbling  or  false  pretext,  and  then  strove 
to  retain,  or  defeat  a  recovery,  or  return  of  the  same  ?  sinecures — 
men  quietly  enjoying  the  fat  emoluments  and  perquisites  of  ofEce, 
without  performing  the  duties  thereof  1  men  of  desperate  fortunes 
and  characters,  successfully  seeking  public  offices,  contracts  and 
favors  ?  legislators,  and  others  employed  to  devise,  and  execute, 
the  best  possible  measures  for  the  public  relief,  benefit,  and  future 
welfare,  seeking  places,  contracts,  and  favors  for  themselves,  fami- 
lies, fi-iends,  or  confederates  in  an  unequal  and  unjust  policy  1 
Public  servants  quibbling  away  their  time,  or  studiously  increas- 
ing, or  prolonging,  the  public  burdens  and  distress,  to  favor  their 
own  professional  gains,  and  private  speculations  7  public  sentinels 
bribed,  or  asleep  on  their  stations,  while  the  enemy  are  in  sight, 
surrounding  the  citadel  of  our  national  liberty,  independence  and 
prosperity — by  corrupting  our  habits,  manners  and  policy  ?  mis- 
directing, or  defeating  the  best  application  of  the  talents,  capital, 
and  enterprize  of  our  country  1 

Craft  studies  to  make  game  of  fellow-beings — to  spoil  on  hu- 
man virtue,  industry  and  merit. 


CONVERSATION  BETWEEN  A  LAWYER,  FARMER,  &c.   203 

Conversation  betioeen  a  Lawyer^  a  Farmer,  and  a  Mechanic,  re- 
specting the  Formation  of  a  State  Constitution. 

The  lawyer  said,  that  he  would  have  a  clause  incorporated  in 
the  constitution,  expressly  to  prohibit  priests,  or  religious  preach- 
ers of  any  grade,  sect  or  denomination,  from  holding  offices,  and 
particularly  to  have  them  excluded  from  being  members  of  the 
legislature.  He  said  they  were  generally  a  set  of  metaphysical, 
visionary,  bigoted  talkers ;  whose  learning  and  attention  was 
chiefly  confined  to  spiritual  matters,  or  schemes  of  religious  faith ; 
and  that  they  were  so  little  in  the  habit  of  dealing  in  realities,  and 
of  being  confronted  in  their  declamations  and  arguments,  that  it 
would  be  difficult  to  reason  with  them,  and  particularly  on  matters 
that  concern  the  state. 

Although  they  generally  profess  to  consider  mankind  as  sinners, 
or  corrupt  in  nature ;  they  are  often  so  good  themselves,  in  their 
own  estimation,  that  he  feared  there  would  be  no  such  thing  as 
long  living  with  them  in  peace.  In  a  legislative  body,  priests 
would  expect  a  deference  or  kind  of  homage  paid  to  them,  and 
their  opinions ;  and  would  probably  be  for  wasting  a  good  deal  of 
the  public  time  in  useless  gabble  and  ceremonies. — 

They  already  claim  mankind  as  their  flocks ;  but,  continued 
the  lawyer,  once  admit  the  priests  of  this  country  to  become  law- 
givers, and  how  long  before  they  would  be  for  shearing  and  other- 
ways  appropriating  the  failings  of  their  flocks — or  in  other  words, 
be  using  their  power  and  influence  for  their  own  peculiar  benefit  ? 
Probably  their  efforts  would  be  directed  to  exempt  their  own  per- 
sons and  property  from  all  taxes  and  public  burdens ;  to  have 
permanent  funds,  and  fixed  salaries  provided  for  their  accommo- 
dation and  support  through  life ;  to  have  the  ruling  clergy,  or  a 
standing  order,  as  a  body,  invested  with  the  superintendence  and 
control  of  schools,  colleges,  and  matters  of  education  generally ; 
and  finally  to  have  all  christening,  marrying,  and  funeral  rites  and 
ceremonies,  subject  to  their  order  and  control,  as  an  established 
priesthood^  And  how  long,  con^Jluded  the  lawyer,  would  it  be, 
after  priests  were  permitted  to  legislate  and  mingle  in  the  affairs 


204  CONVERSATION  BETWEEN  A  LAWYER,  FARMER,     &c 

of  state,  before  we  should  have  hardly  liberty  enough  left  to  be 
worth  contending  for  ? 

The  farmer^  said,  that  one  of  our  country's  earliest  benefac- 
tors, and  greatest  statesmen  (William  Penn,)  although  perhaps 
never  strictly  a  licensed  preacher,  ordained  or  settled  salary  cler- 
gyman, had  been,  he  understood,  a  religious  preacher.  The  late 
Joel  Barlow,  he  understood,  was  educated  to  the  pulpit ;  and  ma- 
ny other  of  our  best  statesmen  were  clergymen  or  religious  teach- 
ers, for  a  period  of  their  lives.  If  the  people  were  disposed,  once 
in  a  while  to  send  a  priest  or  religious  teacher  to  represent  their 
concerns  in  the  public  legislature,  he  could  see  no  reason  suffi- 
cient to  prevent  it.  Let  every  profession,  said  the  farmer,  be  du- 
ly represented  in  the  public  concerns.  This  he  thought  not  only 
just  and  reasonable,  but  absolutely  necessary  for  the  preservation 
of  our  equal  rights  and  liberties.  We  admit,  said  he,  doctors, 
and  lawyers — the  latter  sometimes  by  the  dozen,  into  the  legis- 
lature, and  allow,  or  rather  we  do  not  prevent  them,  as  yet,  from 
helping  themselves  to  the  principal  offices  of  state  ;  each  of  which 
professions  have  their  peculiar  prejudices,  habits,  interests  and 
policy  to  rule  them  :  He  said,  perhaps  lawyers  would  like  to  have 
the  legislative  and  other  public  talking  pretty  much  under  the 
control  of  those  of  their  own  quibling  profession.  No  doubt,  con- 
tinued the  farmer,  lawyers  would  be  glad  to  secure  all  the  fattest 
offices  to  themselves,  and  those  of  their  own  crooked  craft,  and 
policy  ;  and  to  have  it  so  that  none  but  regular  bred  lawyers  could 
debate,  or  act  any  important  part  in  legislation  ;  draught  a  bill  for  a 
public  act,  draw  a  writ,  or  other  legal  instrument  of  writing,  or 
perform  the  duties  required  in  any  considerable  legislative,  judi- 
cial, or  executive  office  or  capacity.  After  this,  concluded  the 
farmer,  how  much  would  our  privileges  be  worth  ! 

DoctorSy  said  the  mechanic,  have  some  professional  perquisites 
and  privileges  to  seek  for,  as  well  as  the  other  two  learned  profes- 
sions, so  called.  Perhaps  their  policy  would  lead  them  to  desire 
laws  enacted  to  secure  to  regular  bred  and  licensed  physicians,  the 
exclusive  privilege  of  practising  medicine,  surgery,  and  midwife- 
ry ;  and  to  have  the  sole  cont^  of  compounding,  ai^  of  selling 
medicine. 


LITERARY  CRAFT.  205 

If  these  three  professions,  (priests,  lawyers  and  doctors,)  should 
unite  to  effect  their  policy  and  purposes,  and  govern  us,  what 
would  be  the  condition  of  farmers  and  mechanics !  Let  us,  then, 
concluded  the  mechanic,  see  to  it,  and  mind  that  none  are  per- 
mitted to  indulge  in  the  establishment,  or  practice  of,  a  partial 
or  destructive  league,  craft  or  policy ! 


Literally  Craft. 

In  the  various  little  arts  and  efforts  employed  to  obscure  light 
— to  embarrass  the  progress  of  truth  and  reason  ;  and  to  render 
education  unnecessarily  tedious,  and  expensive  ;  there  is  nothing, 
perhaps,  more  deserving  of  attention,  at  this  time,  and  in  this 
country,  than  the  use  which  is  frequently  made  of  the  dead,  and 
foreign  languages,  in  communications  to  the  public. — For  instance, 
what  is  more  unnecessary,  or  absurd,  than  to  mingle  paragraphs  or 
sentences  of  the  foreign  or  dead  languages,  in  verbal  or  written 
commimications  to  the  public,  when  not  one  person  in  a  hundred 
generally  understands  them  ?  How  provoking  it  is,  when  reading 
a  book  or  publication  in  our  own  native  language,  to  find  parts  or 
passages  totally  excluded  from  our  understanding — perhaps  the 
*  very  knoh  of  a  story,  or  pith  of  the  subject,  is  given  in  Latin, 
French,  or  some  other  foreign  or  dead  language,  which  not  one 
person  in  a  hundred  generally  understands  ;  and  which  fact  must 
have  been  known  to  the  author  or  publisher,  in  this  country. 

It  would  be  considered  very  insolent,  in  a  person  who  should 
address  a  large  number  in  a  language  which  he  knew  not  more 
than  one  in  a  hundred  of  them  understood,  and  especially  when 
he  was  able  to  communicate  in  their  own  native  tongue.  And 
yet  the  people  of  this  country  receive  such  insults  every  day,  and 
from  those  characters,  too,  who  claim  to  be  the  very  patrons  of 
consistency  and  good  breeding,  in  their  verbal  and  written  com- 
munications to  the  public. 

Can  any  thing  be  more  absm^,  than  for  an  enlightened  and 
free  people,  to  have  the  very  mdttoes  of  their  national  and  state 


iuo  LITERARY  CRAl  T. 

arms,  (which  every  body  ought  to  understand,)  in  latin,  or  some 
other  obscure  and  blind  language. 

The  same  blind  and  hypocritical  craft  is  manifested  in  the  dc' 
signs  of  many  of  our  paintings,  engravings,  and  sculptures.  In- 
stead of  representing  things  truly,  as  they  are^  by  figures  and 
characters  intelligent  to  the  common  understanding,  they  often 
require  classical  learning — or  a  kind  of  second  sight,  to  enable  a 
person  to  interpret  and  understand  their  meaning. 

The  motto  in  the  state  arms  of  Pennsylvania,  is  in  our  own 
native  language,  so  that  every  body  can  generally  understand  it. 
This  is  as  it  should  be. 

There  is  no  serious  objection  to  individuals  learning  as  many 
different  languages  as  they  please,  provided  they  study  at  their  own 
expensCf  and  do  not  insult  or  bother  the  public  with  their  blind 
lingo. 

If  there  is  any  thing  found  in  the  foreign  or  dead  languages, 
worthy  of  general  attention,  let  it  be  translated,  and  the  meaning 
faithfully  given  in  our  own  language  ;  but,  if  nothing  else  will 
guard  us  from  the  insolence  and  impositions  affected  by  this  ab- 
surd use  of  blind  language,  I  should  hope  there  might  be  a  law 
established  for  the  purpose. 

If  an  author  or  individual  wishes  to  give  the  public  a  hint  of 
his  having  had  college  learning,  or  to  excite  a  vast  idea  of  his  clas^ 
sical  or  literary  acquirements,  beyond  what  is  manifested  by  the 
real  matter  or  merits  of  his  productions,  let  him  put  on  his  mark: 
— For  instance,  if  an  author  or  individual  had  studied  the  He- 
brew, Greek,  and  Latin  languages,  he  would  be  entitled  to  attach 
to  his  name,  H.  G.  L.  and  if  he  knew  the  French,  or  any  other 
foreign  language,  or  wished  to  convey  an  idea  of  his  extra  attain- 
ments in  any  other  branch  of  learning,  by  just  adding  to  his  name 
or  title,  the  first  letter  of  each  subject,  would  enable  him  to  accom- 
plish the  object,  without  introducing  any  metaphysical  reasoning, 
sophistry,  or  blind  lingo,  into  the  matter  of  his  communications. 
Then,  if  an  author  had  studied  the  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Latin  lan- 
guages, and  had  laboured  in  the  metaphysics,  and  was  master  of 
sophistry,  or  the  art  oi  juggling^ith  letters  and  words,  he  could 
attach  to  his  name,  H.  G.  L.  M.  S.  J.     And,  in  order  to  render 


LITERARY  CRAFT.  207 

the  matter  the  more  intricate  and  learned,  the  letters  might  be  ar- 
ranged hachoards,  or  placed  bottom  upwards.  This  would  puz- 
zle the  vulgar,  and  give  them  a  prodigious  idea  of  the  learning 
and  elevation  of  the  author,  and  save  them  the  time  and  trouble 
of  examining  into  the  truth  and  soundness  of  his  assertions  ! 

If  our  shoe-makers  and  tailors  were  to  make  out  their  bills  in 
the  dead  or  foreign  languages,  it  would  be  pretty  much  the  same 
as  the  cases  referred  to.  We  should  all  be  obliged  to  learn  those 
languages,  or  hazard  our  chance  of  being  insulted  and  imposed 
upon. 

A  memorandum  in  latin^  was  presented  at  an  apothecary's  shop 
for  several  articles  of  drugs  and  medicines,  with  a  request  that 
the  bill  might  be  made  out  in  English,  so  that  they  might  all  un- 
derstand it — the  person  who  was  a  going  to  pay  for,  and  use  the 
drugs  and  medicines,  as  well  as  the  doctor  who  prescribed  and 
made  out  the  memorandum,  and  the  apothecary  who  sold  the  ar- 
ticles. 

Those  who  have  spent  considerable  time  and  money  in  learning 
the  dead  languages,  with  an  expectation  of  deriving  an  advantage 
from  teaching  or  interpreting  the  same  to  others,  or  by  obscuring 
and  the  better  managing  some  learned  crafty  or  blind  hypocriti- 
cal policy,  contend  for  their  utility  and  importance  ;  and  say  that 
their  real  beauties  and  descriptive  powers  are  lost  by  translation, 
and  that,  subjects  of  ancient  literature  must  be  studied  in  their 
original  tongue,  in  order  to  be  duly  understood  and  appreciated. 

This  puts  me  in  mind  of  a  story.  A  traveller  got  out  of  money 
on  a  journey,  and  had  recourse  to  the  stratagem  of  exhibiting  his 
horse  to  replenish  his  purse.  He  procured  a  tight  stable,  tied  his 
starving  horse  with  his  tail  to  a  manger  full  of  hay,  and  gave  out 
notice  that  he  had  got  a  wonderful  horse  there  to  show — his  tail 
was  where  his  head  should  be  I  The  marvellous  flocked  to  the 
exhibition.  The  traveller,  cautiously  admitted  in  but  one  at  a 
time.  The  first,  finding  himself  caught,  resolved  not  to  be  laughed 
at  alone,  and  so  expressed  himself  highly  gratified  and  pleased 
with  th^'show ;  the  second,  taking  the  hint,  also  said  he  had  fully 
received  his  money's  worth  ;  the  third,  taking  the  same  hint,  said 
he  did  not  grudge  his  money  for  the  sight ;  the  fourth,  fifth, 


208  LITERARY  CRAFT. 

sixth,  and  so  on,  continued  seemingly  resolved  to  have  as  much 
company  as  possible,  in  order  to  leave  but  few  out  of  the  trap  to 
get  the  laugh  upon  them.  Impatient  at  the  slow  manner  of  ad- 
mitting visiters,  some  began  to  inquire  very  earnestly  of  those  who 
had  been  in,  something  about  the  wonderful  animal  ;  but  they 
said  it  would  be  folly  in  them,  even  to  attempt  a  description— every 
one  must  go  in  and  see  for  themselves^  in  order  to  understand  and 
duly  appreciate  the  novelty  and  interest  of  the  exhibition. 

In  order  to  bewilder  the  senses,  waste  the  time,  and  misdirect 
the  inquiries  and  energies  of  the  common  people,  men  of  the 
learned  craft,  oflen  set  up,  or  treat  as  important,  some  visionary, 
useless  or  mischievous  scheme,  project  or  undertaking.  A  few 
conspicuous  examples  of  this  policy  and  conduct,  have  lately  been 
publicly  exhibited,  in  our  own  country.  Redheiffer's  pretended 
demonstration  of  perpetual  motion,  was  held  out  as  a  matter  of 
fact,  for  a  considerable  length  of  time — although  every  practical 
man,  well  informed  on  the  subject,  must  have  known  that  the 
thing  was  utterly  impossible.  At  another  time,  Capt.  Symmes's  vis- 
ionary and  useless  theory  of,  and  pretended  expedition  to,  an  in- 
terior world,  has  been  caught  hold  of  and  treated  as  a  serious  and 
important  matter.  And  at  another  time,  a  plan  for  fiying,  was 
brought  before  congress,  as  a  subject  of  actual  and  national  im- 
portance.* 

The  leaders  of  such  tricks  and  impositions  on  the  public,  ought 
to  be  sent  to  our  state  prisons,  tread-mills,  workhouses,  or  insane 
hospitals. 

While  men  of  learning  seem  to  think  it  pretty  to  play  the  devil 
with  mankind,  we  must  not  be  surprised  at  any  thing — but  be 
well  upon  our  guard. 

While  men  of  this  craft  aid  and  encourage,  on  the  one  hand, 
such  visionary,  useless  and  mischievous  projects,  on  the  other 
hand,  they  are  generally  the  foes  of  practical,  useful  and  impor- 
tant improvements  and  undertakings. 

Much  of  what  is  now  peculiarly    denominated   literary  mat- 

*  l^ie  pretended  automaton  chess  player,  is  another,  and  late  fashion- 
able humbug,  or  cheat. 


OLD  FAMILY  COMPACTS.  209 

ter,  is  the  most  simpering,  insipid  and  useless  stuff  that  comes 
from  the  press ;  and  seems  peculiarly  calculated  to  make  literary 
fools. 


Old  Family  Compacts. 

Time,  and  policy,  have  a  general  tendency  to  unite  wealthy  and 
influential  families  and  individuals,  in  matrimonial  and  other  con- 
nexions or  compacts  :  and,  where  their  policy  and  designs  are 
not  watched  and  guarded  against,  by  vigilant  and  effectual  meas- 
ures, they  eventually  assume  the  unjust  and  oppressive  consequen- 
ces of  a  privileged  order,  or  organized  aristocracy ;  and  not  un- 
frequently  supersede  the  power  of  regular  government.  This  is 
peculiarly  the  case  with  old  countries. 

In  some  parts  of  the  United  States,  these  leagues,  or  aristocrat- 
ic combinations,  with  their  tools  and  underlings,  have  already 
assumed  a  degree  of  power  and  influence,  that  sets  common  jus- 
tice at  defiance.  It  is  highly  alarming  to  the  best  interests  of  our 
country,  and  calls  loudly  for  some  powerful  and  eflicient  measures 
of  restraint  and  correction. 

When,  and  wherever  such  combinations  attempt  to  erect  them- 
selves into  force,  and  especially  to  interfere  and  prevent  a  free  and 
full  exercise  of  the  laws,  in  favor  of  an  individual ;  or  unite  to 
pervert  the  laws,  to  persecute  or  any  way  wrong  an  individual ; 
or  in  any  way  conspire  to  interrupt  his  peace,  or  to  annoy  his  per- 
son, pursuits  or  happiness,  from  unnecessary  or  unwarrantable 
motives,  the  offence  should  be  punished  with  an  ample  penalty, 
and  by  practical  means.  In  all  cases,  when  such  combinations 
attempt  to  exercise  their  influence  or  other  means,  against  an  in- 
dividual, in  any  public  controversy  or  legal  process,  the  fact  should 
be  noticed,  in  order  that  a  due  allowance  might  be  made  for  the 
extra  power  and  influence,  of  such  combination. 

It  is,  indeed,  the  duty  of  every  friend  to  justice  and  humanity, 
and  especially  all  who  profess  to  maintain  the  boon  of  equal  jus- 
ticc  to  all  men,  to  counteract,  by  every  just  and  reasonable  effort 

27 


210  SYSTEMS  OF  RELIGION. 

in  their  power,  the  policy  and  conduct  of  such  old  family  combi- 
nations— check  their  unjust  and  baneful  influence,  and  policy, 
at  once,  and  deter  others  from  ever  attempting  the  like,  again. 

Unless  some  powerful  and  efficient  measures  are  soon  put  in 
operation,  to  defeat  and  destroy  this  germ  of  ancient  despotism, 
individuals  will  be  unable  to  maintain  their  rights  and  privileges 
against  them. 


Systems  of  Religion. 

Creeds,  or  systems  of  religion,  are  mainly  the  speculative 
works  of  human  contrivance,  like  other  inventions.  To  devise 
some  scheme  that  would  look  plausible,  and  finally  enable  the 
chief  projectors  and  managers  to  realize  an  object  or  advantage — 
to  gain  an  ascendancy  and  maintain  a  controling  power  over  their 
fellow-beings,  has  generally  been  the  ruling  policy  or  motive  of 
creed  makers.  The  Bible  is  the  store  from  which  they  select 
the  chief  materials  for  forming  their  various  theories :  and  from 
which,  in  fact,  every  man  of  an  independent  mind,  generally 
forms  or  regulates,  more  or  less,  his  own  creed ^  or  religious  faith. 

Papistry^  or  the  doctrine  of  the  Roman  church,  was  evidently 
designed  to  facilitate  a  despotic  government  and  control  over  man- 
kind— whereby  the  creature  miglit  assume  to  himself,  the  homagr 
which  is  due,  only  to  the  Creator. 

Calvinism,  although  calculated  to  abate  the  extreme  despotism 
and  corruption  of  the  papal  creed  and  authority,  was  nevertheless 
made  subservient  to  the  leading  policy  and  designs  of  kingcraft. 
1  he  author's  ideas  of  pre-election  and  sovereign  grace ^  and  of  the 
total  depravity  and,  un worthiness  of  the  creature  to  merit  any 
thing  of  himself,  are  striking  samples  of  king-craft,  or  legitimacy . 

The  author  of  this  scheme,  John  Calvin,  was  bred  a  lawyer ; 
and  no  doubt  saw  how  to  combine  church  and  state  policy,  under 
a  hypocritical  and  puzzling  scheme,  for  the  particular  benefit  of 
the/cw.  Had  Calvin  possessed  the  feeling  and  character  of  a 
true  Christian,  he  certainly  would  never  have  consented  to,  much 


MEDICAL  CRAFT.  2U 

less  have  caused  the  cruel  and  relentless  death  of  S'ervetus,  for  a 
mere  difference  of  opinion. 

The  Trinitarian,  or  Church  of  England  creed — which  holds 
out  the  idea  of  three  heads  to  one  hody,  is  so  much  like  the  British 
political  system,  that  I  cannot  help  regarding  them  both  as  work 
of  the  same  craft.  There  is  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy 
Ghost,  (comprising  what  they  term  their  spiritual  head,)  and  the 
king,  the  nobles,  and  the  people,  (called  their  temporal  head,)  all 
artfully  and  systematically  combined  in  one,  Qomplex  and  puz- 
zling scheme  of  church  and  state  government.  I'he  king,  I  be- 
lieve, claims  to  be  the  head  of  this  church  and  state  sovereignty — 
although  often  a  more  ?/w-christianlike  character  could  hardly  be 
found  in  the  empire. 

Papistry,  has  usurped  the  sovereignty  of  Heaven  and  hell,  and 
placed  the  keys  under  the  control  of  fallible  mortal  beings. 

Calvinism,  \\2iS  fixed  the  fate  of  every  human  being,  independ- 
ent of  their  actions — merits  or  demerits — even  before  they  were 
born,  and  thereby  destroyed  the  motives  for  exertion  to  obtain  fu- 
ture happiness  by  good  works. 

Although  the  inventors  and  advocates  of  these  creeds,  or 
schemes  of  church  policy,  often  quarrel,  stoutly,  about  their  com- 
parative merits  and  consistencies,  yet  it  would  be  difficult  to  find 
any  thing  like  Christianity,  in  either  :— the  first,  places  our  fu- 
ture destiny,  at  the  judgment  and  control  of  fallible  beings  ;  and 
the  second  fixes  our  fate,  independent  of  human  actions. 

True  Christianity,  seeks  the  equal  and  greatest  possible 
good,  of  the  whole  of  mankind  ;  and  sectarianism,  generally 
studies  the  particular  benefit  of  the  few,  at  the  expense  and  inju- 
ry of  the  many. 

There  is  7io  sectarianism  in  Heaven. 


Medical  Craft. 

It  is  obviously  the  craft,  or  crooked  policy  and  cunning  for  iiv. 
most  part  pursued  by  unprincipled  and  designing  physicians,  to  com- 


212  MEDICAL  CRAFT. 

plex  and  disguise  the  principal  articles  or  materials  of  which  medi- 
cine is  composed,  so  as  to  render  them  difficult  to  beunderstood^ 
and  hazardous  to  administer,  without  their  aid  or  advice  ;  and  to 
discourage  the  use  of  simple  remedies,  such  as  are  easily  procur- 
ed, readily  understood,  and  safely  administered  without  their  aid 
or  advice. 

However  unnatural  or  inhuman  it  may  seem,  it  is  nevertheless 
a  prominent  branch  of  the  crafty  to  keep  mankind  in  ignorance, 
as  much  as  possible,  of  the  real  cause  and  nature  of  the  principal 
diseases  and  infirmities  to  which  human  nature  is  liaole,  and  of  the 
actual  quality  and  fitness  of  remedies. 

In  a  late  controversy  among  physicians,  the  last  article  I  have 
observed  in  public  print  on  the  subject ;  the  writer,  who  is  eviden- 
ly  one  of  the  crafty  and  wrote  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  a 
number  more,  thus  expresses  himself: — 

"  Now  we  regret  exceedingly  that  medical  questions  should  be 
made  the  subject  of  newspaper  discussions." 

This  controversy  grew  out  of  a  new  method  of  treating  fevers, 
whereby  they  may  be  broken  up  on   their  first  commencement 
and  thereby  prevent  the  dangers  and  lengthy  fits  of  sickness  oc- 
casioned by  their  usual  treatment. 

This  is  certainly  an  important  discovery  for  mankind ;  and,  it 
appears  the  author  has  liberally  published  to  the  world,  his  theory 
and  practice  in  the  case. 

The  craft  seems  to  be  quite  alarmed.  Had  the  author  confin- 
ed his  improvement  to  the  faculty  ;  or  had  he  detailed  the  principal 
facts  in  latiny  so  that  none  but  classical  gentlemen  could  have  un- 
derstood it  ;  the  craft  might  still  continue  their  old  mode  of 
practice,  with  the  vulgar  multitude.  But  now,  since  the  matter 
has  been  published,  and  in  the  common  language  of  the  country, 
the  public  confidence  in  the  reality  and  importance  of  the  discov- 
ery must  be  destroyed,  or  every  physician  will  have  to  adopt  it  in 
his  own  practice — greatly  to  the  reduction  of  the  usual  number  of 
visits ,  and  length  of  bills  ! 

This  attack  of  the  craft,  upon  this  truly  humane,  and  important 
improvement,  in  the  treatment  of  fevers,  plays  round  with  a  great 


RELlGTOXJS  AND  POLITICAL  REVIEWS.  213 

deal  of  studied  malice  and  deceit,  without  actually  touching  upon 
the  real  merits  of  the  case. 

The  craft  grow  sick  of  the  contest,  and  manifest  a  dread  of  the 
common  freedom  of  the  press,  like  other  enemies  to  truth,  jus- 
tice, liberty,  and  human  improvement.  They  even  manifest 
symptoms  of  desperation,  in  which  they  seem  to  say, 

"  No  matter  how  dearly  improvements  in  the  science  and  prac- 
tice of  medicine,  concerns  the  lives,  fortunes,  and  happiness  of 
mankind  ;  whenever  they  have  a  considerable  tendency  to  dimin- 
ish our  practice  and  injiuencee  in  society,  they  must  be  put  down 
— softlj/  and  secretly,  if  they  can,  but  loudly  and  openly,  if  we 
must." 

Reason  is  my  best  physician  ;  nature  my  apothecary,  and  cxjpe- 
rience  my  nurse. 

Abstinence,  is  often  the  best  remedy  for  an  overcrowded  stom- 
ach ;  water,  or  other  simple  fluids,  to  dilute  and  relieve  a  hard 
pulse,  and  to  promote  the  animal  secretions  of  the  body  generally ; 
and  well-timed  and  appropriate  exercise,  to  equalize  the  circula- 
tion of  the  vital  and  animal  fluids — to  relieve  painful  depres- 
sions, and  ultimately  to  renovate  a  weak  or  debilitated  constitu- 
tion— especially  when  aided  by  simple,  solid  and  healthy  food. 

"  Build  up  of  the  durables,"  and  work  the  flesh  well  on. 

From  a  mistaken  kindness  or  humanity,  people  often  take  the 
most  effectual  methods  to  excite  disease,  and  promote  debility, 
and  ultimately  overcome  the  patient,  instead  of  renovating  the 
constitution  and  overcoming  natural  weakness  or  debility. 

The  plant  that  stands  out  in  the  open  field,  exposed  to  the  full 
power  of  the  sun,  the  rain,  and  the  winds,  expands  and  be- 
comes a  stalky,  vigorous  and  healthy  tree ;  but  the  young  saplin 
that  grows  up  in  the  shade,  screened  from  the  full  power  and  in- 
fluence of  the  seasoning  elements,  is  generally  slender  and  fee- 
ble. 


Religious  and  Political  Reviews. 
The  publication  of  candid,  judicious   and  faithful  reviews,  of 


214  RELIGIOUS  AND  POLITICAL  REVIEWS. 

our  religious  and  political  concerns — comparing  our  practice  with 
our  professions,  and  the  whole  with  the  true  standards  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  republicanism,  would  be  highly  beneficial,  in  promo- 
ting consistency f  improvement,  and  good  works. 

A  religious  review — by  judiciously  comparing  the  practices  of 
professed  Christians  with  their  precepts,  and  tlie  whole  with  the 
true  Christian  character,  would  have  an  imjwrtant  tendency  to 
exalt  the  rising  generation — improve  their  character  and  happi- 
ness. 

The  review  should  be  conducted  in  the  true  spirit  of  Christian 
frankness  and  liberality  ;  and  the  standard  of  comparison  should 
always  be  their  works  compared  with  their  precepts,  and  the  whole 
with  the  true  Christian  character. 

It  is  a  fact  greatly  to  be  lamented,  that  religious  publications, 
even  in  this  free  country,  are  chiefly  confined  to  the  narrow 
views  of  some  sectarian  creed  or  policy,  rather  than  extended  to 
the  best  good  of  the  whole,  upon  true  Christian  justice  and  philan- 
thropy. 

A  thorough  and  candid  review  of  our  political  transactions  and 
concerns,  judiciously  comparing  our  leading  maxims,  measures, 
habits  and  designs,  with  the  principles  and  true  character  of  re- 
publicanism, would  do  more  to  detect  and  expose  political  hypo- 
crites, blockheads  and  knaves  ;  and  ultimately  to  insure  our  con- 
sistency and  national  prosperity,  than  all  the  crooked  quibbles*, 
sophistry  and  trash  that  circulates  in  our  public  prints — tiring  thf 
patience,  perplexing  and  bewildering  the  understanding  of  the  hon- 
est inquirers  after  political  truth  and  consistency. 

Such  a  work  would  serve  as  a  political  standard,  for  testing 
both,  men  and  measures. 

In  viewing  our  political  measures,  maxims,  customs  and  habits 
of  life,  the  standard  of  comparison,  should  be,  arc  they  just  ? 
necessary,  reasonable  and  consistent  with  the  principles  of  repub- 
licanism ?  and  are  they  judiciously  calculated,  on  the  whole,  to  be 
beneficial  to  the  community  at  large,  and  as  the  best  the  nature  of 
the  case  admits  of  ? 

Like  separating  the  choice  seed  from  among  the  false  and  im- 
perfect ;  selecting  and  refining  the  true  metals  from  dross  and 


RELIGIOUS  AND  POLITICAL  REVIEWS.  215 

alloy  ;  or  like  weeding  and  moulding  the  genuine  plants ;  so  these 
reviews  would  be  distinguishing  and  cultivating  the  real  princi- 
ples of  Christianity  and  republicanism ;  and  thereby  exalting 
the  human  character,  and  increasing  the  general  intelligence, 
security,  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  human  family. 

Almost  every  other  subject,  or  late  production  of  the  press,  has 
passed  the  jaws  of  reviewers;  but  often  without  being  any  better 
digested,  refined,  or  their  main  worth  separated  from  their  use- 
less and  bad  qualities,  than  if  a  whirlwind  had  raked  and  bespat- 
tered the  sheets. 

When  we  fully  consider  the  motives  that  interest  and  control  re- 
viewers, the  result  need  not  often  surprise  any  one. 

The  wasp  seeks  poison,  and  the  bee  honey,  from  the  same  gen- 
eral source. 

A  skilful  reviewer,  disposed  to  hinder  the  sale  of  any  particu- 
lar book  or  publication,  or  to  counteract  the  doctrines  or  matter  it 
contains,  without  any  regard  to  truth  and  fairnesss,  may  easily 
embitter  or  prejudice  the  public  mind  to  his  purpose,  by  a  few 
artful  selections,  remarks  and  insinuations.  On  the  other  hand, 
when  the  reviewer  is  desirous  of  promoting  the  sale,  or  aiding  the 
matter  or  success  of  any  particular  book,  project,  or  undertaking, 
he  can  as  easily  sweeten  and  stimulate  the  public  mind  to  favor  his 
purpose,  by  a  few  artful  selections,  remarks  and  insinuations.  So 
that,  by  reading  an  uncandid  or  deficient  review,  mankind  generally 
would  be  more  likely  to  be  deceived  and  ultimately  misled,  than 
if  they  depended  on  their  own  judgment,  in  regard  to  the  various 
publications  and  the  matter  they  contain. 

Some  of  our  reviewers  are  real  dandies  in  literature  and 
general  science,  puffed  up  with  all  the  vanity  and  effected  conse- 
quence of  superiors,  while  in  fact  they  are  below  the  common  lev- 
el in  actual  worth. 

Some,  who  pretend  to  review  valuable  publications,  seem  to  go 
upon  the  plan  of  sponging  from  their  authors  and  proprietors, 
something  to  fill  up  their  own,  mostly,  otherways,  barren  and 
worthless  pages. — 

Something  like  a  cerUiin  pretended  connoisseur  in  choice  arti- 
cles of  liquors,  segars,  &c.,  who  used  to  go  the  rounds  frequent^ 


216  ROGUES'  POLICY. 

ly,  to  TRY  new  supplies  of  the  kind,  in  order,  he  said,  that  he 
might  be  enabled  to  recommend  them  to  others ;  and  by  which 
means  he  nighly  or  quite  supplied  his  own  wants,  without  paying 
for  the  articles ! 

The  people  of  this  country,  generally,  must  learn  to  judge ^br 
themselves,  of  the  merits,  and  demerits,  of  what  circulates  from 
the  press — as  the  better  part  of  the  comnmnity  already  do. 
However,  candid,  able  Siud  faithful  reviews,  facilitate  the  pro- 
gress of  every  moral,  political,  and  scientific  truth  and  informa- 
tion ;  and  they  are  therefore  greatly  to  be  desired. 


Rogues*  Policy. 

Unprincipled  and  designing  men,  generally,  and  particularly 
those  who  feel  interested  in  the  increase  of  criminal  and  other 
offences,  and  excitements  thereto,  would  be  inclined  to  favor, 
under  some  hypocritical  or  quibbling  pretence,  the  little  arts, 
sayings  and  false  maxims,  designed  and  propagated  to  stigmatize 
and  deter  people  from  the  actions  necessary  to  detect,  punish  and 
defeat,   villainy. 

**  The  biggest  rogue  cries  rogue  first" — (said  a  rogue,  in  order 
to  deter  people  from  proclaiming  him.) 

"  Set  a  rogue  to  catch  a  rogue" — (said  a  rogue,  t6  deter  people 
from  catching  him.) 

"  Biggest  rogues  turn  State's  evidence" — (said  an  old  head 
rogue,  to  prevent  his  following  accomplices  from  testifying 
against  him.)  And  all,  too,  as  if  rogues  were  really  and  design- 
edly working  against  their  own  craft  ! 

Among  these  designing  arts  to  favor  villainy^^g^ere  is  none 
more  culpable,  and  pernicious  in  its  general  effects,  than  the  fol- 
lowing false  law  maxim  ;  and  which  was,  no  doubt,  invented  and 
propagated  to  prevent  the  conviction  and  punishment  of  criminal 
and  other  offenders.     Namely, 

That  it  were  better,  (no  doubt  better  for  rogues,  and  their  ad- 
nocates  ^nd  participators,)  that  ten — lord  Hale  says  ninety,  guilty 


ROGUES'  POLICY.  217 

persons  should  be  suffered  to  escape  punishment,  than  that  one 
innocent  person  should  suffer. 

This  has  actually  been  propagated  in  the  world,  as  a  maxim 
founded  in  sober  truth  and  reason — although  it  is  manifest  to  ev- 
ery man  of  common  discernment,  information  and  reflection,  that 
one  or  more  innocent  persons  generally  do  suffer ^  from  every 
criminal  and  other  offender,  and  particularly  from  the  guilty  and 
unrelenting  villains  who  escape  conviction  and  punishment,  and 
are  let  loose  upon  society.  Besides,  we  are  constantly  putting  the 
lives  of  innocent  persons  in  jeopardy,  in  the  pursuit,  detection, 
arrest,  conviction  and  punishment  of  criminal  and  other  offend- 
ers. 

The  following  dialogue  or  conversation,  between  A.  and  B. 
may  serve  further  to  explain  the  subject. 

A,  Mankind  love  to  he  cheated  and  imposed  upon. 

3.  Do  you  J  Mr.  A.  like  to  be  cheated  and  imposed  upon  1 

A.  No — certainly  not. 

B.  Did  you  ever  hear  any  person  acknowledge  that  they  liked 
to  be  cheated  and  imposed  upon  ? 

A.  No — never. 

B,  How,  then,  do  you  ascertain  the  matter  1 

A.  I  have  often  observed  people  making  light  of  bad  bargains, 
and  other  cheats  and  impositions  they  had  suffered. 

B,  It  is  a  very  common  policy  for  people  to  make  as  light  as 
possible  of  irremediable  injuries  ;  but  this  does  not  prove,  in  any 
degree,  that  mankind  love  to  be  cheated  and  imposed  upon. 

A.  Well — it  is  an  old  saying,  that  I  have  heard  ever  since  I 
can  remember. 

B.  It  is  a  rogue's  saying.  The  simple  truth  is,  knaves  and  ty- 
rants love  to  cheat  and  impose  upon  mankind,  and  would  feign 
to  believe  that  we  were  pleased  with  such  treatment. 

These  are  among  the  variety  of  little  arts  and  sayings  of  rogues, 
alluded  to ;  and  which  are  often  learned  in  our  childhood,  or  be- 
fore we  are  able  to  discover  their  fallacy  and  wicked  designs,  and 
are  afterwards  used  without  reflection. 

Hence  it  becomes  an  important  duty  of  the  guardians  and  ac- 
tual friends  of  truth,  justice  and  virtue,  to  detect  and  defeat  the 

28 


Zm  A  HYPOCKITE. 

future   progress  and   design  of  this,  and  every  other  branch   of 
rogues  polirij. 

This  infamous  policy,  would  have  us  "  speak  well  of  a  bridge 
that  carries  us  well  over" — although  we  may  have  good  reason  to 
believe  that  the  next  person  who  attempts  to  pass  it,  will  be  ruin- 
ed. 


A  Hypocrite. 

It  is  evidently  a  virtue,  to  suppress  an  evil  temper  or  disjx)si- 
tion ;  but  to  declare  a  vicious  propensity,  openly,  is  less  dishon- 
ourable, than  to  indulge  it  secretly. 

An  avowed  infidel  is  far  more  tolerable  in  society,  than  a  hypo- 
crite. The  avowed  infidel,  stands  open  to  view,  as  he  is,  and  if 
you  choose  you  can  shun  him  :  But  a  hypocrite — is  like  a  rock 
covered  over  with  smooth  water,  which  sweeps  the  unsuspicious 
mariner  to  destruction,  at  a  moment  when  he  apprehends  no  dan- 
ger ;  like  sl  false  friend,  who  flatters  you  with  smiles  and  fair 
professions,  while  he  meditates  your  ruin  ;  like  a  snake  in  the 
grass,  which  darts  its  deadly  poison,  before  it  is  heeded  ;  like  a 
pirate,  who  approaches  the  defenceless  merchantman,  under  a 
friendly,  or  "  patriot"  flag,  or  perhaps  draws  him  within  the  reach 
of  his  guns,  by  false  signals  of  distress,  and  then  commits  plun- 
der and  murder  ;  or  like  a  stcindler,  who  gains  possession  of  the 
public,  or  individual's  confidence  and  property,  by  false  and  de- 
ceitful representations,  and  management,  and  then  endeavors  to 
evade  pursuit,  or  othervvays  to  keep  them  from  repossessing  their 
property.  A  hypocrite,  is  like  an  unprincipled  and  designing 
lawyer,  who  professes  to  be  the  particular  friend  and  advocate  of 
virtue,  justice,  liberty,  and  humanity,  while  he  exerts  his  skill 
and  talents  to  excite  and  harden  vice,  defeat  justice,  and  to  rivet 
the  shackles  of  t3rranny  and  oppression  upon  his  fellow  men  ;  like 
false  christians,  who  often  perform  the  external  ceremonies  of  re- 
ligion, with  all  the  mechanical  precision  and  accuracy  that  a  well 
disciplined  band  of  soldiers  go  through  with  their  exercise  and 


A  HYPOCRITE.  219 

evolutions — (and  with  about  as  much  real  religion,)  while  their 
minds  are  full  of  ingratitude^  revenge^  treachery,  persecution, 
and  all  manner  of  meanness.  A  hypocrite,  is  like  false  patri- 
vts,  who  often  make  high  sounding  pretensions  of  their  sense  of 
common  justice,  of  honour,  and  of  regard  for  the  public  good, 
only  to  disguise  their  schemes  of  knavery  and  political  oppres- 
sion ;  a  real  "  wolf  in  sheep's  clothing ;"  or  like  an  assassin,  who 
approaches  you  in  the  dark,  or  with  a  concealed  weapon  ;  or, 
among  a  virtuous  and  enlightened  people,  hypocrisy  is  very  like 
counterfeit  money ^  which  often  has  a  first  appearance,  of  real  and 
desirable  value,  while  it  finally  serves  only  to  impoverish  and  dis- 
grace its  possessor. 

There  are  many  people,  who  openly  profess  that  which  they  do 
not  believe,  or  otherways  disguise  their  real  sentiments,  and 
views,  from  fear,  and  without  any  evil  intentions.  Such  people 
are  often  to  be  pitied.  There  are  others,  who  occasionally  dis- 
semble from  no  bad  motive.  But  a  real  and  designing  hypocrite, 
is  the  most  abominable  infidel  on  earth.  He  don't  believe  a  word 
in  the  eternal  wisdom  and  justice  of  the  Creator,  or  in  rewards 
and  punishments  "  according  to  the  deeds  done  in  the  body." 
He  probably  worships  the  devil,  in  secret,  and  thinks  himself  the 
cunningest  being  on  earth.  He  makes  such  professions,  and  per- 
forms the  ceremonies,  that  he  thinks  will  sound  and  appear  best, 
in  order  to  disguise  his  crooked  character  and  designs ;  and  no 
doubt  often  laughs  in  his  sleeve  to  think  how  he  cheats  mankind. 
A  hypocrite  is  a  studied  cheat — an  impostor — a  knave — a  made 
fool,  and  one  who  generally  finds  himself  the  worst  cheated,  at 
last. 

There  is  not  one  word  of  final  hope  for  a  hypocrite,  in  the 
whole  history  of  divine  revelation  :  But  on  the  contrary,  the  se- 
verest denunciations  are  recorded  against  them;  and  those 
who  are  finally  condemned,  are  to  take  their  portion  with  hypo^ 
crites. 

Satire  was  evidently  designed  by  Heaven  for  the  purpose  of 
unveiling  hypocrites,  and  rendering  vice  ridiculous.  Its  bold  and 
penetrating   shafts,  when  judiciously  directed,  rends  the  veil  of 


220  A  HYPOCRITE. 

hypocrisy  and  vice,  and  exposes  them  to  the  scorn  and  contempt, 
of  a  virtuous  and  observing  public. 

Well  seasoned  wit,  sharpens  truth  and  makes  it  cut. 

A  certain  person,  after  trying,  in  vain,  by  mild  language,  to 
dissuade  a  number  of  evil  minded  individuals  and  their  deluded 
tools  and  followers,  from  the  wrongs  they  were  industriously  in- 
flicting upon  a  distinguished  public  benefactor,  under  a  heedless 
or  fictitious  pretext — finally  exclaimed,  '*  that's  right — defame, 
plunder  and  persecute  your  best  friends ;  and  then,  when  you 
find  yourselves  detected,  say  it  was  not  you,  but  an  evil  spirit 
that  dwelleth  in  you,  and  so  oum  yourselves  the  instruments  of  the 
devil !"  This,  like  a  stroke  of  lightning,  rent  the  veil  of  their  hy- 
pocricy,  and  exposed  them,  even  to  the  reproaches  of  one  an- 
other. 

Hurl  satire,  then,  as  keen  as  pointed  steel,  prick  through 
the  hy|x>crites'  robes  and  make  the  wretches  feel,  the  stings  of 

TRUTH, 

Human  corruption  and  depravity,  are  measured  by  the  con- 
trast, between  precept  and  example,  betwixt /^rq/csstow  and 
practice. 

To  profess  fairly,  and  practice  foully  in  reverse  of  one's  profes- 
sion,  is  the  very   extreme  of  human  corruption  and  depravity. 

Hence,  those  who  pretend  to  act  under  the  holy  and  sacred  in- 
fluence and  obligation  of  religion,  or  divine  justice  ;  and  those  who 
profess  a  regard  for  the  personal,  or  political  rights,  prosperity  and 
happiness  of  their  neighbours,  or  fellow  beings,  as  a  cloak  or  dis- 
guise of  their  real  and  base  designs,  betray  the  very  excess  of  hu- 
man wickedness  and  depravity. 

A  person  who  watches  the  conduct  of  religious  professors,  and 
judiciously  compares  their  practice  with  their  precepts  or  profes- 
sions, and  the  whole  with  the  true  christsan  character,  and  bold- 
ly detects  and  exposes  hypocrites  and  imposters,  does  more  to 
promote  the  real  cause  of  virtue  and  human  happiness,  than  a 
host  of  idle  declaimers — who  preach  without  attending  to  the 
practice,  and  often  prove,  by  their  works,  that  they  don't  believe 
what  they  say. 

The  same  remarks  may  be  apphed  to  false  patriots,  and  political 
hypocrites,  and  impostors. 


ROBBERS  IN  DISGUISE. 


Robbers  in  Disguise. 


There  is  often  a  mistaken  or  base  policy  observed,  in  concealing 
a  person's  true  character,  circumstances,  or  situation  in  regard  to 
property,  and  in  omitting  to  expose  the  same,  when  they  are 
known  to  be  obtaining  a  credit,  confidence,  or  consequence,  be- 
yond their  merits.  Perhaps  on  false  representations,  or  fictitious 
appearances  of  wealth,  character,  or  responsibility,  by  which  they 
are  enabled  to  rob  others  of  their  property,  or  that  which  is  equal- 
ly essential  to  their  enjoyment. 

I  should  generally  doubt  the  honesty  of  any  person,  who  was 
unwilling  to  have  their  true  character,  circumstances  or  situation 
made  known,  and  especially  to  those  of  whom  they  requested 
credit,  confidence  or  assistance. 

Generally  speaking,  a  person  has  no  business  to  contract  debts 
or  engagements  beyond  their  means  of  fulfilment.  If  this  rule 
was  only  faithfully  adhered  to,  a  man  seldom  would  lie  at  the 
mercy  of  his  creditors.  * 

It  may  be  good  policy  for  lawyers,  and  some  description  of 
sharpers,  who  make  money  out  of  the  treachery  and  embarrass- 
ments of  mankind  ;  but  it  is  attended  with  ruinous  consequences 
to  the  best  part  of  community. 

That  which  conceals  the  truth,  or  induces  people  to  remain  si- 
lent, at  the  sight  or  apprehension  of  fraud,  or  injury  meditated 
against  a  fellow-being,  is  at  best,  rogues'  policy. 

Knaves,  or  bankrupts,  in  disguise,  are  not  much  unlike 
"wolves  in  sheep's  clothing,"  or  traps  and  snares  set  and  disguis- 
ed to  take  fellow-beings  ;  and  wilfully  to  avoid  exposing  them  to 
the  ignorant  and  concerned,  is  like  a  man's  neglecting  to  give  the 
usual  notice  or  alarm,  when  he  sees  thieves  preparing  to  rob  a  fel- 
low being,  or  the  midnight  incendiary  setting  fire  to  his  neigh- 
bour's buildings. 

There  is  often  a  strange  delicacy  manifested  about  enquiring 
into  a  man's  actual  circumstances  or  situation,  for  fear  of  "  in- 
juring his  credit" — ^juBt  as  if  the  simple  truth  could  wrong  an 
homst  man  ! 


228  EQUALITY  OF  PRICES  FOR  NOMINALLY 

If  any  person  makes  ^l  false  representation,  or  appearance,  iu 
regard  to  tlieir  wealth,  character,  circumstances  or  situation, 
whereby  others  are  liable  to  be  deceived  and  injured,  it  is  our 
common  duty  to  expose  them  ;  and,  surely,  none  but  rogues  and 
fools  will  complain  of  such  a  custom. 


Equality  of  Prices  for  Nominally  the  same  Personal  Services. 

There  probably  is  no  regulation  between  individuals,  in  our 
country,  more  unequal  and  pernicious  in  its  general  consequences, 
than  that  which  fixes  the  same  price,  for  nominally  the  same  per- 
sonal services — as  is  the  case  among  men  of  various  professions 
and  occupations  in  some  of  our  cities.  If  all  men  of  the  same 
trade,  profession  or  occupation,  were  equally  capable,  and  faithful 
to  tlieir  employers,  there  would  be  some  propriety  in  such  a  regu- 
lation. But  as  there  is  a  great  difference  between  the  abilities, 
ciiaracter  and  trust  of  men  of  the  same  trade,  profession  and  occu- 
pation, there  certainly  can  be  no  justice  or  propriety  in  fixing  pre- 
cisely the  same  price  or  rate  of  compensation  for  their  norforining 
nominally  the  same  service. 

Under  such  a  regulation  of  prices,  we  should  all  generally  cal- 
culate to  employ  onjy  the  very  best  of  every  trade,  profession  or 
occupation,  since  their  compensation  is  fixed  at  the  same  rate ; 
although  we  might  prefer  others  of  inferior  talents  and  skill,  at  a 
due  and  proportionate  rate  of  charges — the  same  as  we  prefer  dif- 
ferent qualities  of  goods,  on  various  occasions,  and  for  different 
purposes,  at  their  appropriate  worth. 

Physicians,  lawyers,  master  and  journeymen  mechanics,  sea- 
men, house  and  domestic  servants,  labourers,  &/C.,  are  sometimes 
included  under  this  regulation.  It  would  however  be  just  as  fair 
and  proper,  to  have  uniform  and  fixed  prices  for  all  articles  of 
merchandize,  of  the  same  kind,  without  any  regard  to  their  vari- 
ous qualities  and  real  worth.  One  piece  of  calico  may  be  worth 
only  20  cents  the  yard,  and  another  7.5  cents,  from  their  dif- 
ference   in   quality — and  yet  a  yard   of  calico  is  a  yard  of  cali- 


THE  SAME  PERSONAL  SERVICES.  223 

CO,  and  both  may  render  essentially  the  same  service.  The  same 
kind  of  goods  have  different  prices  attached  to  them,  on  account 
of  some  specific  and  material  difference  in  their  real  quality  and 
worth.  This  extra  high  price  which  we  pay  for  articles  of  su- 
perior worth,  as  for  the  most  excellent  personal  services,  is  gene- 
rally designed  to  compensate  and  encourage  real  merit. 

Both  the  public  and  individuals  are  wronged  by  this  regulation 
of  prices.  A  few  of  the  best  of  every  profession  and  occupation, 
subject  to  the  regulations  referred  to,  get  much  more  business  than 
they  can  do ;  the  middling  and  inferior  ones,  being  obliged  to 
charge  at  the  same  rate  for  their  services,  have  not  often  half  em- 
ploy—although they  might  have  a  full  share,  at  just  and  merited 
prices.  The  result  is,  they  often  have  to  seek  employment  and 
do  work  under  the  na?ne  of  others,  and  have  only  dipart  of  what  is 
actually  paid  for  their  labors. 

Established  master  mechanics — for  instance,  watch-repairers, 
tailors,  and  the  like,  under  such  regulations,  in  some  of  our  large 
cities,  are  said  to  do  piece  or  job  work  for  others  of  their  profes- 
sion, and  receive  only  about  half  the  price  that  is  finally  paid  %r 
the  same — the  surplus  goes  te  increase  the  riches  of  those,  who 
have,  otherways  the  advantage. 

Had  those  customers  or  persons  for  whom  the  work  was  finally 
done,  came  direct  to  these  master  mechanics  who  did  their  work, 
and  paid  them  three-fourths  of  the  price  they  actually  gave,  they 
would  have  paid  at  the  rate  of  three  dollars,  instead  of  four^  and 
those  who  did  the  work,  would  have  received  at  the  rate  of  thret 
dollars,  instead  of  two.  And  besides,  in  this  way,  there  would  be 
nothing  extra  furnished  on  the  mechanic  or  his  customers  to  in- 
crease the  riches  of  those  who  have  already  the  advantage. 

This  operates  something  like  the  European  system  of  tenan- 
ting and  under-tetanting. 

All  combinations  for  affecting  such  purposes  by  force,  should 
be  put  down,  as  conspiracies  against  merit,  reason,  justice  and  hu- 
manity. 

A  nominal  amount  of  work,  or  service,  performed  by  journey- 
men mechanics,  seamen,  labourers,  domestic  servants,  and  the 
like,  by  no  means  justifies  the  payment  of  the  same  wages  ;  for 


224  SATAN'S  TAX  GATHERER. 

one  may  be  strictly  honest,  temperate,  punctual  in  his  attendance, 
and  careful  in  his  attention  and  business  to  the  interests  ofhia 
employer ;  civil,  and  exemplary  in  his  general  conduct,  and  in 
every  respect  the  most  capable,  trusty,  ^n^  faithful  of  any  of  his 
profession  or  occupation,  while  another  may  be  the  reverse.  By 
giving  the  opposite  character  the  same  rate  of  wages,  for  nominal- 
ly the  same  work  or  service,  lea/es  virtue  and  merit  unrewarded 
and  unencouraged  ;  and  no  doubt  this  rule  of  compensation  is 
the  scheme  of  some  knave  or  blockhead  of  the  defective  class,  to 
raise  their  services  upon  a  par  with  the  best — with  real  virtue  and 
merit. 

We  might  almost  as  well  attempt  to  fix  an  equality  of  prices  for 
every  article  of  the  same  name  and  quantity,  without  any  regard 
to  their  various  qualitivs  and  actual  worth. 

This  custom  of  fixing  the  same  price  or  rate  of  wages  for  nom- 
inally  the  same  personal  services,  has  an  unjust,  immoral  and  an- 
ti-republican tendency  ;  and  all  combinations  and  efforts  to  effect 
or  enforce  sucli  regulations,  ought  to  be  prohibited  and  promptly 
fginished  by  law. 


iSatans  Tax  Gatherer. 

A  MAN  who  hired  horses  and  carriages  at  a  livery  stable,  com- 
plained that  the  same  price  was  exacted  of  him,  as  was  asked  of 
the  most  profligate  and  uncertain  customers.  He  said  that  he 
was  well  known  to  the  livery  man,  to  be  a  safe  and  trusty  person, 
who  always  used  the  horses  and  carriages  well,  gave  a  true  account 
of  the  use  he  had  made  of  them,  and  paid  down  in  cash  for  their 
use,  and  yet  he  perceived  that  no  higher  price  was  asked,  of  the 
most  precarious  and  unworthy  customers ;  and  even  most  of  that 
amount,  was  booked,  and  the  payment  deferred,  and  much  of  it 
totally  lost. 

The  livery  man  agreed  that  this  was  a  fair  statement  of  the 
ease  ;  but  said,  with  intent  to  justify  himself,  that  he  was  obliged 
to  ask  more  of  honest  men,  than  he  other  ways  should  do,  in  or* 


SPECULATING  NOBILITY.  225 

der  to  make  up  the  amount  or  proportion  that  dishonest  and  pre- 
carious characters  cheated  him  out  of. 

Then,  replied  the  customer,  you  tax  honest  men  for  the  benefit 
of  rogues  ! 

So  does  every  body,  who  do  not  make  a  suitable  difference  in 
price  or  terms,  between  an  honest  customer,  and  ready  pay,  and 
a  knave,  and  uncertain  pay. 


Speculating  Nobilit  I/. 

There  is  a  kind  of  self-created  order  of  speculating  gentry,  in 
this  country,  who  claim  extra  privileges. 

They  are  generally  to  be  found  formed  into  little  knots  or  par- 
ties, in  almost  every  considerable  city,  town,  district  or  section  of 
country,  co-operating  to  enforce  their  claims  to  a  part  of  the  earn- 
ings of  the  vulgar,  and  particularly  to  a  share  of  the  profits  of 
every  considerable  enterprise  or  undertaking,  as  due  for  their  in- 
fluence and  indulgence. 

This  order  of  gentry  commenced  their  career  soon  after  the 
revolutionary  war  ended,  in  public  security^  soldier  note,  and  new 
land  SPECULATIONS.  It  so  happened,  that  some  of  them  soon  got 
bit,  and  then  bit  others,  until  the  speculating  mania  became  a  kind 
of  general  disease,  affecting,  by  turns,  almost  every  considerable 
interest  or  branch  of  business  in  the  union.* 

These  little  knots  of  speculating  gentry,  (which  are  mostly 
composed  of  lawyers,  traders,  bank  managers,  brokers  and  sharp- 
ers— many  of  whom  are  in  the  exercise  of  some  office  or  public 
employment,)  generally   claim  a  participation,  or  share   of  the 

*  During  the  rage  of  new  land  speculation,  at  one  period,  a  shrewd 
character,  who  happened  among  the  speculating  gentry,  at  one  of  their 
head  quarters — on  hearing  some  hoast  of  the  mighty  sums  they  had 
made  by  their  speculations,  (probably  done  to  lure  him  and  others  to  take 
hold,)  coolly  said,  that  was  nothing : — when  he  was  a  hoy,  he  made  Jt/ty 
thousand  dollars,  one  morning   before   breakfast,  only  just  f^APPiNfi 

'29 


226  SPECULATING  NOBILITY. 

prqfitSy  at  least,  of  every  new  establishment,  enterprise  or  under- 
taking of  any  considerable  magnitude  or  prospect  of  gain. 

When  they  are  unsuccessful  in  their  endeavours  to  obtain  a 
direct  or  indirect  participation  in  the  profits  ;  or  even  when  they 
think  they  have  not  been  sufficiently  consulted,  or  their  advice  ad- 
hered to,  in  the  commencement  or  progress  of  the  business, 
scheme  or  undertaking,  they  frequently  manifest  their  policy  and 
resentment,  by  endeavours  to  embarrass,  or  upsef  the  whole  con- 
cern, and  speculate  on  the  rttins  !  In  which  case,  lawyers  and 
sharpers  are  pretty  sure  to  make  a  good  haul  ! 

The  bank  making  business,  and  their  ultimate  management, 
and  consequences,  has  afforded  them  an  almost  boundless  harvest. 

To  gain  an  interest  in  the  profits  of  an  establishment,  enter- 
prise or  undertaking,  these  knights  of  speculation,  generally  offer 
to  aid  with  their  influence^  or  protection  *  or  a  degree  of  credit, 
or  real  capital ;  but  in  most  cases  they  contrive  to  avoid  the  actu- 
al hardships  and  hazards  of  the  business ;  and  some  how  arrange 
the  same,  so  that  they  can  control  its  operations,  and  embarrass 
or  arrest  its  progress,  at  pleasure  :  so  that,  if  they  finally  find 
they  can  do  no  better,  they  can  generally  sweep  the  whole,  or 
wreck  the  concern  and  speculate  on  the  ruins ! 

It  seems  to  be  quite  a  matter  of  policy  and  calculation,  with 
this  order  or  fraternity  of  speculating  gentry,  to  induce  young  and 
inexperienced  persons  to  commence  business ;  and  others  to  en- 
large, or  engage  in  business  beyond  their  skill,  capital,  or  means 
of  managing  to  advantage  :  and  also  to  excite  unwarrantable  com- 
petitions in  business  ;  and  to  influence  or  induce  mankind  gen- 
erally, to  borrow  money,  and  otherways  involve  themselves,  un- 
necessarily :  and  all  to  increase  their  own  influence  and  control, 
and  to  multiply  their  chances  for  final  spoil  and  speculation,  out 

*  It  is  believed  that  piracy,  negro  stealing,  treason,  counterfeiting, 
smuggling,  swindling  the  public,  and  individuals,  and  the  like  enterpri- 
ieSi,  have  uccasiooally  engaged  the  interest  and  attention  of  some  of  this 
order  or  fraternity  of  speculating  gentry:  who  generally  contrive,  in 
such  cases,  to  manage  rogues  as  their  tools  or  instruments  for  robbing 
others,  without  subjecting  themselves  to  the  penalty  and  odium  attached 
to  the  execution  of  the  ofiences. 


SPECULATING  NOBILITY.  227 

of  the  embarrassments  and  wreck  of  human  fortunes  and  under- 
takings. Something  like  wreckers  who  hoist y«/5c /2^/i^5  to  lead 
vessels  in  the  night,  on  to  shoals  and  breakers,  that  they  may  gain 
something  by  theft,  salvage,  or  spoils  out  of  their  unfortunate  vic- 
tims. 

When  there  are  two  or  more  doing  business  in  company  con- 
cern, these  speculating  gentry — when  they  are  unable  to  effect 
their  purposes  by  other  means,  sometimes  endeavour  to  seduce 
one  or  more  of  the  concern,  to  league  with  them,  against  the 
rest,  for  a  participation  or  share  in  the  spoils  thereof! 

After  a  breach  or  wound  has  been  effected  in  the  fortune  or  un- 
dertakings of  a  person,  who  is  not  of  their  fraternity,  or  under 
their  special  influence  or  indulgence,  and  particularly  if  caused 
by  their  attacks,  their  greedkiess  and  ferocity,  for  completing  his 
destruction,  sometimes  seems  truly  horrible.  The  cries  and  blood 
of  the  wounded  victim,  increase  the  fierceness  and  cruelty  of  the 
greedy  pursuers. 

When  any  one  is  firm  enough,  or  has  sufficient  hardihood,  as 
they  often  term  it,  to  resist  their  claims,  and  especially  to  remon- 
strate with  them  on  their  conduct,  and  expose  their  transactions 
and  designs  to  the  public,  they  frequently  manifest  a  disposition, 
quite  similar  to  the  despoilers  and  despots  of  the  old  world. 

I  think  it  might  be  well  to  have  this  order  of  speculating  gen- 
try, duly  recognized  and  established  by  law,  with  appropriate 
badges  and  decorations  or  marks  of  distinction,  that  the  public 
might  know  them,  at  once,  and  pay  them  the  homage  that  prop- 
erly belongs  to  their  rank  and  importance  ;  and  that  they  might 
receive  a  pension,  suitable  \6  their  merits,  without  having  recourse 
io  forced  contributions  and  loans,  to  support  their  dignity  and  in- 
dependence ! 

It  often  seems  greatly  to  disturb  the  temper  and  calculations  of 
these  enemies  of  human  rights  and  integrity,  to  see  a  man  quietly 
enjoying  the  just  fruits  of  his  own  ingenuity,  industry  and  enter- 
prise, or  usefulness. 

Like  the  Jews,  (probably  from  what  has  been  recorded  by  their 
master  Moses,)  they  seem  to  regard  labor  as  a  curse,  and  there- 
fore contrive  every  scheme  to  avoid  it  themselves,  and  to  dishonor 
it  in  others. 


22d  BALANCE  OF  POWER. 

While  these  speculating  gentry  are  permitted  a  participation, 
or  controling  influence  in  the  transactions  and  affairs  of  govern- 
ment, honest  industry  and  merit  must  pay  them  tribute,  for  there 
is  scarcely  a  chance  or  possibility  of  avoiding  the  effect  of  their 
combined  power,  influence  and  designs. 


Balance  of  Power. 

The  doctrine  and  idea,  of  a  balance  of  power — an  equality  of 
strengthy  so  as  to  be  always  able  to  repel  force  to  force,  being 
necessary  between  civilized  nations,  in  order  to  preserve  their 
rights  ;  and  which  some  pretend  is  indispensable— even  between 
different  parts  of  our  own  government,  is  a  bigoted  error,  or  hyp- 
ocritical fallacy  ;  and  particularly  as  relates  to  our  own  country, 
where  there  is  but  one  acknowledged  source  of  sovereign  author- 
ity, and  is  not,  or  should  not  be,  any  clashing  between  different 
and  contending  sovereigns.     In  this  political  union, 

Each  are  but  parts,  of  one  united  whole  ; 
The  people's  voill^  the  sovereign  and  the  soul. 

The  late  bloody  and  desolating  conflict,  that  long  kept  Europe 
in  tears  and  agony,  to  regulate  this  pretended  magic  of  human 
government,  has  left  the  matter  just  about  as  doubtful  and  unset- 
tled, as  it  found  it. 

Conflicts  between  despots,  raging  for  slaughter,  plunder,  or  do- 
minion, should  have  another  name.  But  in  this  country,  where 
there  is  but  one  acknowledged  source  of  human  power  and  au- 
thority— ^where  the  sovereignty  is  entirely  in  the  free  will  of  the 
people,  such  a  thing  as  a  balance  of  pmoer,  is  a  hypocritical 
fallacy,  or  belongs  to  some  of  those  bigoted  ideas  of  misguided 
and  bewildered  politicians — who,  the  more  they  think,  the  less 
they  know. 

This  matter,  however,  has  been  fairly  settled. 

I  once  saw  two  flocks  of  sheep  approaching  each  other,  in  a 
large  open  pasture,  when  two  old  rams,  which  had  long  headed 


CAUCUS  SYSTEM.  229 

each  flock,  stepped  forth  and  ended  this  mighty  question  of  a  bal- 
ance of  power,  by  a  tremendous  bunting  conflict. 

Trained  to  fight ;  proud  of  dominion,  and  eager  to  control,  the 
two  wary  chiefs,  after  fiercely  eyeing  each  other,  for  a  moment, 
menaced  the  terrible  combat,  and  soon  settled  it,  by  one's  having 
his  neck  broke  ! 

The  two  flocks,  although  strangers,  had  no  disposition  to  quar- 
rel with  each  other,  and  there  being  no  haughty  and  rival  chiefs 
to  conflict  with  each  other,  or  contend  by  force  for  a  balance  of 
power,  all  remained  in  peace  and  general  harmony. 


Caucus  System. 

When  there  was  two  great  political  parties  in  the  United 
States,  nighly  equal  in  numbers,  contending  for  different  pWwci- 
ples  of  government,  and  both  violently  struggling  for  supremacy, 
necessity  seemed  to  justify  the  concentration  of  party  forces,  in 
favor  of  the  most  popular  candidate,  through  the  recommendation 
of  a  few  confidential  leaders,  as  an  expedient  for  the  particular 
case,  or  as  a  choice  of  evils. 

Since  the  violence  of  party  contention  has  mainly  subsided,  and 
the  principles  of  our  government  have  been  established,  in  a 
measure,^  by  precept  and  example  ;  together  with  the  general 
increase  of  political  information ;  caucus  nominations  have  be- 
come less  justifiable  in  principle,  and  more  dangerous  in  prac- 
tice. 

To  those  who  regard  them,  caucus  nominations  have  assumed, 
in  a  great  measure,  the  form  and  force  of  law^  restraining  their 
subjects  from  the  free  exercise  of  their  rights  and  best  judgment 
as  FREEMEN — SO  that  they  have  almost  done  thinking  and  acting 
FOR  THEMSELVES.  When  preparing  for  an  election,  instead  of  ex- 
ercising their  own  reasons  and  best  judgment,  in  the  selection  of 
suitable  men  for  the  various  public  offices,  they  generally  inquire 
of  some  caucus  master  or  manager,  "  who  are  the  candidates  to 
he  voted  for  ?"  and  then   put  in  their  ballots  accordingly  ;  ard 


230  CAUCUS  SYSTEM.  ^ 

generally  without  venturing  to  say  a  word  in  objection,  for  fear 
some  caucus  spy  or  informer  will  reporl  them  to  their  masters  or 
head  men,  for  punishment — proscription  and  persecution. 

All  this  is  generally  done  under  the  hypocritical  pretext  of  ne- 
cessity, (that  general  excuse  for  outrages  upon  human  rights,)  in- 
order  to  prevent  a  defeat  of  the  republicans — although  it  is  plain 
that  those  who  manage  to  affect  a  government  of  the  many,  by 
the  few,  through  the  discipline  and  dictation  of  a  caucus  system, 
are  not  republicans  in  practice — whatever  they  may  have  been,  or 
now  profess  to  be. 

Many  of  the  caucus  masters,  talk  precisely  as  aristocrats  do, 
in  the  energy  of  their  power  and  control — that  we,  the  common 
people,  must  give  up  our  opinions,  to  the  direction  and  manage- 
ment of  a  few  knowing  ones! 

The  man,  who  is  so  nominated  to  an  elective  office,  generally 
feels  much  more  dependent,  on  the  very  fete,  comparatively,  who 
nominate  him,  than  the  many  whose  suffrages  he  finally  obtains 
through  the  artifice. 

The  districting  of  the  states,  for  the  choice  of  representatives 
in  congress,  presidential  electors,  state  senators,  and  the  like  offi- 
ces, has  been  studiously  deferred  and  defeated,  in  many  instan- 
ces— under  some  hypocritical  or  quibbling  pretext,  in  order  to  de- 
tain the  only  plausible  excuse,  at  present,  for  caucus  nomina- 
tions ;  and  which  is,  that  the  freemen  generally  are  not  sufficient- 
ly acquainted  throughout  a  whole  state,  to  make  suitable  selec- 
tions— although  they  might  do  it  within  their  own  district,  if  the 
states  were  so  divided.  And,  therefore,  the  candidates  must  be 
picked  out,  by  a  few  knowing  ones,  for  the  freemen  to  choose  ! 

Some,  have  endeavoured  to  assimulate  a  convention  of  dele- 
gates, to  a  caucus,  and  to  regard  all  as  regular  nominations,  made 
by  either  ;  there  is  however  a  total  difference,  between  the  acts  of 
men,  duly  chosen,  authorised,  and  instructed,  by  the  people,  and 
immediately  assembled  for  the  express  purpose  of  making  a  suita- 
ble selection  of  candidates  t9  he  recommended  for  an  election  to  a 
particular  office,  and  a  voluntary  meeting  of  individuals — without 
authority,  instruction,  or  responsibility — perhaps  composed  of 
men,  mostly  actuated  by   their  own  personal  vanity,  or  a  con- 


SOVEREIGNTY  OF  THE  PEOPLE.  231 

tempt  for  the  peoples'  rights  and  best  good,  holding  up  particular 
men  as  duly  nominated  for  certain  offices — a  kind  of  usurpers, 
alike  dangerous  to  republicanism,  and  odious  to  a  genuine  repub- 
lican spirit. 


Sovereignty  of  the  People. 

It  is  admitted,  that  the  sovereignty  of  this  country,  is  in  the 
people,  and  that  their  will,  fairly  expressed,  is  the  supreme  law  of 
the  land. 

But,  who  are  the  sovereign  people  1 

By  the  laws  of  the  different  states,  various  qualifications  are  re- 
quired to  admit  a  person  to  an  efficient  voice  in  the  public  con- 
cerns. In  some,  if  not  in  most  of  our  states,  men  of  color  are  not 
allowed  to  be  qualified  and  vote  ;  in  Virginia,  a  freehold,  or  a 
certain  amount  of  real  estate,  is  required,  by  existing  laws,  to 
qualify  a  man  for  voting ;  and  in  other  states,  the  qualifications 
required,  vary,  until  they  come  to  what  they  call  universal  suff- 
rage— although  even  this  seems  variously  construed. 

In  strict  political  justice,  every  good  and  efficient  member  of 
the  community,  should  be,  some  how,  entitled  to  a  voice  in  the 
common  concerns  thereof — Perhaps  every  free-born,  white,  male 
citizen,  of  common  good  sense,  information,  and  character,  after 
they  have  become  twenty -one  years  of  age,  while  they  contribute 
to  the  general  defence  of  the  country  and  government,  by  the  per- 
formance of  their  military  duty,  or  by  the  payment  of  a  speci- 
fic and  appropriate  tax  for  the  general  support,  should  be  intitled 
to  a  voice  in  the  selection  and  appointment  of  public  servants. 

This  power  exists  in  the  living  members  of  the  community,  to 
exercise  for  all  just,  necessary,  humane  and  reasonable  purposes, 
for  the  general  good,  as  the  perpetual  sovereigns  of  the  country ; 
and  in  whom  power  is  annually  changing,  in  a  degree,  from  the 
hands  of  one  set  of  men,  to  another,  by  old  ones  going  off,  and 
new  ones  coming  into  active  life. 

Hence  it  ia  very  absurd  to  suppose  that,  the  sovereign  acts  of 
one  set  of  freemen  or  voters,  should  be  any  further  binding  on 


Z32  IMPROVEMENTS  IN  LEGISLATION. 

their  successors,  than  the  public  faith  had  been  justly  and  necessa- 
rily pledged. 

Ten  years  may  change  a  majority  of  the  whole  freemen  or  vo- 
ters of  a  state,  by  the  loss  or  reduction  of  those  who  go  off,  by 
death,  removal  out  of  the  state,  and  by  ceasing  to  be  qualified,  and 
by  the  gain  or  addition  of  those  who  come  in,  by  coming  of  age, 
moving  into  the  state,  and  by  getting  qualified  to  vote. 

If  this  was  not  the  case,  we  could  destroy  the  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence of  our  successors,  hy  Jiiing  every  thing  unalterably,  be- 
fore they  come  into  active  life,  and  thereby  prevent  whatever  im- 
provements human  experience  and  wisdom  might  justly  require 
for  the  general  good. 


Improvements  in  Legislation. 

The  main  object  of  all  actual  improvements,  in  legislation  as  in 
other  arts,  sciences  and  operations,  is  to  produce  the  most  perfect 
and  desired  result,  and  with  the  least  trouble  and  expense. 

An  incorporated  body,  or  any  association  of  individuals  in  want 
of  a  plan  for  a  building,  or  a  device  for  any  intricate  and  compli- 
cated subject,  would  generally  prefer  offering  a  premium  or  suita- 
ble reward  for  the  best  production  that  could  be  offered  :  by  which 
means,  they  avail  themselves  of  the  best  and  most  suitable  talents 
in  the  country,  and  at  the  same  time  accomplish  the  object  in 
view  at  the  cheapest  rate. 

Suppose  a  state,  or  nation,  in  want  of  a  new,  or  revised  and 
improved  constitution  ;  or  a  system  of  taxation  or  revenue ;  or  a 
code  of  civil,  criminal,  or  military  law,  or  a  code  of  original 
or  improved  law  for  any  particular  purpose — instead  of  assem- 
bling a  host  of  delegates  to  deliberate  from  day  to  day,  in 
order  to  devise  and  form  the  same;  they  would  generally  ac- 
complish the  object  in  view,  much  better,  and  at  far  less  trouble 
and  expence,  by  seasonably  making  their  wants  known,  with  the 
oflTer  of  ample  premiums  or  rewards  for  the  best  production  that 
could  be  offered  for  the  purpose  ;  and  then,  at  a  given  time,  when 
delegates  were  assembled,  they  might  make  their  choice  or  selec- 
tions, and  assign  rewards. 


MERCY.  23S 

Whenever  it  should  be  thought  expedient  for  a  state  or  nation 
lo  license  associations  for  banking,  insurance,  and  a  variety  of 
other  purposes,  under  certain  circumstances,  regulations  and  re- 
strictions, consistent  with  the  general  good — by  simply  enacting 
one  uniform  and  general  law  for  the  purpose,  would  accomplish 
the  object  in  the  best  manner,  and  at  the  least  trouble  and 
expense. 

There  would  be  a  degree  of  fairness  and  impartiality,  in  such  a 
measure  ;  and  all  who  were  similarly  situated,  or  able  to  comply 
with  the  general  and  required  conditions  of  a  charter,  might  ob- 
tain the  same  without  a  special  act  of  legislation  for  their  particu- 
lar purpose. 

A  legislative  assembly,  could  not  then  be  approached  and  teased^ 
ox  juggled  with — corrupted,  and  half  their  sessions  wasted,  by 
public  robbers  and  beggars  in  pursuit  of  extra  privileges. 

Legislatures  are  generally  too  numerous,  heavy  and  expensive 
bodies  of  men,  to  be  employed  on  subjects  of  private  claims,  or 
individual  and  separate  cases  ;  where  the  actual  expense  of  legis- 
lation often  exceeds  the  whole  value  and  importance  of  the  claim, 
or  matter  acted  upon.  (How  absurd,  too,  is  it  to  judge  from  ex- 
parte  evidence,  which  is  generally  done  in  such  cases.) 

This  legislating  by  inches,  is  too  small  work  to  employ  such  nu- 
merous and  expensive  bodies  upon,  and  generally  costs  the  people 
much  more  than  their  work  is  worth.  A  well  regulated  general 
system  of  laws,  would  do  away  most  of  the  troublesome  and  ex- 
pensive legislating,  singly ,  on  private  claims,  and  individual  or 
separate  cases. 


Mercy, 


The  knaves  and  hypocrites  of  the  world,  have  twisted  the 
MEANING  of  words,  in  order  to  pervert  them  to  their  base  and 
crooked  purposes,  until  many  important  sentences  in  common 
use,  have  no  definite  and  practical  application.  Among  which, 
that  has  not  been  noticed  under  their  respective  titles,  is  the  word 

MERCY.  30 


hi  LITIGATION. 

According  to  the  most  common  and  important  application  of 
this  word,  the  act  of  suspending,  or  finally  annulling  a  judicial 
sentence,  or  public  actor  decree,  incurring  a  penalty,  is  an  act  of 
mercy. 

If  a  wrong  act,  sentence  or  decree,  has  been  produced,  from 
the  ignorance,  haste  or  evil  intentions,  of  a  legislative  body,  or 
judicial  tribunal,  to  correct  or  annul  the  same,  is  an  act  of  jms- 
ticc:  but  to  interrupt  or  defeat  the  execution  of  final  ^'ms^icc;  and 
especially  to  favor  the  guilty  and  unrelentmg,  is  any  thing  but  an 
act  of  mercy. 

Mercy  is  nothing  but  complete  justice,  in  a  high  moral  and 
political  point  of  view. 

To  suspend,  or  annul  an  unjust  or  imperfect  law,  or  an  errone- 
ous and  cruel  sentence,  is  an  act  of  final  justice. 

It  is  an  act  of  mercy,  to  interfere  with  and  restrain  a  rash  and 
cruel  mandate,  or  master,  in  favor  of  justice  and  humanity  ;  but 
to  favor  the  evasion  of  justice,  or  any  way  to  facilitate  the  designs  of 
the  unprincipled,  is  a  base  and  unmerciful  transaction. 

God  is  always  just  and  merciful.  Eternal  justice  and  wisdom 
are  the  immutable  attributes  of  His  nature. 

Justice  to  the  guilty,  is  mercy  to  the  innocent. 


Litigation. 

A  LITIGIOUS  spirit  has  been  so  artfully  excited,  and  so  long  in- 
dulged, in  some  places,  that  as  soon  as  a  considerable  lawsuit  is 
talked  of,  the  parties  fly  to  arms,  and  endeavour  to  enlist,  or  press 
into  their  service,  the  prejudices,  passions,  interests  and  feelings 
of  their  neighbours  and  fellow-men,  each  on  his  own  side  of  the 
case.  Thus  conflicts  are  sometimes  aggravated  and  spread  to  an 
immense  extent,  involving  those  within  their  range,  on  one  side  or 
the  other,  like  a  civil  war  ;  and  all,  too,  frequently  about  some  tri- 
fling circumstance,  hardly  worth  minding.  The  same  conflicts, 
in  some  instances,  if  only  divested  of  the  "  colour  of  law,"  might 
be  construed  into  vicious  assaults,  or  disturbances  of  the  common 
peace- 


LITIGATION.  235 

This  litigious  spirit  has  been  so  thoroughly  cultivated,  in  many 
places,  and  especially  where  lawyers  have  a  controlling  power,  that 
it  has  become  a  common  disease — inflaming,  corroding  and  de- 
stroying the  peace,  virtue,  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  body 
politic,  like  the  fiery  and  acrimonious  humours  of  a  cancer  upon 
the  human  body. 

No  wonder  that  lawyers,  who  gain  most  of  their  wealth  and 
power,  by  unnecessarily  exciting,  aggravating,  complexing  and 
prolonging  litigious  and  inquisitorial  struggles,  investigations  and 
quibbles,  should  study  to  keep  mankind  at  variance  as  much  as 
possible ;  but  that  fellow-beings — neighbours,  even  professed 
Christians^  should  encourage  one  another  to  quarrel,  and  be 
treacherous — "  to  see  which  ckn  do  the  other  the  most  harm,'^ 
in  litigious  warfare,  is  truly  infernal. 

What  a  scene  is  this  for  the  contemplation  of  a  virtuous  and  re- 
flecting mind ! 

Lawyers  no  doubt  often  laugh  in  their  sleeves,  to  see  what  fools 
we  are  to  quarrel  for  their  benefit. 

Do  we  reflect  on  the  consequences  of  fostering— enriching  and 
elevating  to  influence  and  power,  a  host  of  hard-hearted  and  hy- 
pocritical inquisitors?  Will  they  not,  one  day,  form  the  chief 
tools  and  machinery  of  a  haughty  and  overbearing  aristocracy, 
and  rule^us  with  a  rod  of  iron  ?  Who,  indeed,  that  comprehends 
all  the  secret  springs,  windings  and  bearings  of  human  policy  and 
cunning,  and  does  not  see  the  future  designs  of  an  odious  and 
overbearing  aristocracy,  growing  out  of  an  intricate  and  compli- 
cated system  of  laws,  aided  by  a  host  of  other  crooked  transac- 
tions and  subordinate  designs,  and  particularly  favoured  by  the 
late  (1819-20,)  embarrassment  of  the  times? 

Did  any  one  ever  consider  how  lawyers  were  aiding  their  own 
private  policy  and  future  gains,  by  the  establishment  of  a  great 
number  of  banks — not  putting  them  under  proper  regulations  and 
restrictions  ?  inducing  people  to  borrow  money  unnecessarily,  and 
to  enter  into  numerous  and  unwarrantable  speculations  1  The 
embarrassments,  frauds,  and  human  depravity  that  would  final- 
ly result,  or  grow  out  of  them,  to  the  great  benefit  of  lawyers ; 
and,  in  a  degree,  every  description  of  sharpers,  and  others  inim- 


236        «  LITIGATION. 

ical  to  the  rirtue,  liberty,  independence  and  prosperity  of  the 
people  ?  And  are  not  many  of  the  measures  devised  and  applied 
to  keep  of  justice— or  unjustly  embarrass  and  defer  the  payment 
of  honest  debts,  and  otherways  professedly  to  relieve  the  embar- 
rassment of  the  times,  of  the  same  crooked  policy  and  charac- 
ter ?  together  with  many  of  the  swindling  defalcations,  and  other 
loose  uses  of  public  funds  ? 

If  such  are  the  interests  and  designs  of  lawyers,  (and  their  par- 
ticular participators  and  tools,)  are  they  a  proper  set  of  men  to 
manage  the  public  concerns  ?  Is  it  safe  for  the  public,  or  indi- 
viduals, to  entrust  both  sides  of  a  cause,  or  concern,  to  men  of  Me 
same  professional  and  other  views,  lest  they  should  form  a  secret 
understanding  and  designedly  play  into  each  others  hands? — 
Such  a  concern  is  by  no  means  improbable,  if  not  highly  suspi- 
cious, more  especially  when  in  the  employ  of  ignorant  or  unsus- 
picious persons,  and  of  dependent  and  defenceless  individuals. 

Wherein  does  the  litigious  inquisition,  materially  differ  from 
the  holy  inquisition  ?  It  is  true,  the  holy  inquisition  managed 
their  affairs  chiefly  in  secret  ;  but  has  not  the  cunning  and  in- 
trigue of  lawyers  formed  nighly  a  substitute  in  some  of  our 
courts,  by  having  the  chief  ceremonies  performed  openly,  while 
the  real  motion  and  design  are  governed  by  secret  springs  and 
machinery,  managed  behind  the  curtain  or  out  of  public  view  ? — 
The  king  of  Spain,  has  probably  found  a  litigious  inquisition,  a 
good  substitute  for  the  holi/  inquisition,  in  enforcing  his  schemes 
of  plunder,  persecution  and  oppression. 

Some  of  our  litigious  inquisitors,  are  certainly  as  zealous  in  the 
cause  of  fraud,  persecution,  vexation  and  oppression,  as  were  the 
knights  of  the  holy  inquisition  ;  and  are  nighly  or  quite  as  expert 
in  effecting  confiscations ,  and  in  the  contrivance  and  application 
of  racks  and  tortures ^  (though  some  are  of  a  different  construc- 
tion,) especially  against  the  real  friends  and  benefactors  of  man- 
kind— the  common  subjects  of  the  most  bitter  hatred  and  perse- 
cution of  both  inquisitors — holy^  and  litigious. 

In  order  to  avoid,  as  much  as  possible,  the  ruinous  effects  of 
litigation^   some    have  expressly  provided,  in   their  wills,*  con- 

*  See  Washington's  will,  for  one. 


KEEPING  JUSTICE  OFF.  337 

tracts,  and  other  doings,  to  refer  all  disputes  or  differences  arising 
therefrom,  which  the  parties  cannot  settle  among  themselves,  to 
the  adjustment  of  an  arbitration. 

Such  examples  have  greatly  alarmed  the  craft,  for  the  decline 
of  their  power  and  gains  ;  who  have  generally  manifested  their 
malice  and  designs,  by  studying  to  wreak  their  vengeance  on  such 
instruments,  and  their  authors  and  patrons.  But  are  we  to  be 
thus  plainly  told,  with  impunity,  that  if  we  study  to  avoid  the 
vexatious  and  ruinous  snares  and  fangs  of  litigation,  as  much  as 
possible,  by  a  candid  and  peaceable  reference  or  settlement  of 
differences  among  ourselves,  without  the  aid  or  intervention  of 
lawyers,  that  we  shall  suffer  the  utmost  vengeance  in  their  pow- 
er ?  Not,  I  trust,  until  we  invest  them  with  the  sovereignty  of 
the  country,  and  acknowledge  them  our  masters.  , 

The  following  may  serve  to  give  some  idea  of  the  disgusting 
and  ruinous  effects  of  litigation,  to  those  who  have  never  experi- 
enced any  of  its  baneful  consequences,  or  otherways  had  the  sub- 
ject properly  brought  home  to  their  own  interests  or  understand- 
ings. 

A  man  of  high  respectability,  who  was  originally  a  practising 
lawyer,  but  who  had  been  in  a  high  public  office  for  several  years 
— having  a  suit  of  his  own,  wherein  he  employed  another  lawyer 
to  assist  him  ;  on  complaining  to  his  assistant  lawyer,  of  the  un- 
necessary delays,  quibbles  and  expences,  indulged  by  the  court, 
the  latter  charged  him  with  inconsistency,  and  expressed  much 
surprise  that  he — a  man  who  had  practised  law  twenty  years  or  up- 
wards, could  not  have  patience  to  get  through  with  one  suit,  when 
it  became  his  own  concern.  To  which  the  original  replied  and 
said,  that  he  was  situated,  something  like  a  man  who  had  lived 
so  long  upon  skunks,  that  he  fairly  sickened  at  the  sight  of  a 
burrow  ! 


Keeping  Justice  off. 
Deferring  judgment,  or   execution,  in   indisputable  cases ; 


23«  KEEPING  JUSTICE  OFF. 

carrying  suits  from  one  court  to  another ;  putting  over  trials, 
from  term  to  term,  of  suits  pending  in  the  same  court ;  are  ail 
artifices  too  often  resorted  to.  under  some  fictitious  or  frivolous 
pretext,  to  indulge  intrigue  and  seduction,  in  favor  of  profligates 
and  knaves,  and  ultimately  to  increase  the  wealth  and  influence 
of  lawyers,  and  others  who  are  interested  in  the  profits  of  vexa- 
tious, tedious  and  vnntcessary  law  proceedings. 

Merely  the  unnecessary  delays^  that  are  indulged  in  some  of  our 
judicial  and  executive  proceedings,  are  often  more  injurious  to  one 
or  both  of  the  parties,  than  the  final  judgment. 

Justice  is  prompt,  and  reasonable,  and  always  has  the  cause 
of  virtue,  and  the  good  of  the  community,  in  view. 

The  painful  and  protracted  amietieSy  to  which  the  parties  are 
subject,  during  a  protracted  or  deferred  contest,  or  decision  of  a 
case,  wherein  they  have  any  considerable  interest  at  stake ;  the 
dangers  of  intrigue  and  corruption^  which  time  generally  favors 
with  opportunity  for  indulgence  ;  the  interruption  and  injury  oc- 
casioned to  the  private  interests  and  concerns  of  the  parties,  as 
well  as  the  ordinary  increase  of  expenses,  attending  delays ;  all 
powerfully  co-operate  to  urge  a  prompt  and  manly  discharge  of  the 
judicial  and  executive  duties. 

Receipting  property  taken  on  execution  and  then  sueing  the 
receipt,  in  order  to  keep  off  the  collection  of  money  due,  and 
favor  delinquents,  lawyers,  and  sheriffs,  is  a  most  shameful  prac- 
tice. 

By  preventing  the  payment  of  one  debt,  often  embarrasses 
the  settlement  of  others,  and  ultimately  occasions  numerous  other 
suits. 

A  judge,  who  had  practiced  law  a  number  of  years,  l>efore  his 
judicial  services  commenced,  remarked  to  a  neighbour  one  day, 
to  whom  he  had  just  paid  a  hundred  dollar  bill,  that  the  same  bill 
had  passed  thi-ough  nine  different  hands,  within  forty-eight  hours, 
and  had  been  the  principal  medium  of  cancelling  nine  debts — 
some  debts  being  more,  and  others  less,  than  the  exact  amount  of 
the  bill.  That,  had  not  the  first  payment  been  made,  probably 
many  of  the  others  would  have  been  neglected ;  and  had  suits 
been  brought  in  all  the  cases,  the  cost,  vexation,  trouble  and  sa- 


TERRORS  OF  LAW.  239 

crifices  of  time  and  property,  that  would  have  resulted,  would 
probably  have  exceeded  the  amount  of  the  bill,  several  times.  This 
may  serve  to  show  us,  in  some  degree,  the  importance  resulting 
from  the  prompt  fulfilment  of  our  engagements;  and  which 
should  be  encouraged,  as  a  matter  of  principle,  as  well  as  g^)od 
policy,  by  the  real  friends  of  human  improvement,  and  prosper- 
ity. 


Terrors  of  Law. 

In  many  places,  the  mere  threat  of  a  prosecution,  especially 
for  any  thing  of  a  disputable  nature,  strikes  a  kind  of  terror  on 
the  person  threatened,  however  free  he  may  be  from  having  given 
any  just  provocation  or  grounds  for  an  action  ;  for  the  trouble,  loss 
of  time,  interruption  of  business,  anxiety,  vexation  and  expenses 
attending  his  defence,  beyond  what  the  courts  generally  allow  in 
cost,  if  he  finally  ''  heats, ^'  amounts  usually  to  a  sacrifice  or  seri- 
ous injury.  But  the  horrible  uncertainty  of  the  law,  at  last,  is 
one  of  the  greatest  terrors,  with  an  honest  man. 

I  have  heard  of  a  lawyer,  (sometimes  called  the  village  despot,) 
who  became  so  terrible,  in  his  intrigues  and  management  of  ca- 
ses, that  some  of  the  inhabitants  actually  stipulated  to  pay  him  a 
certain  annual  fee,  {tribute,)  that  he  should  not  engage  in  any 
suits  against  them — not  do  them  any  harm  ! 

I  knew  a  lawyer,  who  was  emphatically  styled  the  king  of  ter- 
rors, fi-om  his  prodigious  power  and  influence,  in  bearing  down 
all  before  him — right,  or  wrong.  I  never  learned  whether  any 
stipulated  to  pay  him  tribute,  for  fear  he  would  do  them  harm ; 
but  it  was  pretty  generally  known  that  he  had  amassed  an  immense 
property,  by  grinding  and  overbearing  those  who  coald  not  resist 
him. 


24e  MOST  HONOURABLE  PROFESSIOA. 

3fosi  Honourable  Profession. 

What  is  a  lawyer's  oath  ?  and  how  many  of  the  profession  re- 
gard it  ? 

Does  the  lawyer's  oath,  practically  bind  him,  to  consult  his  cli- 
ent's actual  and  best  good  ?  Does  he  advise  and  assist  his  cli- 
ents, truly  and  faithfully,  to  the  best  of  his  abilities,  to  avoid  go- 
ing to  law  as  much  as  |)ossible — to  pursue  a  fair  and  honourable 
course  of  conduct  towards  all  men,  and  when  differences  occur, 
which  cannot  well  be  avoided,  or  finally  settled  by  the  parties, 
without  too  great  sacrifice,  to  endeavour  to  effect  a  peaceable  and 
fair  reference  of  the  same,  to  other  men  ?  especially  when  he 
knows  that  justice  is  more  generally  to  be  expected,  and  with  far 
less  delay,  anxiety,  trouble  and  expense,  than  is  generally  to  be 
apprehended  from  ordinary  lawsuits.  Is  there  one  lawyer  in  ten, 
who  has  had  considerable  practice,  that  can  truly  say  he  has  not 
repeatedly,  and  knowingly  occasioned  his  clients  unnecessary 
trouble,  delay,  anxiety,  loss,  hazard,  or  expense,  to  favor  his  own 
private  gain  or  other  purposes  ? 

If  a  lawyer  gives  his  client  wrong  advice,  or  loses  his  case  by 
sheer  indolence  or  carelessness — where  is  the  remedy  1  Or  sup- 
pose a  lawyer  should  manage  your  cause  designedly,  to  have  it 
terminate  unjustly,  or  against  you,  (which  is  not  very  difficult, 
nor  perhaps  uncommon,)  without  pitblickly  seeming  to  violate  his 
duty — where,  then  is  your  remedy,  or  safety  against  such  designs  ? 

After  entrusting  a  lawyer  with  the  secrets  of  a  cause,  your 
hands  are,  as  it  were,  **  in  a  bear's  mouth."  If  you  find  your  con- 
fidence misplaced — that  he  is  incapable,  indolent,  careless  of 
your  concern,  or  treacherously  inclmed,  you  cannot  safely  go  on, 
nor  retract — he  can  do  pretty  much  as  he  pleases  with  you,  and 
yet  leave  you  no  remedy. 

Lawyers  have  their  own  peculiar  interests,  prejudices  and  feel- 
ings, and  are  much  more  experienced  in  the  art  of  disguising 
their  intentions,  than  people  of  most  other  professions.  Where 
then  is  the  safety  or  propriety  of  entrusting  them  with  our  dear- 
est interests  and  concerns,  and  especially  without  any  competent 


i 


MOST  HONOURABLE  PROFESSION.  241 

authority  to  watch  over  them,   and  to  bring  them  to  a  proper  ac- 
count for  their  misconduct  ? 

Inquisitorial  authorities  have  generally  studied  to  rob,  persecute 
and  oppress,  men  of  extraordinary  virtue,  genius  and  worth — the 
best  friends  and  benefactors  of  mankind  :  although  they  have  oc- 
casionally varied  their  pretence  and  method  for  accomplishing 
their  purposes.  Let  us  not,  then,  mistake  the  object  of  all  human 
crafty  since  actions  speak  louder  than  words.  The  man  who 
comprehends  the  human  character,  with  all  the  various  interests, 
prejudices  and  policies  that  influence  and  control  the  diffeient  sit- 
uations, and  habits  of  life,  pays  little  regard  to  the  hypocritical 
professions  of  men. 

Men  who  are  professedly  so  pious  and  holy,  that  they  can  do  no 
wrong  ;  and  those  who  are  so  learned,  liberal  and  patriotic,  or 
honourable  and  exalted,  as  to  be  above  all  suspicion  or  accounta- 
bility for  their  conduct,  can  hardly  be  too  strictly  watched  and 
guarded,  especially  when  possessed  of  considerable  trust  or  pow- 
er. If  we  look  into  the  real  history  of  the  world,  we  shall  find 
that  mankind  have  been  shockingly  robbed,  enslaved  and  tor- 
mented, under  fine  sounding  titles  and  pretensions. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  Mr.  M'Duffie's  speech  in  con- 
gress, published  in  a  Washington  paper,  of  March  31st,  1826  ; 
and  may  serve  to  show  what  some  of  the  self-styled  "  most  honour- 
able profession,"  conceive  it  proper  for  them  to  do.  Says  Mr. 
M'Dufliie,  "  I  have  been  for  seven  years  of  my  life  engaged  in  the 
constant  practice  of  the  law — a  profession  in  which  every  body 
knows  it  is  the  duty  of  the  advocate  to  vindicate  right  and  wrong 
INDIFFERENTLY,  by  every  argument  or  artful  appecd,  that  can  af- 
fect the  judgments,  the  passions,  or  the  prejudices  of  men." 

It  would  be  a  burlesque  upon  reason  and  common  sense,  to 
suppose  that  a  virtuous  and  enlightened  being  could,  seriously  ad- 
vocate right  and  wrong  with  indifference,  and  designedly  use  de- 
ceitful and  unfair  means  to  accomplish  his  purposes  ;  and,  cer- 
tainly, no  such  man  could  rationally  conceive  it  to  be  his  duty,  so 
to  do. 

We  need  not  often  wonder  at  the  result  of  a  practice,  so  revolt- 
ing to  justice  and  humanity. 

31 


242  COURT  OF  CHANCERY. 


Contempt  of  Court. 


What  is  a  contempt  of  court  ?  May  a  judicial  officer,  however 
high  in  authority,  seize  an  individual,  at  his  own  will  and  pleasure 
— become  accuser,  evidence,  and  judge,  in  his  own  case,  and  sub- 
ject the  person  to  fine  and  imprisonment,  agreeable  to  his  own 
will,  for  what  he  may  please  to  consider  a  contempt  of  his  judicial 
dignity  or  authority  ? 

This  is  certainly  an  extraordinary  power,  if  it  really  does  exist, 
or  is  tolerated,  in  this  land  of  professed  justice,  liberty,  and  equal- 
ity.    Our  rights,  surely  ought  to  be  better  defined  and  protected. 

A  judge,  may,  it  would  seem,  circumscribe  or  abridge  the  ne- 
cessary freedom  of  enquiry,  and  give  poin/  and  colouring  to  evi- 
dence, to  gratify  his  partialities,  or  to  affect  his  crooked  policy  and 
designs ;  or  he  may  otherways  conduct  himself  so  as  to  merit  the 
contempt  and  indignation  of  every  virtuous  and  deserving  observ- 
er, and  yet  hU  judicial  sanctuary  protects  him  against  every  effi- 
cient correction.  Like  a  king  or  sovereign  prince,  he  can  do  no 
wrongs  in  the  exercise  of  his  judicial  sovereignty. 


Court  of  Chancery. 

It  is  not  a  little  remarkable,  that  these  anti-republican  tribunals 
should  have  been  so  long  tolerated,  as  they  have  been,  in  this  re- 
publican country — taking  from  us,  almost  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
court,  our  boasted  right  of  trial  by  jury  ;  and  subjecting  causes  of 
unlimited  magnitude  or  amount — involving  a  man's  fortune  and  rep- 
utation, to  the  decision  of  one  man,  who  sits  as  legislator  and 
judge — makes  law  to  fit  any  particular  case,  and  then  judges  to 
suit  himself! 

The  following  will  serve  to  show  the  character  and  operations 
of  one  of  those  courts  in  England. 

"  Court  of  Chancery — When  Mr.  Erskine  was  one  day  pressing 
the  case  of  a  client  with  great  earnestness,  in  the  court  of  kings' 
bench,  lord  Ellenborough,  a  little  provoked  at  his  perseverance. 


COMMON  LAW.  243 

observed  to  him  that  his  client  might  carry  his  case  into  cjiancery. 
Has  your  lordship,  replied  Mr.  Erskine,  the  heart  to  send  a  fellow 
creature  there  ?  The  force  of  Mr.  Erskine's  observation  will  be 
understood  from  the  case  of  Sir  Watkin  Lewis.  He  has  a  case 
now  in  the  high  court  of  chancery,  that  has  been  pending  47 
years.  Thirty  years  ago  the  present  lord  Chancellor  acted  as 
counsellor  for  him  in  the  court  of  Exchequer.  The  property 
which  he  will  be  entitled  to  receive  when  the  case  is  ended,  is 
.£35,000  sterling.  In  the  meantime  Sir  Watkins  is  a  prisoner 
for  debt  in  the  fleet  prison.  The  last  time  the  case  was  in  Chan- 
cery, the  noble  lord  told  him  that  his  appeal  to  the  house  of  lords 
should  be  laid  before  the  committee  of  appeal  with  all  possible 
despatch.  He  has  another  case  in  the  court  of  Exchequer,  in 
which  he  has  property  to  the  amount  of  <£75,000.  About  one 
tenth  of  the  sum  would  relieve  him  from  his  embarrassments. 
The  lives  of  his  wife  and  daughter  have  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  the 
vexation  of  this  long  suit  in  chancery." 

The  English  papers  mention  this  case  without  any  marks  of 
censure  or  even  surprise.  The  truth  is,  that  such  occurrences  are 
too  common  in  England  to  excite  wonder.  And  yet  there  are 
people  in  this  country  who  would  persuade  us  that  the  English 
system  of  law,  "  is  the  most  stupendous  fabrick  of  wisdom  that 
was  ever  reared  hy  the  genius  of  man.^^ — Portland  Argus. 

Note. — These  courts  most  generally  are  called  courts  of  chance- 
ry, but  in  some  places,  (probably  to  avoid  the  infamy  in  which 
many  hold  them  by  this  name,)  they  are  called  courts  of  equity. 
I  believe,  however,  it  would  often  be  more  appropriate  to  denomin- 
ate them  courts  of  chance  and  iniquity. 


Common  Law. 

This  subject,  is  so  vague,  complex  and  unintelligible,  that  it 
would  perhaps  puzzle  any  one  to  define,  accurately,  what  is  gen- 
erally regarded  as  common  law,  in  this  country. — 

It  is  not  written  or  statute  law — but  custom,  chiefly  grown  out 
of  the  practice  and  decisions  of  British  courts,  to  be  found  in  their 


244  COMMON  LAW. 

law  reports,  giving  particular  cases  and  the  grounds  or  principles 
on  which  they  were  decided.  These  are  quoted  in  the  proceed- 
ings of  our  courts,  as  precedents,  rules,  or  authorities  for  guid- 
ing the  decisions  of  similar  cases.  They  are  not,  I  believe,  re- 
garded as  absolutely  binding  on  our  courts,  but  may  be  followed, 
as  far  as  our  judges  think  proper  to  indulge  them. 

These  rules  or  law  authorities,  are  perpetually  augmenting, 
by  the  continued  practice  and  decisions  of  the  British  courts ; 
which,  together  with  the  practice  and  decisions  of  our  federal, 
and  highest  state  courts, — (which  are  perpetually  augmenting, 
and  form  part  of  our  common  law,)  make  perhaps  the  most  com- 
plicated system  of  laws,  that  any  other  people  on  the  globe  are 
subject  to  :  and  among  which,  something  may  generally  be  found, 
to  serve  as  a  precedent  or  authority,  for  almost  any  decision, 
however  right,  or  ttrong.  It  is  not  indeed  uncommon,  to  have  a 
number  of  these  law  authorities,  quoted  for^  and  against^  any 
particular  point  or  decision  urged  in  our  courts. 

No  wonder  that  lawyers  should  hail  the  uncertainty  of  law,  as 
glorious  for  them ;  but  it  has  indeed  already  proved,  vexatious  and 
ruinous  for  the  people. 

The  importation  of  new  law  doctrines,  established  by  the  con- 
tinual practice  and  decision  of  the  British  courts,  are  sought  for 
as  eagerly,  by  some  of  our  law  characters,  as  the  London  and 
Paris  fashions  of  dress  are,  by  our  tailors,  milliners  and  mantua 
makers.* 

One  maxim  of  the  British  law,  in  regard  to  libels,  is,  *'  the 
greater  the  truth  the  greater  the  lihel.^^  This  infamous  doctrine 
was  absolutely  cherished,  for  a  while,  by  many  of  the  learned,  in 
this  country.  It  has  indeed  been  considered  as  an  indulgence, 
of  the  court,  to  allow  the  truth  to  be  given  in  evidence,  in  defence 
of  actions  brought  for  alleged  libels.  Yes,  and  let  the  fact  be  re- 
membered, too. 


*  An  Englishman,  on  hearing  an  American  boast  of  the  Independence 
of  our  country,  said  he  should  like  to  know  what  our  independence  con- 
sisted of — that  he  should  think  brother  Jonathan  might  go  alone,  by  this 
time,  but  he  perceived  we  still  followed  the  leading  strings  of  mother 
Britain ! 


COMMON  LAW.  245 

Nothing  can  be  more  absurd,  than  to  suppose  that  laws,  design- 
ed for  the  subjects  of  an  old,  arbitrary  and  corrupt  monarchy, 
are  fit  examples  for  a  young,  virtuous  and  rising  republic ;  al- 
though it  might  be  readily  admitted  that  some  of  their  rules  are 
worthy  of  our  adoption.  But  first  let  them  be  severally  examin- 
ed, and  established  as  the  laws  of  the  land,  by  proper  legislative 
authority,  and  published  as  such,  before  they  are  regarded  as  bind- 
ing, or  even  as  legal  doctrines  of  our  country. 

It  is  really  a  common,  and  most  dangerous  assumption  of  power, 
for  the  judicial  authority  of  our  country,  to  make  law,  as  well  as 
administer  it.* 

Are  the  enemies  of  our  liberty,  gradually  and  artfully  forming 
us  to  the  rules  and  habits  of  monarchy,  for  their  ultimate  purpo- 
ses ?  Let  republicans  beware ! 

Complicated  and  intricate  law  systems,  reqiiire  lawyers  to  ad- 
minister them. 

The  more  ignorant  and  corrupt  mankind  become,  the  better 
for  lawyers.  But  when  the  laws  are  rendered  so  intricate  and 
complicated,  that  the  common  people  cannot  understand  them, 
then,  good  by  to  your  liberty  ! 

Laws  that  are  so  complex,  vague,  or  intricate,  as  to  require  men 
of  extraordinary  learning,  or  wealth,  to  understand  and  use  them, 
were  never  designed  for  a  community  of  republicans.  They  are, 
to  all  intents  and  purposes,  privileged  laws. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  Judge  Trumbull's  letter,  late- 
ly published  in  the  newspapers,  concerning  Mr.  Sampson's  dis- 
course, delivered  before  the  Historical  Society,  N.  Y.  (and  pub- 
lished in  a  pamphlet,)  on  the  origin  and  nature  of  the  Common 
Law  ;  and  carries  its  own  important  convictions  with  it,  to  Amer- 
icans of  common  sense  and  experience. 

"  Since  the  establishment  of  our  Independence,  nothing  can  be 
more  servile,  nothing  more  absurd,  than  to  consider  the  decisions 
of  the  Judges  in  Westminster  Hall  as  precedents  binding  on  our 
own  courts,  or  entitled  to  any  authority,  but  what  is  due  to  the  ac- 


*  Chief  Justice  Saunders  (of  Britain)  boasted  that  he  made  more  laws 
than  Kings,  Lords  and  Commons. 


246  COMMON  LAW. 

curacy  of  their  investigations  and  the  force  of  their  reasoninge. 
We  ought  to  abolish  all  those  intricate  forms  and  fictions,  which 
we  were  obliged  to  adopt,  when  under  the  dominion  of  Great 
Britain  ;  to  throw  aside  the  mass  of  useless  rubbish,  with  which 
we  are  encumbered ;  to  simplify  our  forms  of  contract,  convey- 
ances and  judicial  proceedings  ;  to  reduce  our  law  to  plain,  fixed 
and  general  principles,  and  enable  our  courts  to  do  every  thing  by 
direct  process,  which  they  can  now  effect  only  by  circuitous 
modes,  and  through  the  medium  of  artificial  fictions,  always  un- 
necessary and  often  absurd  and  ridiculous." 

The  following  is  from  the  learned  president  Cooper,  of  Colum- 
bia College,  South  Carolina,  and  is  extracted  from  his  letter  to 
Counsellor  Sampson,  (published  in  the  news  papers,)  on  the  fore- 
going subject. 

"I  havcread,  with  much  interest,  your  lecture  on  law ;  the 
public  is  greatly  your  debtor  for  the  honest  and  independent  view 
you  have  taken,  of  a  system  based  on  the  ignorant  notions  of  our 
half  savage  ancestors,  and  exhibiting  a  superstructure  worthy  of 
its  origin.  What  business  have  we  with  a  code  of  landed  proper- 
ty founded  on  the  aristocracy  of  the  feudal  system." 

"  Is  it  not  a  disgrace  that  the  glorious  uncertainty  of  the  law 
should  be  verified  by  1200  conflicting  decisions?" 

"  Our  common  law  varies  in  principle  and  in  application  with 
every  change  of  the  bench." 

"  Our  own  legislatures  unwittingly  combine  with  the  lawyer  t© 
make  the  laws  so  voluminous,  so  wordy,  so  unintelligible,  that 
they  serve  only  to  bring,  not  the  law,  but  the  lawyer  home  to 
every  man's  door.  While  the  unwritten  code  of  common  law  i» 
any  thing  that  the  lagislative  propensity  of  the  common  law  bench 
may  choose  to  make  it.  Then  again  our  servility  to  the  English 
decisions  in  this  country — to  decisions  made  by  men  proverbially 
and  contemptibly  ignorant  of  every  subject  but  the  technics  of 
their  profession,  is  disgraceful  to  us.  We  seem  content  to  remain 
in  perpetual  infancy,  and  venture  no  step  out  of  our  imported  go- 
cart." 

*'  I  am  almost  inclined  to  think  with  Barlow,  that  when  a  man 
applies  to  a  lawyer,  he  is  like  a  hero  of  the  eastern  tales,   who 


INDEPENDENT  JUDICIARY.  247 

boldly  mounts  the  back  of  a  griffin,  and  takes  all  the  risks  of  his 
temerity,  in  complete  ignorance  of  the  course  he  is  to  be  carried. 
Is  it  impossible  to  do  as  the  greatest  man  that  ever  lived  has  done  ? 
Is  it  impossible  to  draw  up  a  plain  code  of  principles,  in  language 
without  verbiage,  and  intelligible  to  a  plain  man  ?  I  think  not.  It 
becomes  America  at  least,  to  try  it.  Uncertamty  arises  from  con- 
flicting principles  of  law,  and  dissonance  in  their  application  to 
individual  cases.  The  first  course  of  uncertainty  we  might  sure- 
ly get  rid  of;  and  that  would  be  doing  a  great  deal.  A  set  of  plain 
and  honest  legal  principles  and  rules,  would  go  near  to  establish  a 
code  of  ethics. — Every  man  in  the  community  would  be  wiser  and 
honester  for  it.  But  then  it  must  be  drawn  up  with  the  brevity 
and  precision  of  the  French  code  ;  which,  imperfect  as  it  is,  yet 
stands  an  honor  to  the  age  that  produced  it." 


Independent  Judiciary. 

The  idea  of  having  the  judges  of  our  courts,  placed  beyond  the 
control  of  their  constituents — unless  for  some  flagrant  offence,  or 
capital  violation  of  their  official  duty,  is  so  palpably  absurd,  and 
inconsistent  with  our  republican  creed  and  policy,  that  1  cannot 
believe  the  subject  has  been  duly  considered  by  the  people  of  this 
republican  nation. 

Of  whom  are  the  judges  to  be  rendered  independent  ?  why,  Of 
their  masters,  the  sovereign  people  !  But  why  not  have  legisla- 
tive, executive,  and  all  other  public  servants,  appointed  for  life  or 
during  good  behaviour — that  they  may  act  "wiih.  firmness ,  and  be 
INDEPENDENT  of  those  they  were  appointed  to  serve — so  that  they 
may,  in  fact,  look  down  upon  the  sovereign  people  with  contempt  J 

Suppose  we  had  a  clergy,  too,  rendered  equally  permanent,  or 
independent  of  the  approbation  and  control,  of  those  whom  they 
were  appointed  to  serve,  (with  or  without  an  organized  and  su- 
preme or  temporal  head,)  how  long  would  it  be  before  the  people 
of  this  country  would  be  as  miserably  dependent,  as  the  half  eir- 
slaved  people  of  the  old  world  ! 


248  INDEPENDENT  JUDICIARY. 

To  day  you  select  those  considered  best  qualified  to  perform  the 
highest  judicial  offices  in  the  state — they  are  from  forty  to  fifty 
years  of  age,  consequently,  if  they  were  to  be  disqualified  by 
death  or  old  age,  at  seventy,  they  would  have  an  average  of 
twenty-five  years  to  serve.  In  the  mean  time  others  might  come 
forward  and  be  possessed  of  far  superior  qualifications ;  and  those 
in  office  might  decline  from  what  they  were  when  first  appointed  ; 
or  when  tried,  their  abilities  and  fitness  for  the  station  might 
prove  inferior  to  what  they  were  expected.  And  yet,  according 
to  the  notion  of  an  independent  judiciary,  the  judges  first  appoint- 
ed cannot  he  superseded  or  replaced,  without  being  impeached 
and  convicted  of  some  flagrant  offence,  or  capital  deficiency,  or 
violation  of  their  official  duty. 

By  a  silent  vote,  the  people  can  prefer  and  elect  to  office,  whom 
they  please,  and  without  seriously  implicating  or  injuring  any 
one  else — ^provided  the  right  is  not  usurped  or  obstructed  by  de- 
spotic rules  or  men. 

There  seldom  are  individuals  to  be  found,  willing  to  take  upon 
themselves  the  trouble  and  responsibility  of  bringing  forward  and 
supporting  the  impeachment  of  a  high  judicial  officer,  however 
faulty  he  may  have  proved,  for  there  generally  is  powerful  combi- 
nations, and  efforts  made  to  justify  the  most  artful  and  corrupt 
offenders  in  such  cases — from  prejudice,  and  a  variety  of  direct 
and  indirect  participations,  and  other  interested  motives.  So 
that,  when  we  duly  consider  the  trouble,  expense,  delay,  and  final 
uncertainty  J  of  an  impeachment,  it  scarcely  can  be  said  to  afford 
any  remedy  against  the  misconduct,  deficiencies,  and  evil  inten- 
tions of  a  high  judicial  officer. 

An  experienced  lawyer,  once  made  judge  for  life,  or  during 
good  behaviour*  may  generally  calculate  to  indulge  his  crooked 

•"It  would  be  pretty  difficult  to  determine  what  was  meant  by  '•^  good 
behaviour"  in  such  cases,  if  wemay  judg-e  from  the  conduct  of  many  in 
undisturbed  possession  of  their  judicial  offices,  and  others  who  have  qui- 
etly occupied  the  stations  before  them.  Any  thing  that  answers  their 
own  crooked  designs,  or  serves  the  general  purposes  and  poUcy  of  law- 
crafl^  especially  if  well  managed,  seems  to  stamp  the  character  of  aD 
«6/c  judg'e. 


INDEPENDENT  JUDICIARY.  249 

policy  and  inclination,  without  much  serious  apprehension. — 
When  it  suits  his  purposes  to  decide  according  to  the  public  opin- 
ion, he  can  quote  popularity  for  his  justification,  and  when  he 
sees  fit  to  treat  the  comK.jn  interest  and  sentiments  with  contempt, 
and  follow  his  own  inclination  and  purposes,  he  can  then  make  a 
virtue  of  his  independence.  So  that  the  latitude  for  his  indulgen- 
cies  is  sufficient  to  embrace  every  enormity. 

Many  people,  no  doubt,  would  be  willing  to  act  as  "  a  judge  in 
the  land" — to  exercise  judicial  sovereignty,  without  any  salary,  or 
other  compensation  than  the  mere  gratification  of  their  own  per- 
sonal prejudices,  pique,  or  inclination  and  designs  against  parties 
and  individuals  ;  more  especially  when  they  can  be  permitted  to 
sit  upon  the  tlirone  of  judgment,  alone,  and  to  send  down  ven- 
geance, instead  of  justice,  upon  their  fellow-men,  without  any  in- 
spection, explanation  or  practical  and  sufficient  responsibility  for 
their  conduct. 

In  the  British  government,  where  there  is  tliree  sources  of  pow- 
er or  political  sovereignty — namely,  the  Mng,  the  nobles,  and  the 
people,  it  is  important  that  the  judges  should  be  rendered  free  from 
the  immediate  power  and  control,  of  either — and  especially  of  the 
king,  who  appoints  them  ;  so  that  the  judges  may  act  with  a  de- 
gree of  independence,  as  administers  of  justice  between  the  par- 
ties. But  even  in  that  government,  the  judges  are  removable  on 
the  address  of  both  legislative  houses. 

But,  in  this  country,  where  there  is  but  one  acknowledged 
source  of  power  or  political  sovereignty,  such  an  establishment  as 
is  termed  an  independent  judiciary,  is  absurd,  and  highly  danger- 
ous to  our  best  interests. 

A  court  composed  of  a  single  judge-,  is  much  more  despotic,  anti- 
republican,  and  dangerous  to  the  rights  and  liberties  of  mankind, 
than  one  composed  of  three  or  more  ;  because  one  man,  is  much 
easier,  and  of  course  more  liable  to  be '  approached  and  prejudi- 
ced, or  corrupted,  than  three  or  more.     One  man  acting  as  sole 


Says  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  his  letter  to  W.  T.  Barry,  "  We  already 
.■see  the  power, installed  for  life,  responsible  to  no  authority,  (for  impeach- 
ment is  not  even  a  scarecrow,)  advancing  with  a  noiseless  and  steady 
pace,  to  the  object  of  consolidation." 

32 


250  INDEPENDENT  JUDICIARY. 

judge  in  a  case,  might  retain  to  himself,  and  indulge  secret  and 
base  designs  against  a  party,  or  individual,  while  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult or  impracticable  to  influence  three  or  more  judges  wtth  the 
same  unworthy  designs,  or  for  them  safely  to  unite  in  the  accom- 
plishment. Besides,  a  court  composed  of  a  considerable  number 
of  judges,  would  be  more  likely  to  retain  or  include  some  of  the 
common  interests  and  feelings  of  justice  and  humanity,  than  a 
court  composed  of  one  man  ;  and  certamly,  a  number  of  persons, 
can  see,  hear  and  understand,  more  of  the  evidence  and  proceed- 
ings before  a  court,  than  one  man. 

A  court  composed  of  three  or  more  judges,  would  commit  few- 
er errors,  and  give  fewer  occasions  for  new  or  second  trials — of- 
ten resorted  to  for  the  correction  of  errors  occasioned  by  a  single 
judge. 

The  proper  duty  and  business  of  a  judicial  officer,  is  to  admin- 
ister the  laws  within  his  judicial  location  and  capacity,  and  to 
cause  them  to  be  carried  into  effigct,  faithfully,  and  impartially  ; 
and  requires  no  more  indef>endence  or  sovereignty  of  power, 
for  the  protection  of  his  official  conduct,  than  that  of  any  other 
office  of  equal  magnitude.  A  judge  is  certainly  nothing  nigh  so 
much  exposed  in  his  person,  character  or  fortune,  as  sheriffs  and 
constables,  who  execute  the  laws. 

There  is  not  an  equal  number  of  men  in  office  in  the  United 
States,  who  are  generally  so  despotically  inclined,  as  the  judges 
of  our  highest  courts. 

If  the  subject  was  once  fairly  and  understand ingly  considered, 
and  acted  upon  by  the  sovereign  people,  I  believe  they  would  ren- 
der all  the  judicial  offices  u|X)n  a  par — and,  with  the  legislative 
and  executive  branches,  make  them  directly  subordinate  to  the 
public  will,  deliberately,  fully,  fairly  and  understandingly  ex- 
pressed. 

Judicial  officers,  like  other  men,  should  be  held  accountable  for 
the  injustice  and  injury  they  occasion  parties  or  individuals,  by 
gross  violations  of  their  proper  duty — or  it  should  be  admitted,  at 
once,  that  they,  like  kings,  can  do  no  wrong. 

The  new  and  sovereign  decrees^  issued  by  some  of  our   court? 


LAW -CRAFT.  251 

or  judicial  officers,  often  excite  nigh  or  quite  as  much  interest  in 
this  country,  as  those  proclaimed  by  emperors  and  kings,  do  ia 
the  old  world. 


Law-craft. 

This  crooked,  quibbling,  wolf-hearted  and  self  destructive  craft 
or  policy,  in  a  national  point  of  view,  is  preying  upon  the  best  in- 
terests of  society — destroying,  as  it  were,  the  very  vitals  of  the 
republic  ;  and  highly  deserves  some  explanation,  and  attention  oh 
the  part  of  the  public. 

Perhaps  a  volume  would  hardly  contain  all  that  might  be  appro- 
priately detailed  under  this  head  ;  I  shall  however  only  state  some 
of  the  most  general  acts  and  distinguishing  characters  of  the 
craft,  that  will  not  be  found  under  other  titles. 

Lawyers  have  been  so  much  indulged,  with  the  power  of  legis- 
lating and  making  the  laws,  as  well  as  in  the  managing ,  pleading, 
judging y  and  final  execution  thereof,  that,  in  many  places,  they 
have  formed  and  exercised  a  kind  of  political  inquisitorial 
SOVEREIGN lY,  over  the  common  people  ;  and  have  finally  involved 
human  rights  in  such  a  train  of  litigious  perplexity,  vexation  and 
uncertainty ^  as  to  place  us  pretty  much  at  their  own  sovereign  will 
and  control. 

Many  of  the  forms  of  legal  instruments  of  writing,  and  other 
law  proceedings,  bear  ample  evidence  of  law-craft,  in  their  unne* 
cessary  intricacies,  complexity  and  obscurity. 

The  following  extract  from  the  form  of  a  deed  annexed  to  Black- 
stone's  commentaries  on  law,  may  serve  to  begin  with,  as  a  speci- 
men of  the  form  of  one  of  the  writings  alluded  to,  and  of  those 
the  craft  generally  choose  to  employ,  wherever  they  are  sufficient- 
ly indulged.* 

*  "  Wilson's  farm,  containing-  by  estimate  five  hundred  and  forty  acres, 
be  the  same  more  or  less,  together  with  all  and  singular  houses,  dove 
houses,  buildings,  stables,  yards,  gardens,  orchards,  lands,  tenements, 
meadows,  pastures,  feedings,  commons,  woods,  underwoods,  ways,  wa~ 


252  LAW-CRAFT. 

In  some  parts  of  our  country,  the  title  to  real  estate  has  been 
rendered  so  intricate,  obscure  and  uncertain^  as  to  have  given  em- 
ployment to  a  profession  of  men,  to  search  out  the  title,  and  make 
an  entire  new  and  expensive  deed  ;  and  after  all  the  purchaser 
is  not  sure  tiie  deed  conveys  an  actual  title,  until  after  a  given 
time  has  transpired  ! 

Whereas,  all  that  is  necessary  to  convey  the  title  to  real  estate, 
is  a  simple  instrument,  containing  a  brief  general  description  of 
the  property,  defining  its  bounds,  quantity,  and  terms  on  which  it 
is  sold.  The  common  appurtenances  properly  belonging  to  real 
estate,  are  generally  understood.  At  any  rate  they  do  not  require 
a  definite  description  in  the  deed.  After  a  deed  has  been  sign- 
ed, and  the  act  of  sale  acknowledged  before  a  proper  magistrate, 
(in  order  to  render  the  title  and  conveyance  of  real  estate  more 
permanent  and  secure  than  ordinary  property,)  by  having  the 
deed  entered  for  record  at  the  clerk's  or  recorder's  office,  before 
any  other  transfer,  or  hold  of  the  property,  has  been  made  and 
there  entered,  (as  is  the  custom  in  some  places,)  is  a  straight, 
practical  and  sure  way  to  confirm  a  title  to  real  estate. 

Blind^  or  sleeping  titles,  should  never  be  tolerated,  or  permitted 
to  exist,  to  real  estate — nor  in  fact,  to  any  other  kind  of  proper- 
ty :  no  good  and  sufficient  reason  can  ever  be  assigned  for  such  a 
practice. 

Mortgages,  or  the  pledges  of  real  estate,  in  some  places,  are 
subject  to  quibbles,  delays,  and  expenses,  that  are  as  unnecessary, 
as  they  are  injurious  to  the  best  interests  of  society.  There  is, 
as  they  call  it,  a  suit  for  the  equity  of  redemption,  and  frndAfore* 
closure. 

Every  quibble  and  uncertainty  may  be  easily  avoided,  by  sim- 
ply having  the  exact  conditions  of  the  mortgage,  and  the  manner 

ters,  watercourses,  fishing  privileges,  profits,  casements,  commodities, 
advantag^es,  emoluments,  hereditaments,  and  appurtenances  whatsoever 
to  the  said  capital  measurage  and  farm  belonging  or  appertaining,  or 
with  the  same  used  or  enjoyed,  or  accepted,  reputed,  taken  or  known,  as 
part,  parcel,  or  member  thereof,  or  as  belonging  to  the  same  or  any  part 
thereof." 


LAW-CRAFT.  253 

of  proceeding  to  the  end,  duly  defined  and  fixed  beforehand,  by  a 
uniform  and  definite  law  for  the  purpose. 

"When  the  legislative  wisdom  of  a  certain  state  was  convened, 
and  several  complicated  bills  had  been  projected,  for  the  avowed 
purpose  of  preventing  the  passing  of  bills  from  unincorporated 
banks,  or  individuals,  all  of  which  were  considered  insufficient ; 
an  individual  told  some  of  the  leading  members,  that  they  had 
only  to  make  it  penal  for  issuing  or  using  printed  bills,  without  a 
license  or  act  of  incorporation,  for  no  other  bills  could  be  render- 
ed sufficiently  intelligible,  and  sure  against  counterfeiting,  to  ob- 
tain general  circulation.  This  was  allowed  to  be  sufficient  ;  but 
it  was  too  plain  to  suit  the  craft — every  body  could  understand  it ; 
so  that  they  would  not  want  any  legal  advice  on  the  subject ;  nor 
was  there  any  blind  or  crooked  crevice  to  entrap  the  ignorant,  or 
to  encourage  the  knavish  to  attempt  to  creep  through  or  other- 
ways  evade  the  law. 

In  settling  the  accounts  of  a  deceased  officer,  who  died  nigh 
the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  his  heirs  employed  lawyers,  as 
is  usual,  to  prepare  and  bring  the  matter  before  government, 
where,  after  being  kept  along,  (as  is  also  usual,)  for  several  years, 
(in  the  true  litigious  style,)  the  amount  of  about  ten  thousand 
dollars,  was  finally  recovered — but  only  about  one-sixth  of  which 
came  to  the  heirs — the  rest  was  claimed  by  the  managers,  as 
their  own  charges  and  expenses  in  procuring  the  settlement  ! 

How  many  of  our  soldiers  have  been  unrighteously,  and  unne- 
cessarily kept  out  of  their  pay,  or  bounty  lands,  for  several  years, 
and  thus  exposed  to  sharpers  on  the  way  to  justice  1  the  payment 
of  pensions  embarrassed,  or  delayed,  for  the  purpose  of  feeing 
lawyers,  or  indulging  sharpers  ? 

The  settlement  of  deceased  persons  estates,  in  many  places,  is 
subject  to  the  same  kind  of  robbery,  vexation  and  delay.* 

Ai^d  yet,  the  principal  authors  and  managers  of  these  frauds,  vex- 
ations and  cruelties,  have  the  hypocrisy  and  impudence  to  boast 
6f  their  regard  for  the  patriots  of  our  revolution,  and  for  the  faith- 

*See  the  last  clause  of  Washington's  will^  by  which  he  endeavoured 
o  ^uard  against  the  snares  znd  fangs  of  law-craft. 


254  LAW-CRAFT. 

fill  soldiers  of  our  country  generally,  and  style  themselves,  the 
friends  and  protectors  of  the  widow  and  orphan. 

When,  and  wherever  the  common  road  to  justice  is  thus  usurp- 
ed, or  infested  with  robbers,  who  study  to  render  the  way  darkf 
hazardous  and  ezpcnsivf,  that  they  may  the  more  readily  embar- 
rass, detain  and  plunder  the  passengers  therein,  it  is  high  time  the 
guardians  of  justice  and  public  safety,  should  attend  to  their  duty 
-—clear  and  protect  the  road  to  justice. 

Instead  of  applying  our  ingenuity,  time,  and  capital,  to  usefu/ 
purposes ;  if  mankind  would  direct  their  talents  and  enterprise, 
to  schemes  of  fraud  and  villainy,  how  much  better  it  would  be 
for  lawyers,  since  every  transgression  generally  brings  a  job  or  two 
for  them  ? 

Those  who  are  taken  for  forgery,  passing  counterfeit  money, 
robbery,  theft,  swindling,  and  a  variety  of  criminal  and  other 
offences,  generally  give  most  of  the  money  they  have  wronged 
others  of,  to  the  lawyers  they  employ  to  facilitate  their  evasion  of 
justice ;  and  the  lawyers  employed  against  them,  on  the  part  of 
government,  or  individuals,  get  another  fee  ;  so  that  lawyers  cer- 
tainly have  a  powerful  interest  in  the  multiplication  and  increase 
of  criminal  and  other  offences.* 

If  only  the  malicious,  and  unnecessary  suits,  that  are  brought, 
together  with  the  unnecessary  delays,  vexations  and  crpences,  that 
are  indulged  in  other  suits,  were  properly  punished,  discouraged 
and  finally  prevented,  more  than  one  half  of  the  ordinary  business 
and  gains  of  lawyers,  would  cease. 

It  was  the  opinion  of  Lord  North,  that  the  amount  or  value  of 
all  the  cases  decided  by  lawsuits,  in  England,  fell  short  of  the 
charges  and  general  expences — that  law  suits,  generally,  cost  more 

*  How  much  more  profit  would  lawyers  g^enerally  derive,  from  setting- 
ingenious  men  by  the  ears — in  exciting  and  keeping  them  at  war  with 
each  others  rights  and  best  good — in  exhausting  their  time,  talents  and 
property  in  lawsuits  and  vexatious  disputes  about  their  rights,  reputa- 
tions or  other  concerns,  more  than  they  would  derive  by  the  harmony, 
and  united  co-operations  of  such  characters,  in  useful  undertakings,  and 
in  ultimately  promoting  the  general  good  f* 


LAW-CRAFT.  255 

than  they  come  to — owing  to  the  ruinous  quibbles,  delays  and  ex- 
pences,  indulged. 

No  wpnder  ihdX  perjury  should  be  excited,  and  its  punishment 
connived  at,  or  finally  evaded,  since  the  use  and  gains  of  lawyers 
is  promoted  by  every  increase  of  human  depravity,  and  the  intrica- 
cy of  examining  witnesses,  and  of  every  thing  else  that  relates  to 
law  proceedings. 

Ambiguous  and  obscure  terms,  often  used  in  law  proceedings, 
are  extremely  absurd  and  perplexing  ;  for  certainly  every  thing 
that  concerns  the  public,  should  be  given  in  the  plainest  lan- 
guage. 

The  craft  are  extremely  fond  of  resorting  to  what  they  term 
spccm/ pleadings  ;  causing  new  or  second  trials  ;  and  of  trying  ques- 
tions of  law  ;  in  which  they  often  display  a  prodigious  sight  of 
"  law  knowledge ^^'  and  perseverance. 

In  their  perseverance,  lawyers  sometimes  put  one  in  mind  of 
the  cunning  of  the  old  squaw  ;  who  had  a  bottle  of  rum  put  into 
her  hands  to  take  a  mouthful,  just  to  hold  in  her  mouth  to  allay 
the  agonies  of  the  tooth  ache,  when,  after  letting  a  number  of 
mouthfuls  of  the  exhilirating  liquor  slip  down  her  throat,  in  her 
pretended  efforts  to  hold  one,  she  exclaimed,  with  extacy,  "  / 
clare  !  Til  try  twenty  times  hut  that  I  make  urn  stick  P^ 

Lawyers  often  plan  out  a  good  many  fine  jobs  for  themselves,  by 
trying  questions  of  law,  at  other  peoples  expense  !  (I  here  enter 
my  solemn  protest  against  legislating  at  the  expense  of  individu" 
als.  If  there  is  any  parts,  points  or  passages  of  law,  that  require 
interpretation  or  improvement,  let  them  be  referred  back  to  pro- 
per legislative  authority,  and  there  discussed  and  settled  at  the 
public  expense  ;  and  duly  promulgated  or  made  public  as  law^  be- 
fore they  are  rendered  binding.) 

There  has  lately  been  one  mighty  question  of  law  going  the 
rounds  of  discussion,  between  the  state  of  Virginia,  and  the  Co- 
hens,  lottery  brokers,  which  I  shall  here  briefly  notice. 

This  question,  involves  an  absurdity,  too  common  in  legisla- 
tion, of  government,  expressly  instituted  for  the  protection  of 
the  people  against  fraud  and  evil  temptations,  licensing,  by  spe- 
cial acts,  %  speciei  of  gambling,  and  not  of  the  least  pernicious 


i:66  LAW-CRAFT. 

kind,   especially  as  lotteries  and  the  sale  of  tickets,  are   usually 
conducted,  of  late  years. 

The  following  is  the  case  referred  to : — The  tickets  of  a  lotte- 
ry, licensed  by  congress,  in  their  acts  of  legislation  for  the  inter- 
nal government  of  the  district  of  Colombia — whether  they  can 
be  sold  in  any  of  the  states,  against  an  express  law  thereof — when 
congress  have  no  delegated  authority  to  grant  lotteries,  even  in 
their  capacity  of  legislators  for  the  general  government  of  the 
Unite  5  states,  but  which  right  is  reserved  to  the  states,  and  is  by 
them  exercised. 

The  acts  of  congress,  in  their  capacity  of  legislators  for  the 
internal  government  of  the  district  of  Colombia,  have  no  more 
authority,  certainly,  than  a  single  state  actijig  in  unison  with  the 
general  government ;  and  nobody  can  pretend  that  such  an  au- 
thority could  annul  the  political  sovereignty  of  the  individual 
States. 

If  it  were  possible  for  congress  to  get  at  an  object  in  this  way, 
without  any  express  authority,  and  against  the  usages  of  the  sev- 
eral states,  why  then,  the  little  district  of  Columbia  might  serve 
as  a  place  to  fix  iheir  fulcrum  upon,  and  upset  the  sovereignty  of 
every  state  in  the  union,  under  pretext  of  legislating  for  the  inter- 
nal government  of  the  said  district.  Horse-racing,  cock-fighting, 
bull-bating,  pugiling,  farrobanks,  billiard  tables,  wheels  of  for- 
tune, brothels,  in  fact  almost  every  kind  of  gambling,  lewdness, 
and  barbarity,  might  be  licensed  throughout  the  union,  by  con- 
gress, in  their  acts  of  legislation  for  the  internal  government  of 
the  little  district,  however  hostile  to  the  laws  and  well  being  of 
the  several  states. 

The  agitation  and  progress  of  this  "  law  question,"  has  probably 
been  productive  of  considerable  employment  and  profit  to  some  of 
the  craft.  But  are  men  who  agitate  and  prolong  such  quibbling, 
worthy  of  public  confidence  and  employ  ? 

The  fact  is,  the  craft  are  so  strongly  interested  in  having  ignor- 
ant and  corrupt  citizens,  and  intricate,  complicated  and  expen- 
sive law  systems  and  proceedings,  that  but  few  of  the  profession 
of  lawyers,  it  is  feared,  are  real  and  sincere  republicans.  Like 
the  ecclesiastical  inquisitors  and  confessors  of  the  old  world,  they 


LAW-CRAFT.  257 

derive  so  much  power  and  profit  from  the  ignorance  and  depravity 
of  mankind,  that  they  are  strongly  inclined  to  foster  the  sources 
of  their  gains  and  advantages,  under  some  shift  or  pretext. 

At  one  time,  this  craft  seemed  chiefly  devoted  to  an  energetic 
policy — the  masters  of  which,  were  the  principal  contrivers  and 
arbiters  of  an  unequal,  oppressive,  cruel  and  relentless  system, 
favourable  to  the  learned,  rich,  haughty  and  overbearing,  and  op- 
pressive and  ruinous  to  the  common  people. 

When  this  became  so  odious  and  unpopular  as  to  be  no  longer 
practicable,  upon  an  open  and  general  scale,  from  the  increased 
information,  power  and  influence  of  the  common  people,  the  craft 
then  professed  to  turn  round  and  embrace  more  just,  liberal  and 
enlightened  views  of  public  policy,  (many  turned  editors!)  but 
hypocritically  became  the  chief  plotters  and  managers  of  a  loose, 
profligate,  shuffling,  or  swindling  policy — favourable  to  rogues — 
exciting  and  facilitating  defalcations,  bankruptcies,  frauds  and 
other  offences,  of  almost  every  description,  to  the  very  great  inju- 
ry and  discouragement  of  honest  industry,  integrity  and  fair  deal- 
ing, and  to  public  usefulness  generally — in  order  to  /ca</ mankind 
into  a  state  of  depravity,  inequality  and  insecurity,  that  would  aid, 
and  seem  to  justify  the  necessity  of  an  arbitrary  system  of  govern- 
ment. 

This  policy  and  conduct,  has  progressed  so  far  already,  in  ma- 
ny places,  that  good  men  almost  tremble  for  their  existence,  from 
the  numerous  temptations  and  facilities  offered  for  the  violation  of 
common  justice,  and  human  privileges.  Such  indeed  are  the  fa- 
cilities for  evading  final  justice,  offer'id  in  many  instances,  that  the 
honest  creditor  lies  at  the  will  of  the  debtor.  He  who  holds  the 
property  of  another  on  trust,  or  owes  him  money,  has  the  advan- 
tage of  the  contract,  as  he  can  do  pretty  much  as  he  pleases  about 
fulfilling  the  obligation,  or  have  it  finally  annulled^  by  a  fictitious 
surrender  of  his  property,  under  some  act  of  bankruptcy,  insolv- 
ency, or  other  quirk  of  law.  Although  it  is  plain,  that  neither  the 
states  or  general  government  have  the  power  invested  in  them  to 
invalidate,  or  finally  annul  the  obligation  of  contracts,  after  they 
have  been  once  honestly  and  faithfully  entered  into, 

33 


I 
«68  LAW-CRAFT. 

Government  may,  and  ought,  always  to  protect  the  person,  and 
even  property,  of  an  honest  debtor,  from  any  unnecessary  cost, 
waste,  injury,  violence  or  injustice,  offered  by  his  creditor  ;  and 
they  should  especially  exonerate  the  bodi/  of  debtors  from  impris- 
onment, unless  they  had  conducted  dishonestly,  to  merit  corpore- 
al punishment. 

Had  ^r  states  or  general  government  the  power  to  materially 
invalidate  or  finally  annul  the  obligation  of  contracts,  honestly  and 
faithfully  entered  into  between  individuals,  without  any  fault  of 
the  parties,  what  a  corrupt  and  dangerous  power  and  influence 
would  they  have  ?  Suj)pose  the  leaders  of  government  should 
be  engaged  in  an  unpopular  and  disastrous  war,  and,  in  order  to 
raise  forces  and  supplies,  they  should  decree  to  absolve  certain  in- 
dividuals from  their  honest  and  legal  contracts,  engagements  or 
penalties,  on  condition  of  their  enlisting  into  the  service  of  gov- 
ernment, or  of  their  paying  a  proportionate  or  stipulated  sum  into 
the  public  treasury  or  hands  of  the  said  rulers. — Such,  for  in- 
stance, as  exonerating  debtors  from  the  obligation  to  pay  the  mon- 
ey they  justly  owe  ;  the  obligation  of  apprentices  to  fulfil  their 
indentures  ;  husbands,  from  the  validity  of  their  marriage  com- 
pacts ;  slaves,  from  the  law  that  holds  them  in  perpetual  and  igno- 
minious bondage  ;  and  perhaps  criminal  and  other  convicts  and 
offenders,  from  the  penalties  and  punishments  which  awaits  them, 
on  condition  of  their  serving  the  leaders,  as   before  stated  ? 

What  a  host  of  "  choice  spirits"  could  there  be  collected  in  this 
way  !  and  for  the  basest  purposes  !  The  human  senses  shudder 
at  the  very  thoughts  of  such  a  power,  and  its  ultimate  consequen- 
ces. 

The  following  exhibits  some  precious  evidences  of  law-craft, 
as  it  existed  in  the  time  of  our  divine  Saviour  and  his  apwstles  : 

"  Beware  of  the  scribes,  which  lov:  to  go  in  long  clothing,  and 
love  salutations  in  the  market  places.  And  the  chief  seats  in  the 
synagogues,  and  the  uppermost  rooms  at  feasts.  Which  devour 
widows'  houses,  and  for  a  pretence  make  long  prayers.  Woe  un*o, 
als(f,  ye  lawyers !  for  yc  laid  men  with  burdens  grievous  to  be 
borne,  ye  yourselves  touch  not  the  burdens  with  one  of  your  fingers. 
Woe  tmto  you,  lawyers  !  for  ye  have  taken  away   the  key   of 


LAW  CRAFT.  259 

knowledge  :  and  as  he  said  these  things  unto  them,  the  scribes  and 
the  Pharisees  began  to  urge  him  vehemently^  and  to  provoke  him 
to  speak  of  many  things  :  laying  wait  for  him,  and  seeking  to 
catch  somethi  g  out  of  his  mouth,  that  they  might  accuse  himJ' 

To  rely  upon  such  characters,  and  their  standard,  for  protec- 
tion, would  be  the  heighth  of  absurdity.  Even  to  resist  them  in 
their  own  way,  under  such  circumstances,  would  be  riveting  the 
shackles  tighter,  by  increasing  their  wealth  and  intolerable  pow- 
er. Far  better  to  suffer  injustice,  in  the  first  instance,  than  con- 
tend in  law  for  our  rights,  while  knaves  and  tyrants  control  their 
operations. 

Hence  our  Saviour  told  his  disciples  and  followers,  under  their 
then  existing  circumstances, 

"  If  any  man  will  sue  thee  at  the  law,  and  take  away  thy  coat, 
let  him  have  thy  cloak  also." 

That  is,  try  to  shame  him  out  of  his  meanness  and  rapacity,  or 
overcome  his  greediness  by  giving  more  than  he  even  demands — 
appeal  to  the  dictates  of  human  nature — not  to  the  hypocritical 
artifices  of  human  policy  and  corruption :  Hazard  a  temporary 
sacrifice  for  a  lasting  betterment  of  condition — almost  any  thing, 
rather  than  appeal  to  the  enemies  of  truth  and  common  justice,  and 
be  judged  by  them. 

Here  may  be  seen  some  of  the  tricks  and  terrors  of  law-craft, 
as  they  were  practiced  of  old  ;  and  particularly  as  they  were  em- 
ployed to  harrass  and  destroy  the  first  Christian  teachers  and 
their  disciples  and  followers,  especially  those  who  had  the  virtue 
and  courage  to  expose  the  hypocritical,  corrupt  and  oppressive 
policy  and  conduct  of  public  rulers. 

The  same  craft  was  employed  to  defeat  the  good  cause  of  lib- 
erty or  self-government,  as  the  spirit  of  inquiry  began  to  manifest 
itself  in  this  country  before  our  revolution,  and  particularly  to 
terrify  and  crush  those  who  had  the  virtue  and  courage  to  remon- 
strate against  the  unjust,  oppressive  and  cruel  policy  and  conduct 
of  our  public  masters.  And  again,  the  same  wicked  and  destruc- 
tive craft  was  busily  employed  against  our  democratic  reformers 
of  '98;  and  the  tricks  and  terrors  employed  by  judges,  lawyers, 
and  sheriffs,  were  particularly  designed  to  ruin  those  who  had  the 


260  LAW-CRAFT. 

honesty  and  firmness  to  maintain  the  righteous  cause  of  liberty 
and  equal  justice,  in  opposition  to  the  hypocritical,  unjust,  oppres- 
sive and  ruinous  course,  of  public  rulers. 

Thus,  the  fathers  of  Christianity  ;  the  founders  of  the  first 
practical  and  definite  system  of  self-government  ;  the  first  and 
most  efficient  promoters  of  human  improvement ;  and  indeed  the 
friends  and  benefactors  of  mankind  generally,  have  experienced 
more  or  less  of  the  tricks  and  terrors  of  this  wicked  and  destructive 
craft  or  policy,  practised  by  judges,  lawyers,  and  others  concerned  in 
the  abuse  of  court  authorities — who  often  prove  themselves  the 
very  wolves  and  vultures  of  society. 

After  all  these  examples  and  warnings,  is  it  possible  that  wc 
have  no  tribunal  or  authority  established,  to  rescue  a  man  from 
XXie  fangs  of  the  craft,  or  the  all-graspiag  power  of  lawyers  1 

As  to  our  boasted  "  right  of  trial  hy  jury^'  I  confess  I  hardly 
know  what  it  means,  as  it  is  practised,  unless  it  be  the  decision 
of  such  points  or  parts  of  particular  cases,  as  the  judges  may 
assign  them,  and  according  to  the  evidence  and  rules  dictated, 
prescribed  and  controlled  by  the  court.  This  limited  and  restric- 
ted part  that  juries  are  permitted  to  act  in  the  "  hearing"  and  de- 
cision of  certain  cases,  bears  very  little  security  in  a  man's  general 
concerns,  against  the  united  and  almost  unbounded  management 
and  control  of  judges  and  lawyers,  in  their  court  and  government 
transactions. 

However  destructive  and  alarming  their  policy  and  conduct, 
who  can  say  a  word  openly  against  these  knights  of  craft  and  ter- 
ror,  without  bringing  himself  right  into  their  fangs ,  racks  and  tor- 
tures ? 

While  we  permit  lawyers  to  exercise  most  of  the  public  authori- 
ties, they  will  be  able  to  prevent  the  establishment  and  opera- 
tion of  any  tribunal  or  power,  that  would  rescue  their  intended 
victims. 

The  following  is  a  modern  sample  of  the  work  and  designs  of 
the  craf,  from  a  London  paper : 

"  The  late  investigation  into  Lord  Portsmouth's  soundness  of 
mind  cost  seven  hundred  pounds  a  day — in  the  whole  amount 
Twenty  Thousand  Pounds !  Mr.  Hanson  has  declared  his  inten- 


SAMPLES  OP  LAW-ORAFT,  No.  1.  261 

lion  to  traverse  the  inquisition.  Should  he  succeed,  after  proceed- 
ing at  the  like  rate  of  expense,  the  result  will  still  be  the  same  ; 
for  if  he  should  be  ultimately  declared  competent  to  manage  his 
own  property^  the  lawyers  will  by  that  time  have  left  him  no  pro- 
perty to  manage  !" 


Samples  of  Law-Craft.     No.  1. 

The  notorious  murderer,  John  Johnson,  who  was  hanged  No- 
vember, 1823,  in  the  city  of  New-York — when  he  was  arraigned 
at  the  bar  of  the  court  to  plead — (that  is,  to  say  whether  he  was 
guilty,  or  not  guilty,  of  the  said  murder,  as  found  and  filed  against 
him,  by  the  grand  jury — a  matter  of  form,  especially  in  this  case, 
after  the  fact  had  been  established  beyond  all  manner  of  doubt,  by 
the  culprit's  own  confession,  substantiated  by  a  number  of  irresis- 
tible facts  and  circumstances) — the  prisoner  was  going  to  re- 
new his  former  confession  and  acknowledgment  of^  the  fact,  and 
*' plead  guilty,"  but  was  "  checked  by  the  court  !"  (true  to  the 
interest  and  policy  of  their  brethren  of  the  craft — the  offence  must 
not  be  acknowledged — but  denied,  and  justice  resisted  to  the  last, 
no  matter  what  excitements  it  may  hold  out  to  the  injury  of  soci- 
ety, nor  what  unnecessary  trouble  and  expenses  are  occasioned  to 
the  public  or  individuals — the  craft  must  have  their  game  ! )  who 
recommended  him  to  "  take  the  advice  of  counsel."  After  this,  we 
need  not  be  surprised  that  the  criminal,  (by  the  aid  and  ad- 
vice— most  probably  by  the  persuasion  of  his  lawyer  or  counsel,) 
when  again  brought  to  the  court  to  plead,  "  boldly  said,  I  am  not 
guilty."  And  even  after  his  trial  and  formal  conviction,  when  the 
court  asked  him  what  he  had  to  say  why  sentence  should  not 
be  passed  upon  him  for  the  said  murder,  he  said  "  he  was  not  the 
man"*  Thus,  if  possible,  aggravating  his  crimes  before  Heaven 
and  Earth. ! 


*  The  principal  and  leading  facts  in  this  case,  are  quoted  from  New- 
York  papers,  and  are  presumed  to  be  without  error. 


^62  SAMPLES  OF  LAW-CRAPT,  No.  J. 

Is  it  possible,  that  prompters  to  villainy  should  not  only  be  tole- 
rated, but  actually  endowed  with  special  privileges  and  advantagee 
to  aid  in  the  excitement  and  escape  of  criminal  and  other  offend- 
ers! 

We  here  see  what  took  place  in  open  day  before  the  public ;  but 
what  may  not  be  apprehended  to  be  done  in  secret  to  harden  and 
encourage  criminal  and  other  offenders,  and  to  facilitate  their  eva- 
sion of  justice,  by  the  aid  and  advice  of  such  interested  and  indul- 
ged counsellors  ! 

In  the  examination  of  the  accounts  of  public  agents,  in  1822,  by 
certain  determined  and  active  members  of  congress,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  detecting  corruption,  and  of  effecting  a  retrenchment  of 
the  national  expenditures,  it  was  ascertained,  among  other  things, 
that  the  attorney  general  had  made  separate  and  additional  charges 
for  his  professional  services  to  the  general  government,  over  and 
above  his  salary,  (which  is  $3,500  a  year.)  Among  which  was  one 
charge  of  w  re  than  a  thousand  dollars^  (the  exact  sum  is  not  now 
recollected,)  for  his  services  in  trying  the  mail  robbers  at  Baltimore. 
The  matter  was  referred  to  a  committee,  (the  chairman  of  which 
was  a  brother  lawyer  !)  who,  (I  dare  say  after  a  learned  and  labo- 
rious investigation  of  the  subject,)  eased  off  with  a  xe^xi  favorable 
to  the  said  charges. 

If  lawyers  have  such  enormous  gains  to  expect  from  the  trial  of 
criminal  and  other  offenders,  is  it  not  reasonable  to  conclude  that 
they  secretly  desire  and  aid  their  increase,  by  artfully  holding  out 
evil  temptations,  and  by  encouraging  and  assisting  resistance  to 
justice?  If  such,  in  fact,  are  their  interests  and  policy,  are  they 
a  safe  set  of  men  to  entrust  with  the  making  and  administration  of 
laws,  for  the  actual  suppression  of  criminal  and  other  offenders  ? 
and  finally  promoting  the  general  peace,  harmony,  security,  pros- 
perity and  happiness  of  the  people  of  this  republican  community  ? 
The  commissions  of  one  lawyer,  in  settling  the  late  Spanish 
claims,  amounted  to  about  seventy  thousand  dollars  ! 

If  lawyers  hsve  such  mighty  gains  to  expect  from  national  de- 
predations, and  from  tedious,  intricate  and  obscure  modes  of  ad- 
justment, would  it  be  reasonable  to  suppose  that  they  would 
exert  themselves,  in    any    capacity,  honestly  and    sincerely  to 


SAMPLES  OF  LAW-CRAFT,  No.  1.  2G3 

promote  a  plain  and  direct  course — for  instance,  the  establishment 
of  a  definite  and  efficient  code  of  international  law,  to  govern 
the  transactions  and  general  concerns  between  nations  ?  and  to 
adjust  and  settle  individual  claims  1 

The  law  expences  made  the  state  of  New- York,  about  their  poor, 
for  1823  (mostly,  if  not  all,  unnecessary,)  was  stated  at  twenty 
ODD  thousand  dollars  ! 

A  certain  lawyer  got  a  fortune  of  several  hundred  thousand 
DOLLARS  !  in  settling  the  estate  of  a  deceased  person  ! 

Can  it  be  possible  that  these  things  should  be  noticed  by  an  in- 
telligent and  reflecting  mind,  without  seeing  their  awful  conse- 
quences,  and  particularly  to  the  people  of  this  country  ! 

When  Cataline's  treasonable  conspiracy  against  Rome  was  pub- 
licly investigated,  a  lawyer  was  anxious  to  manage  the  case 
against  the  traitor,  with  the  secret  intention  of  facilitating  his 
escape  !  but  Cicero,  who  saw  through  the  crafty  would  not  per- 
mit him. 

Lawyers  are  very  fond  of  claiming  Cicero  as  a  model  of  their 
profession  ;  but  he  was  an  advocate  for  himself,  his  friends,  and 
his  country  :  not  a  tool  to  be  hired  to  aid  and  assist  rogues  in  the 
evasion  of  justice,  nor  to  rob,  persecute  or  oppress  honest  men. 

Cicero  was  governed  by  the  noble  principles  of  justice,  patri- 
otism, and  honour.  And  I  am  glad  to  perceive  that  we  have  some 
such  characters  at  the  present  day :  but  it  must  be  owned  that 
they  are  abo  e  the  general  policy  and  example  of  their  profession. 

Suppose  the  laws  were  rendered  so  intricate^  complicated,  and 
vague  or  difficult  to  be  understood,  that  no  body,  without  the  aid 
or  advice  of  a  lawyer,  could  safely  transact  any  considerable  bu- 
siness— that  is,  convey  or  receive,  a  good  and  valued  title  to  real 
estate,  or  make  any  other  considerable  contract,  or  instrument  of 
writing,  that  should  be  considered  as  legally  binding  ;  or  enforce 
the  fulfilment  of  a  contract,  or  the  collection  of  a  debt,  or  resist  a 
gross  and  palpable  fraud  ;  or,  in  fact,  use  the  laws,  any  way,  so 
as  to  possess  and  enjoy  our  own  rights  and  pririleges  :  and  sup- 
pose, too,  they  should  shackle  the  press,  so.  that  nobody  but  a 
thorough  bred  lawyer  could  write  a  paragraph  for  a  newspaper, 
without  wording  it  so  as  to  be  subject  to  some  legal  quibble  or 
penalty — where  then  would  be  our  boasted  rights  and  liberties  ? 


264  SAMPLES  OF  LAW-CRAFT.  No. 

Samples  of  Lawcraft^  No.  2. 

Among  the  various  little  cunning  and  artifices,  employed  by 
unprincipled  and  designing  lawyers  to  effect  their  crooked  policy 
and  designs,  there  is  perhaps  none  openly  practised,  which  is 
more  detestable  in  principle,  and  pernicious  in  its  general  exam- 
ple and  consequences,  than  their  studied  efforts  to  bring  passion 
against  reason — to  excite  levity,  laughter,  and  make  fwn,  or  to 
provoke  treachery  and  malice^  as  best  calculated  to  defeat  cool  and 
dispassionate  truth,  justice  and  reason. — Well  knowing  that  in 
proportion  as  passion  takes  the  reins,  reason  looses  its  influence 
over  mankind. 

This  base  and  inhuman  craft — which  makes  game  and  spoil  of 
the  rights,  liberties  and  happiness  of  fellow  beings,  is  sometimes 
particularly  manifested  in  their  transactions  in  legislative  assem- 
blies, and  often  in  managing  cases  before  courts,  juries,  common 
magistrates,  and  in  their  political  and  other  discussions  generally, 
both  verbal  and  written. 

Parties,  witnesses,  juries  and  public  assemblies,  are  oflen  most 
perniciously  affected  by  these  degrading  arts. 

More  than  half  the  trials  that  have  actually  taken  place  in  our 
courts,  may  be  fairly  imputed  to  the  little  cunning  and  artifices  of 
this  hypocritical  and  detestable  craft. 

The  frivolous  and  angry  passions  that  have  been  purposely 
engendered  and  kept  alive  in  our  political  and  other  public  dis- 
cussions, by  the  arts  and  agencies  of  this  infernal  craft,  have  al- 
ready inflicted  serious  wounds  and  injuries  on  the  people  and  gov- 
ernment of  this  country. 

It  seems  quite  astonishing,  when  we  duly  reflect  on  this  sub- 
ject, that  the  dignity  and  real  object  of  a  tribunal  of  justice,  le- 
gislative assembly,  and  in  fact  any  body  of  men  convened  for  so- 
ber investigation,  reflection,  discussion,  and  decision,  should  be 
thus  trifled  with  and  their  real  object  defeated,  by  a  few  litigious 
and  polittcdA jugglers,  blackguards,  and  bullies. 

During  the  session  of  the  N.  Y.  legislature  at  Albany,  spring 
of  1825,   they  were  petitioned  to  establish  a  definite  and  distinct 


SAMPLES  OF  LAW-CRAFT,  No.  2.  265 

code  of  law — suitable  to  the  general  understanding  and  wants  of 
the  people — a  more  important  subject  for  the  good  of  the  people, 
certainly  was  never  brought  before  that  Assembly,  nor  one  which 
was  probably  more  at  variance  with  the  policy  and  designs  of 
many  of  its  members.  Some  of  the  members  of  the  Assembly,  it 
is  said,  affected  to  be  mightily  tickled  on  the  occasion^laughed 
a  good  deal,  and  seemed  to  make  fun  of  the  subject — the  peo- 
ple's good ;  so  that  the  petition  could  hardly  be  said  to  have  had  a 
moment's  sober  consideration,  by  the  House. 

A  communication  in  a  New-York  city  paper,  sometime  after,  in 
reference  to  a  contemplated  meeting  of  "  the  bar,"  to  devise,  or 
advise,  some  improvement  or  alteration  in  the  organization,  ar- 
rangement or  operation  of  state  courts,  professedly  to  prevent  un- 
necessary and  grievous  delays  of  justice,  complained  of ;  the  wri- 
ter of  which,  seemed  to  congratulate  the  craft,  by  noticing  that 
the  man  of  fun  would  be  there,  at  the  notified  meeting — meaning, 
I  conclude,  that  there  would  be  an  artful  effort  to  make/im  of  this 
important  subject.  (How  cunning  some  folks  are — nobody  can 
see  through  their  policy  !) 

In  regard  to  the  delays  of  justice,  before  noticed,  it  has  been  es- 
timated by  "  the  bar"  at  Albany,  in  their  memorial  to  the  legisla- 
ture of  the  state  of  New- York,  (spring  of  1825,)  that  the  amount 
of  expenses  on  suits  pending  for  trial  and  not  reached  on  the 
docket  of  the  Supreme  court,  was  the  rate  of  a  fraction  over 
$55,000  a  year  ;  and  that  an  equal  amount  similarly  occurs  in 
the  court  of  chancery  : — making  together  the  gross  sum  of  one 
hundred  and  eleven  thousand  dollars  a  year,  taxed  on  the  parties 
waiting  for  trial  in  these  two  courts,  by  the  delays  of  justice! 

This  is  certainly  a  remarkable  acknowledgment  to  come  from 
lawyers,  who  are  probably  the  sole  cause  of  the  evil,  and  certain- 
ly the  profession  most  benefitted  by  the  unnecessary  perplexities 
and  delays  of  justice. 

The  following  piece  is  from  the  N.  Y.  Statesman,  of  May 
10th,  1825  ;  signed  An  Observer,  and  is  highly  illustrative  of  one 
branch  of  law-craft : 

"Administration  of  Justice. — The  subjectof  our  laws,  has  lately 
excited  that  attention  which  so  interesting  a  topic  is  always  enti- 
tled to.     That  they  are  not  adequate  to  the  wants  of  the  commu- 

34 


266  SAMPLES  OF  LAW-CRAFT,  No.  2. 

nity,  no  person  will  deny ;  and  that  the  proceedings  of  our  courts 
are  not  only  dilatory,  but  expensive,  will  be  as  generally  admit- 
ted. To  ascertain  the  cause  of  an  evil,  is  always  an  important 
step  towards  its  removal ;  and  I  therefore  propose  to  give  your 
readers  some  account  of  the  difficulty  and  delay  ^  and  consequently 
the  expense  attending  the  administration  of  justice. 

These  originate  in  several  causes.  First^  from  the  multiplicity 
of  the  forms  of  actions — that  is,  from  the  great  diversity  which 
prevails  in  the  sort  of  action  it  is  necessary  to  bring,  for  the  vari- 
ous claims  which  arise  in  our  intercourse  with  each  other.  Se- 
condly, from  the  nicety  required  in  the  pleadings  ;  and  thirdly, 
from  the  various  shifts  which  are  resorted  to  in  practice,  for  the 
purpose  of  delay,  and  which  are  tolerated  by  our  courts.  In  the 
"  NatorsB  Brevium,"  a  book  which  our  English  ancestors  have 
compiled,  for  the  purpose  of  providing  a  remedy  for  every  injury, 
there  are  given  perhaps  forty  or  fifty  different  forms  of  writs,  which 
may  be  considered  as  so  many  various  actions.  Every  one  of  these 
must  be  drawn  with  nice  and  technical  distinctions.  And  in  the 
subsequent  proceedings,  or  the  pleadings  which  are  to  follow,  the 
same  nicety  and  distinction  must  be  pursued,  or  the  parties  are 
liable  to  be  defeated  in  their  action,  on  the  ground  of  informality 

To  exemplify  the  nature  of  these  niceties,  the  following  exam- 
ple is  given  : 

In  instituting  a  real  action,  which  is  an  action  for  the  recovery 
of  land,  the  writs  are  of  various  kinds,  according  to  the  nature  of 
the  claim  ;  this  variety,  originating  wholly  in  the  peculiarity  of  the 
laws  of  England,  relating  to  descents.  Some  of  these  actions  are 
said  to  be  of  a  higher  nature  than  others,  and  if  a  demandant,  or 
person  claiming  real  estate,  should  hapf)en  by  mistake,  as  to  the 
legal  nature  of  his  claim,  to  bring  an  action  of  a  higher  nature 
for  its  recovery,  and  should  fail  in  it,  he  never  could  bring  anoth- 
er. He  must  therefore,  in  order  to  proceed  with  safety,  first  bring 
an  action  of  a  lower  nature,  that  he  may,  according  to  the  requi- 
sition of  the  law,  if  he  fail  in  it,  afterwards  bring  a  higher.  And 
thus  he  may  have  occasion  to  bring  several  actions  before  he  can 
obtain  his  right. 

In  personal  actions,  those  for  instance,  which  are  for  the  recov- 


SAMPLES  OF  LAW-CRAFT,  No.  2.  267 

ery  of  debts  or  damages,  the  same  variety  prevails  as  in  real  ac- 
tions. Thus  we  have  actions  arising  ex  contract,  or  ex  dilicto, 
the  one  sort  being  founded  upon  contracts,  and  the  other  for 
wrongs  independently  of  contracts. 

Actions  upon  contract  are  again  divided  into  actions  of  account^ 
assumpsit,  covenant,  debt,  annuity,  and  scire  facias. 

Actions  for  wrongs,  independently  of  contract,  are  case,  detinue, 
replevin,  and  vi  et  armis.  These  are  all  only  general  names,  and 
in  many  of  them  when  we  come  to  state  the  particular  origin  of 
the  claim,  either  on  contract,  or  for  wrongs.  We  have  actions 
upon  actions,  of  as  many  different  names  as  the  ingenuity  and  in- 
vention of  lawyers,  have  been  enabled  to  devise  distinctions  and 
divisions.  And  the  evil  of  all  this  is,  that  each  requires  pecu- 
liarities and  particularities,  in  the  form  of  the  proceedings,  that 
the  least  mistake  in,  would  prove  fatal  to  the  party.  When  the 
plaintiff  comes  to  state  his  action,  he  is  obliged  to  resort  to  the 
expedient  of  telling  his  story  in  a  half  dozen  different  ways, 
and  all  perhaps  varient  from  the  truth,  in  order  that  if  he  miss 
formality  in  one,  he  may  perhaps  hit  in  another.  For  the  extra- 
ordinary part  of  the  system  is,  that  if  his  story  be  ever  so  true, 
yet  if  he  has  not  told  it,  in  set  forms  and  phrases,  he  cannot  be 
listened  to. 

The  better  to  make  my  readers  understand  this  subject,  (for  1 
do  not  write  for  lawyers,)  I  will  define  what  the  profession  under- 
stand by  pleadings.  These  are  the  written  statements  of  the  par- 
ties to  a  suit.  The  plaintiff's  statement  of  his  cause  of  action, 
is  called  the  declaration,  and  the  defendant's  answer  to  this 
statement,  is  called  the  plea.  When  the  plaintiff  has  made  his 
statement,  the  defendant  pleads  or  answers ;  and  these  answers 
are  as  multifarious  and  as  crooked  in  their  structure,  and  indeed 
more  so,  than  the  plaintiffs  declarations. 

He  may  plead  to  the  Jurisdiction  of  the  court ;  to  the  person 
of  the  plaintiff  or  defendant ;  to  the  court ;  to  the  writ,  either  to 
li&form,  or  to  its  substance ;  and  lastly  to  the  action  itself.  I  will 
not  puzzle  the  reader  by  entering  into  an  explanation  of  these 
technical  distinctions.  It  may  be  sufficient  to  say,  that  they  all 
originate  in  the  different  grounds  which  the  defendant  may  have 


^8  SAMPLES  OF  LAW-CRAFT,  No.  2. 

it  in  liis  power  to  offer,  to  prevent  a  recovery  in  the  action ;  and 
the  only  one  which  has  relation  to  the  merits  of  the  controversy, 
is  generally  the  last. 

To  all  these  pleas  again,  the  plaintiff  has  a  right  to  answer. 
And  he  may  answer,  either  as  to  the  form  or  to  the  substance  of 
the  plea.  The  first  of  these  is  called  a  dcmurrfr ;  the  secon  i  a 
replication.  To  every  plea  interposed  by  the  defendant,  and  to 
every  subsequent  answer  of  either  party  to  the  pleading  of  the 
other,  the  right  exists  to  plead  or  demur,  and  this  goes  on  if  the 
parties  think  necessary,  (I  was  going  to  say  almost  ad  infinitum,) 
but  at  any  rate  to  a  considerable  extent.  There  may  always  be  a 
demurrer  as  to  the  form  of  the  pleading  ;  and  this  must  be  argued 
and  determined,  before  another  answer  can  be  given.  And  if  it 
be  determined,  against  the  party  whose  pleading  is  demurred  to, 
he  is  obliged  to  answer  again ;  and  again  he  may  be  demurred  to, 
and  so  on  continually.  Some  of  these  pleadings,  are  expressly 
invented  for  purposes  of  delay,  and  are  therefore  in  a  legal  phrase 
called  dilatory  pleas.  Others  are  invented,  for  they  seem  to  have 
no  other  object,  to  embarrass  the  parties.  Some  are  for  the  pur- 
pose of  putting  the  plaintiff  out  of  court,  however  just  a  ground 
of  action  he  may  have,  and  thereby  subjecting  him  to  the  cost  of 
suit,  and  compelling  him  to  begin  again.  And  in  real  actions  es- 
pecially, so  many  and  such  expedients  of  this  sort  may  be  resort- 
ed to,  that  as  the  practice  now  stands,  with  the  delays  incident 
to  the  multiplicity  of  causes  in  our  Supreme  Court,  a  suit  might 
very  easily  be  protracted  for  seven  years.  We  could  easily  de- 
monstrate this,  did  the  limits  we  have  assigned  ourselves  in  this 
communication  permit ;  but  it  would  take  some  time  to  make  it 
intelligible  to  an  ordinary  reader. 

We  are  aware  of  many  things,  that  professional  men  may  urge, 
in  favor  of  much  of  the  "  legal  lore"  above  referred  to :  We  con- 
fess however,  for  ourselves,  that  we  consider  the  whole  system  of 
special  pleading,  as  little  better  than  chicanery,  and  as  having  its 
origin  in  petty  verbal  distinction,  and  the  arts  of  ingenious  but 
wicked  men,  to  aid  the  cause  of  their  clients  at  the  expense  of 
justice. 

Tt  is  this  which  has  brought  the  science  as  well  as  the  practice 


SAMPLES  OF  LAW -CRAFT,  No.  2.  269 

of  the  law  into  disrepute  ;  and  so  long  as  its  professors  shall  con- 
tinue to  uphold  the  system,  in  opposition  to  the  reason,  the  intelli- 
gence, and  the  enlarged  views,  which  are  beginning  to  obtain  in 
our  country,  they  must  expect  to  be  identified  with  its  character. 
A  little  reflection,  and  some  consequent  exertion,  on  the  part  of 
professional  men,  might  soon  render  the  system  tolerable.  And  I 
sincerely  believe  it  would  be  not  only  a  creditable  circumstance, 
but  would,  in  the  end,  subserve  their  interests,  to  do  away  the  mys- 
tery of  the  art,  and  to  substitute  substance  in  the  place  of  form. 
In  our  laws  we  have  left  the  one  for  the  other,  and  the  professional 
lawyer,  from  habit  and  education,  can  think  of  justice  only  as  she 
is  clothed  in  technical  forms.  It  would  be  easy  to  substistute  pro- 
ceedings which  would  answer  the  ends  of  justice  quite  as  effectual- 
ly as  the  present.  In  the  court  of  chancery,  a  single  statement  of 
his  case  on  the  part  of  the  plaintiff,  and  a  single  statement  of  the 
defence,  on  the  part  of  the  defendant,  is  found  abundantly  suffi- 
cient for  all  the  purposes  of  justice.  Why  not  adopt  the  same 
course  in  the  proceedings  in  our  courts,  and  thus  get  rid  at  once  of 
all  the  delays  and  expenses  which  attends  this  endless  and  useless 
special  pleadings  ?  What  lawyer  ever  thought  of  looking  into  the 
pleadings  in  a  cause  with  any  other  view,  than  of  referring  his 
opponent  to  the  legal  rights  he  had  entitled  himself  to,  by  the  forms 
of  his  proceedings  1  The  merits  of  the  cause,  lie  dehors  the  record. 
While  the  suitors  are  only  looking  to  the  facts  ^  their  advocates  are 
fighting  under  legal  forms :  And  I  appeal  to  the  practitioner  him- 
self, whether  the  influence  he  is  under,  while  exerting  himself  in 
behalf  of  his  client,  is  not  half  derived  from  a  consciousness  of  the 
advantage  he  has  from  the  rules  of  pleading. 

But  it  is  to  our  citizens  at  large  that  we  are  to  look  for  aid  on 
the  present  occasion.  Let  them  unanimously  lift  their  voice  in  fa- 
vour of  a  code  of  laws ;  and  of  a  modification  of  legal  proceedings. 
Let  them  demand  from  the  legislature  an  attention  to  their  rights 
as  citizens,  and  to  their  interests  as  social  beings,  and  we  shall 
have  nothing  to  fear  from  the  profession.  Without  disparagement 
of  their  influence,  and  without  a  wish  but  that  they  may  ennoble  a 
science  worthy  of  their  charge,  I  would  wish  these  professional 
gentlemen  to  believe  that  I  am  influenced  by  no  hostility  to  them 


270  SAMPLES  OF  LAW-CRAFT,  No.  2. 

in  any  thing  I  have  offered  on  this  subject.  I  respect  them,  as  1 
respect  every  class  of  our  citizens.  The  good  they  shall  do  will 
be  spoken  to  their  praise,  and  the  evil  only  to  their  dishonour." 

The  following  advertisement,  (cut  out  of  the  Watertown  Inde- 
pendent Republican,)  exhibits  some  of  the  instruments  for  the  ex- 
ercise of  law-craft,  in  the  state  of  New  York  : 

([f^The  following  BLANKS  etre  kept  constantly  for  sale  at 
this  office  : 

DECLARATIONS  on  Mutuatus— and  Judgment  rolls. 

Declaration  on  Notes 

On  Notes  payable  to  bearer. 

On  notes  indorsed. 

First  indorsee  v.   1st  indorser. 

Second  indorsee  r.  drawer. 

Second  indorsee  v.  2d  indorser. 

Third  indorsee  v.  1st,  ^d,  or  3d  indorser. 

Money  counts. 

Merchandise  sold,  work  and  labour,  or  use  and  occupation. 

and  money  counts. 
Merchandise  sold,  and  money  counts. 
Narr.  Work,  goods  sold,  acct.  stated  money  counts. 
Plea  non-assumpsit,  payment  and  notice  of  set-off. 
Narr.  on  a  bail  bond. 
Narr.  bond  on  a  debt.     Oyer. 
Narr.  debt  on  recognizance  of  bail. 
Narr.  in  slander. 
Insolvent  papers,  and  Affidavits. 
Bills  of  cost  in  Supreme  Court. 
Capias,  Supreme  and  Common  Pleas. 


Fi.  fe.  in  debt. 

do. 

do. 

Fi.  fa.  in  case, 

do. 

do. 

Test.  fi.  fa.  in  debt. 

do. 

do 

Test.  fi.  fa.  in  case. 

do. 

do. 

Ca.  sa.  in  debt. 

do. 

do. 

Ca.  sa.  in  case. 

do. 

do. 

Test.  ca.  sa.  in  debt, 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do. 

SAMPLES  OF  LAW-CRAFT,  No.  2.  271 

Test.  ca.  sa.  in  case, 

Subp's,  and  Venires, 

Bail  bonds, 

Subpoena  tickets. 

Licences  to  tavern  keepers. 
A  writer  in  Noah's  New  York  National  Advocate,  of  October 
1st,  1825,  who  signs  himself  A  Lawyer ;  in  advocating  the  jus- 
tice and  importance  of  examining  the  qualifications  and  conduct 
of  our  judges,  as  well  as  other  public  servants ;  says  that,  *'  in  the 
code  lately  adopted  in  the  state  of  Louisiana,  which  was  prepared 
by  Mr.  Livingston,  we  find  an  express  article  on  this  point. — After 
a  cause,  whether  civil  or  criminal,  is  decided,  it  shall  be  law- 
ful for  any  one  by  printing,  and  in  writing,  as  well  as  by  speech, 
to  discuss  the  reasons  of  any  judgment,  order  or  decree,  given 
in  the  course  of  any  such  suit  or  prosecution,  and  to  call  in  ques- 
tion the  legality  or  propriety  of  the  same." 

From  this  it  would  seem  that  the  common  freedom  and  right  of 
discussing  and  giving  opinions  on  the  conduct  of  public  servants, 
was  denied,  in  that  of  the  chief  ofl[icers  of  our  courts  !  A  pretty 
extraordinary  case,  to  be  sure,  and  one  well  worthy  of  the  partic- 
ular attention  of  the  sovereign  people  ! 

Unprincipled  and  designing  lawyers,  like  monarchists  and  aris- 
tocrats, have  studied  to  render  a  knowledge  of  the  laws,  profes- 
sedly designed  for  the  guide  and  protection  of  mankind,  and  the 
administration  thereof,  a  complex,  intricate  and  distinct  science, 
known  only  to  themselves  and  a  few  who  have  studied  the  same  as 
a  profession ;  and  chiefly  in  order  to  exclude  all  who  have  not 
thoroughly  studied  this  profession  or  science,  from  offices  of  any 
considerable  trust  or  profit ! 

If  all  our  complex,  obscure  and  absurd  systems  of  law  were  ju- 
diciously revised,  or  a  definite  and  distinct  code  provided,  so  that 
every  man  of  good  common  sense  and  information,  might  under- 
stand and  use  the  laws  for  their  own  guide,  and  protecttion,  un- 
principled lawyers  would  soon  find  miserable  picking,  in  this 
country.  This  they  probably  well  know,  and  therefore  seem  detei> 
mined  to  embarrass,  pervert  and  defeat  every  effort  for  improving 
the  road  to  justice.     Like  the  haughty  and  corrupt  tyrants  of  the 


21i         THE  INTEREST  AND  DUTY  OF  FREEMEN. 

old  world,  they  seem  resolved  to  throw  every  obstacle  in  the  way 
most  to  baffle  the  progress  of  genuine  civilization^  and  to  yield 
nothing  but  to  absolute  force. 


The  Interest  and  Duty  of  Freemen. 

We  are  generally  too  much  in  the  habit  of  puffing  great  men, 
or  tliose  possessed  of  considerable  fame,  influence  or  authority, 
and  of  concealing  their  real  faults.  This  cowardly,  hypocritical 
and  sypophantic  course  of  policy  and  conduct,  is  a  shameful  and 
dangerous  deviation  from  our  duty,  both  as  Christians  and  repub- 
licans. 

Many  of  our  pretended  biographies,  are  mere  eulogies.  Their 
subjects  are  prodigies,  or  all  perfection  from  their  very  birth. 

Franklin  wrote  his  own  history,  and  candidly  admitted  his 
faults  and  errors — which  he  studied  to  retrieve  and  amend.  It 
would  be  important  for  mankind  if  all  histories  had  been  written 
with  as  much  candor  and  faithfulness. 

The  best  friends  and  benefactors  of  mankind,  denounce  the 
errors  of  those  from  whose  conduct  and  examples  we  generally 
have  the  most  to  apprehend. 

The  founder  of  Christianity,  and  its  first  faithful  teachers, 
plainly  told  the  faults  of  men  in  power.  Witness  the  following 
bold  declaration  of  Jesus  Christ : — 

"  Beware  of  the  scribes,  which  love  to  go  in  long  clothing,  and 
love  salutations  in  the  market  places.  And  the  chief  seats  in  the 
synagogues,  and  the  uppermost  rooms  at  feasts.  Which  devour 
widows'  houses,  and  for  a  pretext  make  long  prayers.  Wo  also, 
unto  ye  lawyers  !  for  ye  lade  men  with  heavy  burdens  griev- 
ous to  he  home,  ye  yourselves  touch  not  the  burdens  with  one  of 
your  fingers.  Wo  unto  you  lawyers  !  for  ye  have  taken  away 
the  key  of  knowledge  !" 

Look  also  to  the  declaration  of  American  Independence,  and 
there  see  what  the  fathers  of  republican  justice  and  humanity, 
told  our  unjust  and  despotic  rulers. 

Some,  from  fear  and  cowardice,  and  others  from  a  treacherous 


THE  INTEREST  AND  DUTY  OF  FBEEMEN.  273 

policy  and  design,  flatter  and  fawn  round  those  in  possession  of 
considerable  influence^  wealth,  or  authority. 

Error  becomes  dangerous,  in  proportion  as  the  source  from 
which  it  emanates,  is  elevated. 

We  should  habituate  ourselves,  freely  to  examine  the  policy  and 
conduct  of  public  servants,  as  truly  becomes  the  proprietors  and 
actual  sovereigns  of  this  vast  and  improving  country. 

I  probably  entertain  my  due  share  of  respect  and  esteem,  for 
the  illustrious  individuals  who  have  been  chief-magistrates  of  this 
nation.     Yet  they  were  fallible  beings,  like  ourselves. 

Washington,  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  had  a  public  fault. 
If,  in  the  wane  of  life,  those  who  enjoyed  his  confidence  as  friends, 
undertook  to  deceive  him,  and  to  use  his  good  and  great  name  as 
a  cloak  to  their  evil  designs  and  purposes,  it  was  no  fault  of  the 
man. 

His  good  sense — honesty,  wisdom  and  general  consistency  of 
conduct  and  character,  most  contributed  to  his  unparalleled  excel- 
lence. 

The  eldet  president  Adams,  although  ardent  in  the  cause  of 
our  independence^  was,  it  is  believed,  by  constitution,  education 
and  habit,  rsither  inclined  to  aristocracy.  Discipline,  however, 
probably  brought  him  right  at  last. 

Jefferson,  with  all  his  goodness  of  mind,  philanthrophy,  con- 
sistency, and  regard  for  republican  justice  and  equality,  lately 
headed  a  petition  to  congress  for  exempting  from  the  common 
importing  duties,  classical  books  for  the  promotion  of  extra  learn- 
ing. 

Madison's  pardoning  about  forty  pirates  at  one  batch,  after 
they  had  been  taken,  tried,  and  duly  convicted,  at  New  Orleans  ; 
and  some  other  weaknesses  or  indulgences  of  nighly  the  same 
character,  probably  led  to  much,  if  not  most  of  the  late  piracy. 
The  late  war,  blundered  and  lingered  under  incompetent'leaders, 
until  the  people  got  roused  to  their  public  dangers  and  took  a  de- 
gree of  their  national  concerns  into  their  own  private  hands. 

Monroe,  in  addition  to  some  of  his  predecessors  pardoning 
weaknesses  ;  has  been  endeavouring,  (though  probably  with  good 
intentions,)  to  do  away  party — which  is  as  necessary  for  the  pr«- 

35 


i274  THE  INTEREST  AND  DUTY  OF  FREEMEN. 

servation  of  free  government,  as  bile  is  to  that  of  the  human  bod} 
His  "  era  of  good  feeling  s^^^  or  general  truce  of  party  vigilance 
and  inspection^  (the  forerunner  of  numerous  and  immense  public 
defalcations  and  delinquences  of  duty,)  let  the  enemy  into  the 
very  heart  of  the  republic,  and  so  confused  and  confounded  right 
and  wrong,  friends  and  foes,  profession  and  practice,  that  it  has 
become  extremely  difficult,  without  long  and  critical  inspection,  to 
tell  what  a  man's  political  principles  are,  or  whether,  in  fact,  lie 
has  any  principles  or  established  rule  of  conduct. 

Notwithstanding  the  numerous,  loud  and  glorious  sounds — it  is 
the  opinion  of  some,  that  the  substance  of  real  republicanism, 
was  probably  never  more  fatally  declining  among  us,  than  at  the 
present  day  :  And  that  this  is  manifested,  chiefly  by  the  neglect 
of  duly  educating  the  common  people — their  growing  ignorance 
and  political  apathy,  resulting  from  their  want  of  adequate  intel- 
ligence and  instruction  on  subjects  of  general  interest  and  con- 
cern, and  their  consequent  neglect  or  misdirection  of  personal  at- 
tention thereto — while  the  most  extraordinary  exertions  are  ma- 
king to  promote  the  extra  education,  elevation  and  interests  of  a 
priviledgedypir,  and  mainly  at  the  expense  and  degradation  of 
the  many  ;  the  introduction  and  prevalence  of  frivolous,  effemin- 
ating, hypocritical,  demoralizing  and  corrupting  fashions,  manners 
and  customs,  favorable  to  the  existence  and  growth  of  aristocracy 
— right  from  their  fashionable  hotbeds  in  Europe ;  the  growing 
dread  and  contempt  of  every  thing  that  truly  bears  the  name  of 
honesty  and  public  usefulness,  and  the  consequent  schemes  and 
efforts  to  get  a  living  without  work,  and  to  make  fortunes  by  per- 
nicious speculations,  *'  tricks  in  trade,"  corporation  and  other 
swindling,  and  the  like  spoils  on  the  common  virtue  and  industry 
of  the  country ;  the  increase  of  pauperism,  begging  and  spung- 
ing,  under  a  variety  of  hypocritical  and  frivolous  pretexts,  tend- 
ing to  check  the  growth  and  exercise  of  manly,  self-dependent 
feelings  and  actions,  and  to  bring  the  common  people  into  a  kind 
of  cringing,  fawning  dependence  on  the  few,  more  wealthy,  in- 
fluential and  powerful  ;  and,  above  all,  the  alarming  multiplica- 
tion and  increase  of  criminal  and  other  offences,  with  the  various 
and  detestable  excitements  thereto,  and  the  growing  facilities  and 
exertions  to  evade  good  and  wholesome  justice.     All  tending,  roost 


OF  A  SYSTEM  OF  BANKRUPTCY.  275 

powerfully,  to  promote  the  ignorance,  inequality,  delusion,  pover- 
ty, depravity  and  downfall  of  a  virtuous  and  free  people. 

It  is  certainly  to  be  feared,  that  the  vigilance  and  enquiry  that 
was  awakened  at  the  latter  part  of  the  last  century,  into  the  prin- 
ciples and  actions  of  public  men,  and  to  the  measures  of  govern- 
ment generally,  is  sinking  into  apathy,  and  finally  yielding  up  to 
a  low,  hypocritical,  local,  personal,  degrading  and  ruinous 
policy. 


General  Policy  and  Fruits  of  a  System  of  Bankruptcy . 

The  British  government  have  done  a  great  deal  to  recruit  and 
support  the  rotten  cause  of  monarchy  and  aristocracy  in  their 
country,  by  a  system  of  bankruptcy  ;  which  is  of  itself  a  privi- 
ledged  law — exciting  and  promoting  commercial  gambling  and 
swindling — tending  to  impoverish  and  corrupt  the  middling,  most 
republican,  worthy  and  useful  class  of  people  in  society  ;  and  at 
the  same  time  producing  desperate  characters — fit  instruments  to 
carry  on  the  corrupt  and  cruel  work  and  designs  of  arbitrary  gov- 
ernment. 

The  holy  inquisition,  and  religious  despotisms  of  the  old  world 
generally,  have  been  served  by  bankrupts — men  rendered  despe* 
rate  in  fortune  and  character,  in  promoting  their  dark  and  infa- 
mous designs  and  purposes. 

''  Misery  loves  company ;"  and  when  one  man  is  ruined  in  for- 
tune or  character,  he  generally  becomes  a  fit  instrument  in  the 
hands  of  knaves  and  tyrants,  for  promoting  the  misery  and  des- 
truction of  others. 

A  law  in  this  country,  to  promote  bankruptcy  among  mer- 
chants and  traders,  must  have  essentially  the  same  effect  in  the  end. 

One  would  imagine,  there  would  be  merchants  and  traders 
enough  for  the  good  of  society,  without  granting  them  any  extra 
privileges  or  indulgences. 

If  merchants  and  traders  would  be  honest — hazard  nothing  for 
their  own  benefit  but  what  was  actually  their  own  property,  and 
properly  secure  the  amount  of  risks  they  are  unable  to  bear  them- 


276  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

selves,  by  insurance  against  the  dangers  of  fire,  and  of  the  seas, 
there  would  in  general  be  no  more  necessity  for  their  failure,  than 
of  farmers  and  mechanics.  All  of  whom  are  liable  to  have  their 
property  injured  or  destroyed,  by  fire,  tornadoes,  drought,  vermin, 
pestilence,  and  a  variety  of  calamities  and  misfortunes.  And,  if 
any  of  them  injudiciously  trust  out  their  property ;  enter  into 
hazardous  speculations,  or  any  way  encounter  foolish  risks,  they 
are  liable  to  lose  their  property  and  be  cast  upon  the  world  poor, 
or  in  destitute  circumstances.  But  what  then,  are  we  not  bound, 
in  perfect  justice  and  humanity,  to  have,  at  least  as  much  sympa- 
thy and  respect  for  the  rtal  misfortunes  and  sufferings  of  men, 
who  earn  their  property  by  the  industrious,  laborious,  useful  and 
honorable  profession  and  occupation  of  a  farmer,  mechanic  or  man- 
ufacturer, as  for  a  scheming  and  slippery  trader  ? 

It  is  affirmed,  that  honest  men  don't  need  or  desire  any  law  to 
absolve  them  fi-om  the  obligation  of  fair  contracts,  and  that  knaves 
would  abuse  such  a  law. 

It  does  finally  appear,  on  the  whole,  that  there  is  something  rot- 
ten in  these  systems  of  bankruptcy,  and  insolvency,  tending  pow- 
erfully to  the  destruction  of  republican  virtue,  justice  and  equality, 
and  to  furnish  fit  instruments  for  carrying  on  the  desperate  work 
of  corruption  and  despotism. 


Conversations  between  a  Monarchist  and  a  Republican. 

Monarchist.     I  don't  like  this  kind  of  mob-like  government. 

Jtepublican.     What  do  you  mean,  by  mob-like  government? 

M.  A  government  where  the  rabble  rule — where  the  sovereign 
people  reign  in  might  and  majesty  ;  and  who  can  do  no  wrongs 
whether  they  knock  a  man's  brains  out  for  daring  to  speak  the 
truth  out  openly  against  their  will  and  pleasure,  or  for  excising 
their  envy  or  greediness,  by  the  superiority  of  his  talents,  pro 
ductions  or  acquirements. 

JR.  The  sovereign  people  can  do  wrong ;  and  they  do  com- 
mit a  wrong  action,  whenever  they  violate  the  principles  of  mor- 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  277 

al  or  political  justice — the  acknowledged  standard  of  our  com- 
pact or  government,  towards  a  nation,  or  individual.  But,  tlie 
people  generally  bear  their  own  wrongs  ;  not  like  the  wrongs  of 
kings  or  sovereign  princes,  for  which  the  people  suffer.  By  the 
rabble,  do  you  mean  a  majority  of  the  people  ? 

M.     Yes, — the  multitude. 

jR.  How  great  a  proportion  of  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
would  you  designate  as  the  rabble,  or  multitude  ^ 

M.     Ninety-nine  hundredths,  or  more. 

JR.  How  would  you  have  us  governed,  if  not  by  the  will  of 
the  majority  1 

M.  The  science  of  government,  is  a  deep,  intricate  and  com- 
plicated subject,  that  requires  great  talents  and  learning  to  under- 
stand ;  and  is  as  much  above  the  general  reach  and  comprehen- 
sion of  the  rabble,  as  the  planetary  system  is  beyond  the  inspec- 
tion of  the  naked  eye. 

R.  The  science  of  government,  with  many  other  arts,  have 
been  rendered  as  intricate  and  complex  as  possible,  in  order  to 
exclude  them  from  the  comprehension  and  understanding  of  the 
common  people.  The  fallacy  and  wickedness  of  this  crafty  has  been 
pretty  well  demonstrated,  already,  by  the  experiments  of  govern- 
ments in  this  hemisphere.  However,  there  are  many,  I  presume, 
even  in  this  country,  nighly  of  your  opinion  or  liking.  Perhaps  one 
half,  twothirds,  or  more,  of  the  learned  professions,  together  with 
many  possessed  of  large  estates,  and  some  few  others.  But  how  is 
feuch  a  change  of  government  to  be  brought  about  ?  surely  it  can- 
not be  effected  by  force  of  arms,  for  the  multitude,  as  you  call  them, 
would  be  able  to  bear  down  all  before  them ;  and  quite  likely 
they  would  think  proper  to  shoot  or  hang  those  who  should  rebel 
against  the  established  government  and  laws  of  the  country ;  and 
confiscate  the  estates  of  internal  enemies — more  especially  the  rich 
men,  if  any  should  be  so  base,  ungrateful,  or  unwise,  as  not  to  be  sat- 
isfied with  equal  justice,  or  even  with  having  their  persons  and  pro- 
perty protected  without  bearing  an  active  part  themselves ;  but 
should  actually  conspire  against  the  common  rights  and  good  of 
community,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  further,  and  undue  ad- 
vantages over  their  fellow  men.     And  if  foreign  troops  should  be 


t278  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

brought  in  to  aid  in  the  subjugation  of  the  people  of  this  country, 
ten  to  one  they  would  come  over  and  join  us.  The  glorious  ex- 
ample set  by  the  troops  of  Spain,  (in  1820,)  has  taught  mankind 
what  can  be  accomplished,  when  those  who  bear  arms  resolve  to 
use  them  in  fmwr  of  justice  and  humanity.  But  who  shall  our 
national  sovereignty  be  entrusted  with,  if  not  with  the  people  1 
They  are  the  supporters  and  defenders  of  the  country,  and  have 
to  bear  the  final  result  of  good  or  bad  measures  and  government, 
and  why  should  they  not  dictate  and  controul  ?  Those  who  talk  of 
a  monarchy  or  arbitrary  government  in  this  country,  know  little 
or  nothing  about  the  matter.  If  an  attempt  should  be  made  to  es- 
tablish a  government  here,  in  contempt  of  the  public  will,  it  would 
soon  be  found  that  the  people  were  their  own  masters,  and  abundant- 
ly able  to  guard  and  protect  themselves.  If  an  undertaking  should 
commence  to  create  orders  of  nobility,  with  titles,  privileges  and 
badges  of  distinction,  it  would  require  an  immense  number  of  po- 
litical slaves  and  mercenary  butchers  to  maintain  their  authority. 
How  then  could  such  a  change  be  effected,  do  tell  me  ? 

AT.  If  you  must  know,  I  will  tell  you  how  it  may,  and  proba- 
bly will  be  accomplished.  In  the  first  place,  I  would  not  call  it  a 
monarchy  or  arbitrary  authority — although  the  names  sound  well 
enough  to  me,  yet  there  is  such  a  prejudice  against  them  among 
the  rabble  of  this  country,  that  you  might  almost  as  well  go  to 
war  with  the  elements  as  attempt  to  overcome  it — at  least,  sudden- 
ly. Neither  would  I  undertake  to  effect  a  change  by  force  of 
arms,  for  such  an  attempt,  it  is  pretty  well  conjectured,  would  go 
wrong.  I  should 'not  care  much  what  name  was  given  to  the  gov- 
ernment ;  call  it  a  republic,  if  you  please,  that  seems  to  sound 
best  to  suit  the  rabble;  and  let  the  political  chief  be  styled  a 
president  ;  and,  for  the  present,  dispense  with  the  name  of  a  no- 
bility. Privileged  orders  are  growing  quite  fast  enough  in  this 
country,  and  in  time  they  will  assume  names  and  distinctions  to 
suit  themselves.  A  change  of  government  is  only  the  work  of 
time  and  management.  Much  is  already  done,  and  more  is  con- 
tinually doing  to  effect  the  object.  To  complete,  however,  in  the 
first  place,  your  laws  need  only  to  be  continued  so  deep,  intricate, 
and  complicated,  that  none  but  regular  bred  lawyers  and  a  few 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  279 

others  the  most  learned,  can  understand  them.  This  essentially 
fixes  the  civil  authority  in  the  hands  of  learned  and  respectable 
characters.  The  next  efficient  aid,  is,  perhaps  a  learned  and  re- 
spectable clergy.  If  possible,  organized  as  a  priesthood,  or  any 
way  to  have  them  act  together — with  or  without  a  temporal  head ; 
and  paid  by  government,  or  by  permanent  funds,  so  as  to  render 
them  independent  of  the  rabble.  This  would  finally  bring  the  ec- 
clesiastical power  to  co-operate  with  the  civil  authority.  With 
these  two  powers  united,  (the  military  being  subordinate  to  the 
civil  authority,)  there  would,  I  think,  be  but  little  to  fear  from 
the  rabble.  By  the  way,  I  don't  think  much,  at  present,  of  the 
political  power  of  the  clergy  of  this  country,  taken  generally 
throughout  the  whole  United  States  ;  although  their  influence  is 
apparently  growing  and  linking  itself  together  for  national  purpo- 
ses. Tolerating  all  religious  denominations,  and  leaving  them  to 
the  free  choice  and  support  of  the  parishioners,  without  the  inter- 
ference of  government,  as  is  chiefly  the  case  at  present,  operates, 
in  a  measure,  like  so  many  different  checks  and  balances,  or  makes 
the  clergy  in  a  degree,  counteract  their  own  political  power  and 
influence.  The  different  sects  are  generally  jealous  of  the  polit- 
ical power  and  influence  of  each  other,  and  therefore  act,  in  some 
measure,  as  censors  on  their  own  policy  and  conduct.  Howev- 
er, if  power  is  their  main  object,  they  may  somehow  unite  in  their 
political  purposes,  at  least  a  majority  of  them,  notwithstanding 
their  different  sectarian  creeds. 

After  all,  it  mainly  rests  with  the  lawyers,  to  complete  this 
change.  They  already  Exercise  a  kind  of  political  sovereignty 
over  the  multitude ;  who  dare  not  resist  them  ;  nor  criticise  much 
into  their  policy  and  conduct.  It  is,  in  fact,  this  ;  with  the  con- 
tinued aid  and  influence  upon  society  here,  of  European  systems 
and  rules  of  education,  literature,  customs,  manners,  new  fash- 
ions  of  dress  ;  systems  and  doctrines  of  law,  religion,  court  eti- 
quette, &c. ;  with  your  usual  dependance  on  their  manufactures 
and  other  supplies.  Europeans  also  control  an  immense  amount  of 
your  public  stocks  and  other  monied  resources,  ready  to  wield 
for  your  embarrassment,  discipline  and  correction,  when  ever  you 
rebel  against  their  lead.     By  these  means,  the  mother  country  de- 


•280  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

rives  a  considerable  tax  and  homage  from  you,  without  the  trouble 
and  expense  of  your  government. 

These  laws,  and  weapons  ;  together  with  some  of  the  interests 
and  practices  of  those  who  bear  rule  in  authority  here,  are  well 
calculated  to  promote  the  change. 

R.  There  has,  I  know,  been  such  juggling,  slight-of-hand 
tricks,  or  strange  management,  in  many  of  our  political  transac- 
tions, that  a  man  might  often  profess  republicanism  and  practice 
monarchy,  or  any  of  its  subordinate  c  aft,  without  being  much 
out  of  fashion.  But  as  to  this  hypocritical  and  ruinous  course  ; 
with  the  DEEP,  intricate  and  complicated  law  systems,  that  afford 
so  much  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy — by  promoting  monarchy 
and  aristocracy  in  this  country  ;  together  with  the  influence  and 
power  of  their  chief  designers  and  managers  :  and  our  lack  of  a 
wise  and  consistent  internal  or  national  system  and  policy — they 
arc  all,  I  trust,  in  a  fair  way  of  correction  and  improvement.  If 
I  am  not  greatly  mistaken,  the  people  of  this  country  are  getting 
their  eyes  open  pretty  fast,  to  these  subjects — as  well  as  to  the  use 
and  operation  of  some  of  your  learned  and  respectable  characters. 
"For  instance,  such  men  as  Absalom  Ali.gab,  Esq.,  the  spouter, 
who  can  make  a  speech  four  or  five  hours  long,  upon  almost  no- 
thing, and  combine  truth  and  error  so  lea  nedly  together,  as  hardly 
to  be  distinguished  ;  and  the  big  law  character,  Squire  Quibble  ; 
who  beats  all  creation  for  law  knowledge ;  and  who,  it  is  said, 
cwajind  law,  for  almost  any  thing  ;  or  draw  a  special  writ  so  in- 
tricate and  complicated,  as  to  puzzle  a  juggler.  He  councilled 
and  assisted  G.  M.  Swindle,  to  twist  old  Mr.  Barnall  out  of  the 
chief  part  of  his  property  ;  and  when  the  old  man  complained 
and  told  his  neighbours  of  the  transactions.  Squire  Quibble, 
(thinking  the  old  man  could  not  prove  all  the  transactions,  or  that 
ike  truth  would  not  be  admitted  in  evidence  against  him,  according 
to  a  well  known  British  law  maxim,)  just  had  an  attachment  put 
upon  the  old  man's  body,  for  a  good  round  sum,  and  sent  him  to 
prison,  for  defaming  his  "  good  name,  fame  and  reputation,"  as 
he  called  it.  There  is  the  honorable  John  Two-face,  Esq.,  who, 
after  being  turned  out  of  public  confidence  and  employ,  for  his  hyp- 
ocritical and  oppressive  policy  and  conduct,  got  made  a  bank  di- 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  281 

rector,  through  the  aid  and  influence  of  his  aristocratic  and  moni- 
ed  friends  and  connexions,  to  make  up  for  his  lost  power  and  hon- 
ors— where  he  might  rule  over  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of 
money  that  was  none  of  his  own — loosen  the  purse  strings,  and 
then  draw  in  again,  first  to  bait,  and  then  to  hook  or  snare  his 
game,  to  gratify  his  overbearing  feelings  and  designs,  and  finally 
to  make  the  rich,  richer ,  and  the  poor,  poorer.  ^  And  there  is  Nat 
Premium,  who  would  almost  shave  a  man's  pluck,  for  money,  I 
suppose,  too,  would  be  called  respectable,  in  a  true  monarchical  or 
aristocratic  sense,  because  he  has  got  rich  without  exercising  any 
laborious  or  vulgar  profession. — And  Tim  Dash,  who  took  a  for- 
tune by  adventuring  in  hazardous  speculations,  for  his  own  bene- 
fit, other  people's  money,  without  their  knowledge  or  consent. 
There  is  the  big  Mr.SLEAVEBENDER,  who  is  enabled  to  lie  in  bed  un- 
til ten  o'clock,  and  afterwards  to  ride  in  a  coach,  only  jui^t  by 
marrying  a  daughter  of  the  commissary — who  was  one  of  those 
trading,  contracting  or  commission  patriots,  who  went  into  the  war 
poor,  and  came  out  rich,  and  always  carefully  avoided  scenes  of 
battle  and  danger.  And  there  is  also,  Artemus  Underwag,  the 
old  dandy,  who  wears  none   but  the  best  of  "  London  Cloth" — 

cuts  a  great  figure  at  a  dining-out,  or  supper  party — d s  off  the 

rabble  most  genteelly,  and  sings  "God  save  the  king,"  to  admira- 
tion. But  we,  republicans,  don't  think  much  of  such  learningf, 
accomplishments  and  characters.  They  don't  make  good  and 
useful  members  of  society. 

But,  pray.  Sir,  what  is  the  press — that  mighty  foe  to  tyranny 
and  oppression,  to  be  doing  while  your  managers  are  completing 
their  political  snares  to  entangle  liberty  and  bind  the  common 
people  of  this  country  1 

M.  The  press,  is  an  article  of  commerce ;  and  what  are  not 
already,  directly  and  indirectly  under  the  control  of  lawyers,  deal- 
ers in  foreign  productions,  and  others  who  are  aiding  the  cause, 
from  ignorance  or  design,  may  be  readily  bought,  or  terrified  into 
silence.  Many  are  waiting  for  a  bid.  At  least,  nine  tenths  of 
the  political  scribblers  are  to  be  bought  and  sold,  like  other  tools 
or  articles  of  traffic.  The  highest  bidder  generally  gets  them. 
Bonaparte  had  as  many  political  scribblers  as  he  pleased,  to  gar- 

36 


'282  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

nish  over  his  work  and  designs.  Cobbet  wrote  atgainst  your  gov- 
ernment, until  he  got  out  with  his  employers,  and  then  he  turned 
his  quills  against  them,  and  wrote  in  your  javour ;  but  now, 
(1819 — ^20,)  he  is  shedding  his  ink  in  the  pure  cause  of  the  radi- 
cals— a  kind  of  half  way  monarchist. 

Political  writers,  and  managers,  like  lawyers  in  the  pleading 
and  management  of  their  client's  concerns,  often  prefer  a  triumph 
over  principle,  or  truth,  justice  and  reason,  as  it  manifests  the 
greater  abilities  on  the  part  of  the  victor.  By  purchasing  a  num- 
ber of  your  /eoc^tii^  presses,  (which  would  not  cost  much — if,  in 
fact,  they  are  not  mainly  in  the  right  course  already,)  most  of  the 
rest  would  probably/o//oir ;  and,  at  least  nineteen-twentieths  of  the 
multitude,  are  so  ignorant,  stupid  and  inattentive,  that  they  might, 
with  proper  management,  be  led,  even  to  shackle  themselves.  An 
artful  manager  may  generally  lead  the  rabble  where  he  pleases, 
although  he  might  not  be  able  to  drive  one,  an  inch. 

R.  I  am  sensible  that  the  press  is  extremely  liable  to  be  cor- 
rupted, enslaved,  or  basely  employed ;  and  that  it  never  is  safe 
to  put  a  lengthy  dependence  or  blind  confidence,  in  any  man,  or 
set  of  men.  But  the  people  of  this  country  are  pretty  generally 
aware  of  these  facts,  already  ;  and  are  so  much  in  the  habit  of 
watching  and  thinking  for  themselves,  that,  with  the  aid  of  those 
presses  and  leading  politicians  remaining  faithful  to  republican 
principles,  there  is  not,  I  apprehend,  much  danger.  Some  of  our 
politicians  are  in  the  habit  of  keeping  a  sailor's  reckoning,  and  of 
taking  an  observation,  once  in  a  while  ;  when  they  cry  out,  where 
AUE  WE  NOW  ?  What  is  our  political  course  and  situation  ?  Is  ev- 
ery thing  snug  J  safe,  and  well  conditioned,  as  resj>ects  our  pro- 
gress and  situation  ?  The  fact  is,  most  of  our  creic  are  experien- 
ced political  pilots  and  navigators,  of  some  size  or  other  ;  so  that, 
if  a  few  knaves  and  blockheads  should  get  hold  of  the  helm  or 
main  rigging  of  state,  they  would  soon  be  detected  and  removed. 

M.  Your  sovereign  pfMple,  are  wonderfully  discerning,  watch- 
ful, active  and  resolute,  to  be  sure,  to  permit  their  rights  to  be 
usurped,  and  their  common  interests  to  be  trifled  with  and  treated 
with  contempt — even  their  express  will,  in  many  instances,  has 
been  evaded  and  set  at  defiance  for  years,  by  a  few  political  knaves 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  283 

joid  petty  tyrants.  The  fact  is,  your  common  people  are  the  game 
and  spoil  of  fevery  political  swindler  in  the  country ;  who  can  em- 
ploy the  basest  and  most  deceitful  means  to  obtain  an  election  or 
appointment  to  office — without  fear  of  punishment ;  and  then, 
when  he  has  succeeded,  perhaps  reward  his  secret  spies,  jugglers 
and  undertakers,  by  appointments  to  office,  under  him,  and  over 
the  sovereign  people !  by  which  he  sometimes  makes  himself  the 
magic  centre  of  their  glory  !  and  expects  them  to  serve  Mm,  in 
preference  to  the  people  ! 

If  your  leading  demagogues  and  a  few  of  their  tools  and  ad- 
herents, are  not  managing  with  a  hopeful  eye  to  some  future  event 
that  m^y  Jix  them  in  power,  and  hind  the  common  people  to  their 
will  and  future  policy,  why  then,  in  the  name  of  common  sense, 
do  they  not  punish  and  suppress  political  and  other  frauds  on  the 
people  1  and  especially  when  it  is  their  official  duty  to  do  so  1 — 
And  why,  in  particular,  do  they  studiously  defer  and  defeat  regu- 
lations that  a  sincere  regard  to  republicanism,  or  the  common 
good  of  the  people,  requires  them  to  perform  ? 

The  world  must  be  very  ignorant  and  thoughtless,  not  to  have 
noticed  the  inconsistency  of  many  of  your  leaders,  and  govern- 
mental proceedings. 

If  your  congress  or  national  rulers  could  not  have  done  justice 
to  the  poor  soldiers  and  other  patriots  of  your  revolution,  by  the 
payment  of  the  full  amount  of  their  just  dues,  why,  in  the  name 
of  common  honesty,  did  they  do  them  enormous  injustice^  by  se- 
curing the  amount  to  others,  and  thus  tax  the  principal  losers, 
and  their  posterity,  to  pay  the  same  over  again  ? 

R.  You  have  reference  to  what  was  commonly  called  the  sol- 
dier note,  and  public  securtiy,  speculation. — A  more  infamous 
transaction,  perhaps,  never  took  place  in  this  country  ;  and  the 
like  of  which,  I  feel  confident,  could  not  be  again  practised. 

The  inability  of  our  provisional  government,  to  pay  for  the  mil- 
itary services,  stores  and  other  expenses  necessary  to  conduct  the 
revolutionary  war  to  a  successful  close,  caused  the  evidence  of 
our  public  debts  to  depreciate  or  fall  in  worth,  until  they  finally 
settled  down  at  about  one-eighth  of  their  original  or  nominal  val- 
ue— at  which  rate  they  generally  stood  current,  until  some  time 


284  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

after  the  close  of  the  war  ;  when  a  combination,  of  speculators 
and  sharpers,  (many  of  whom  were  members  of  congress,  and 
otherways  in  power,  or  possessed  of  the  secret  intentions  of  con- 
gress,) managed,  chiefly  by  secret  agencies,  to  purchase  up  and 
get  into  their  possession,  or  under  their  control,  those  claims  or 
evidences  of  public  debts,  and  then  made  them  good  !  By  which 
means,  most  of  the  original  owners  and  losers — and  particularly 
those  who  had  been  under  the  necessity  of  parting  with  their 
soldier  notes  and  other  public  sureties,  at  their  deprecia.ed  cur- 
rency and  reduced  worth,  to  obtain  the  necessaries  of  life — they 
and  their  posterity,  were  subjected  to  be  taxed — to  bear  their 
public  proportion  of  making  good  the  amount  they  had  thus  been 
deprived  of,  to  this  combination  of  speculators — and  so  they  were 
twice  wronged ! 

This  was  calculated  to  create  the  beginning  of  a  monied  aris' 
tocrtuy  ;  who,  with  the  well  bom  of  the  country,  were  chiefly  to 
constitute  our  nobility — to  rule  over  us,  for  better  or  for  worse  ! 
This  transaction,  was  in  utter  contempt  of  all  principle,  or  in 
open  violation  of  common  justice,  and  the  public  good ;  and,  to 
have  raised  themselves  chiefly  upon  the  ruins  of  those  who  con- 
tributed and  suffered  most  in  our  successful  revolt  against  mon- 
archy, would  have  recommended  them  to  the  rank  and  favour  of 
the  legitimates  of  the  old  world. 

Soon  after  the  principal  advantages  of  this  speculation  had 
been  secured  to  its  authors,  many  of  the  sons  of  these  enriched 
speculators,  with  those  of  the  well  bom,  went  out  to  Europe  to 
witness  examples  and  take  samples  of  legitimate  nobility,  in  order 
to  qualify  themselves  for  their  expected  stations  :  and  when  they 
returned,  many  of  them  dashed  and  sported  away,  upon  a  prodi- 
gal, profligate  and  ruinous  scale — generally  manifesting  their  con- 
tempt of  the  common  people,  and  of  the  rules  and  good  of  socie- 
ty, in  the  true  style  of  legitimate  noblemen.  However,  the  virtue 
and  good  sense  of  our  common  people,  or  their  intelligence  and 
firmness,  sustained  this  attack,  and  defeated  the  designs  of  aristo- 
cracy and  monarchy  combined  ;  and  those  of  this  young  brood  of 
intended  noblemen,  who  have  not  fallen  the  miserable  victims  of 
intemperance,  profligacy,  and  their  own  folly,  dulusion  and  mad- 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  285 

^aess,  have  become  men  of  business,  and  otherwise  attached  them- 
selves to  the  prosperity  and  good  of  the  country.  It  is  a  curious 
fact,  that  many  of  these  well  born^  considering  themselves  entitled 
to  the  honours  and  emoluments  of  public  office,  on  account  of 
their  birth  or  family  connections — finding  themselves  disappoint- 
ed, complained  most  bitterly,  of  their  ill  usage,  as  though  the  will ' 
of  Heaven  had  been  set  at  defiance,  and  some  even  threatened 
terrible  things  as  the  consequence  ;  and  then  finally  sunk  down 
into  a  sullen,  sottish  mood  and  habits,  and  have  been  sulkily 
mouldering  and  rotting  out,  like  logs  cast  upon  the  sod  ! 

M,  It  has  been  a  subject  of  serious  and  loud  complaint,  (but 
without  redress,  for  those  who  have  got  the  advantage,  like  other 
tyrants,  hold  on^  without  justice,  or  reason,)  that  the  representa- 
tion in  several  of  your  states,  and  in  other  particulars,  is  extreme- 
ly anti-republican,  or  unequal  in  its  apportionment.  The  district- 
ing of  your  states,  has  also  been  long  and  loudly  demanded,  by 
the  public  voice,  and  by  every  consideration  of  justice  and  re- 
publicanism, that  the  people  may  have  a  chance  to  Jaiow  whom 
they  vote  for,  or  invest  with  power  to  act  for  them,  in  the  impor- 
tant stations  of  representatives  in  congress,  presidential  electors, 
state  senators,  and  the  like  offices.  Why,  too,  has  there  never 
been  formed  any  state,  or  national,  code  of  law — which  every 
man  of  good  common  sense  and  information  may  understand,  and 
use,  for  his  own  guide  and  protection  ? 

Ever  since  the  establishment  of  your  independence,  this  has 
been  more  or  less  the  case.  If  your  sovereign  people  don't  know 
any  bet  er,  than  to  permit  their  rights  and  interests  to  be  thus  tri- 
fled with  and  made  the  game  and  spoil  of  every  political  upstart 
or  unprincipled  adventurer,  their  prospects  are  certainly  not  very 
inviting. 

It  don't  signify,  education  is  too  cheap  in  this  country.  It  makes 
more  fools  and  knaves  than  any  thing  else.  Your  studies  should 
be  about  twice  as  extensive  as  they  now  are  ;  and  your  schools, 
academies  and  colleges,  should  be  supplied  with  the  most  refined 
and  choice  European  authors  and  publications — which  pay  a  pro- 
per respect  to  illustrious  birth,  and  noble  titles  and  distinctions,  as 


286  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN   A 

well  as  to  men  of  wealth,  learning  and  exalted  piety ;  and,  by  at* 
tending  to  their  rules  of  education,  would  ultimately  subdue  that 
rude  and  disrespectful  mode  of  expression,  which  is  common  in 
this  country. 

Your  taste  for  European  education,  literature,  fashions,  customs 
and  refinements,  is,  however,  progressing  encouragingly. 

R.  What  are  the  boasted  fiddlers^  picture-makers,  and  novei- 
istSy— stage-player Sy  mountebanks  smd  jugglers, — spies,  pimps  and 
pick-pockets,  of  large  cities,  and  old  over-crowded  countries,  with 
all  their  tinsels  and  toy-shops,  and  their  barren  piles  of  privilefed 
spoil — the  truits  of  a  diseased  and  corrupt  taste,  designed  to  pam- 
per the  drones  and  made  fools  of  bloated  monarchy,  and  to  feed 
and  rule  the  miserable  slaves  that  creep  and  cringe  at  the  foot- 
stool of  arbitrary  power,  and  to  animate  and  regale  the  silly  and 
corrupt  creatures  of  monarchy,  that  dance  and  play  round  the 
thrones  of  sovereign  chiefs,  together  with  their  millions  of  lousy 
beggars,  (noblemen  beggars,  and  all,)  and  an  ignorant,  degraded 
and  oppressed  peasantry,  chiefly  dwelling  in  thacthed,  mud 
hovels,  and  subsisting  upon  the  refuse  of  their  own  productions—- 
the  victims  of  an  unjust,  corrupt  and  arbitrary  government  and 
policy  :  What,  I  say,  are  these  to  compare  with  a  nation  of  free- 
men,— the  virtuous,  enlightened,  and  independent  farmers  and 
mechanics  of  America ;  the  lords  of  the  harvest  and  the  work-shop, 
dwelling  in  permanent  and  commodious  houses,  of  wood,  brick  or 
stone,  situated  in  the  pure  open  atmosphere,  of  ten  thousand 
country  townships  and  villages,  enjoying  the  fruits  of  their  own  la- 
bor, with  all  the  privileges,  dignity  and  independence  becoming  an 
enlightened  and  free  people,  subject  to  no  political  master  or  supe- 
rior under  Heaven ! 

As  to  respect  for  empty  titles,  and  nominal  distinctions  of  birth, 
blood  and  fortune,  they  are  too  palpably  ridiculous  and  absurd  to 
require  serious  confutation.  Away  with  them,  I  say,  every  thing 
but  actual  merit  and  substantial  usefulness — they  are  the  fruits 
and  excrescences  of  overgrown  vice — the  fewer  of  them  the  better. 

I  have  no  objection  to  European  works  of  substantial  merit  and 
usefulness  ;  but  we  have  already  received  too  much  of  our  educa- 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  287 

ticm  from  the  fountains  and  sinks  of  monarchy ;  and,  as  to  the 
cheapness  of  education  in  this  country,  I  consider  it  one  of  our 
greatest  blessings.  The  people  of  this  country  will  always,  I  hope, 
be  such  fools  as  to  think  and  act  for  themselves.  But  where 
will  you  find  men  of  the  old  world,  to  compare  with  our  Washing- 
ton, Franklin,  Jefferson,  Hancock,  Patrick  Henry,  Adamses, 
Sherman,  Rittenhouse,  Jackson  and  a  host  of  other  benefactors 
and  public  worthies  that  could  be  named,  raised  up  in  our  re- 
publican habits. 

M.  I  see  you  are  disposed  to  soar  from  your  subject,  and  tri- 
umphantly top  off  with  some  of  your  most  distinguished  leaders — 
republican  worthies,  as  you  would  call  them.  But  I  believe  your 
revolution  never  would  have  been  attempted,  had  the  leading  men 
been  seasonably  appointed  to  office,  instead  of  sending  men  over 
here  to  rule  you  ;  and  even  as  it  was,  I  believe  the  chief  part  of  your 
southern  nabobs  never  would  have  joined  the  revolutionary  cause, 
as  much  as  they  did,  had  they  not  utimately  intended  to  rule. 
Among  the  complaints,  stated  in  your  declaration  of  indepen- 
dence, against  the  king  and  government  of  the  mother  country, 
is  the  "  sending  over  swarms  of  officers,  to  harrass"  your  people 
and  eat  out  their  substance.  This  is  certainly  the  most  undigni- 
fied language  of  any  part  of  that  famous  instrument,  and  shows, 
pretty  clearly,  where  your  leaders  felt  themselves  most  bitterly  ag- 
grieved. Had  thei/  been  employed  to  have  "  harrassed  the  people" 
and  to  have  "  eat  out  their  substance,"  instead  of  foreign  officers, 
all  most  probably  would  have  been  well,  with  them,  as  in  other 
cases  that  might  be  named. 

R.  That  there  should  have  been  some  hypocrites  among  the 
leaders  of  our  revolution,  is  not  at  all  surprising.  Indeed,  we 
are  warned,  by  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  of  them,  never  to 
expect  to  find  Angels  in  the  form  of  men.  But  the  world  never 
saw  nobler  minds  united  in  a  political  undertaking  for  the  genr 
eral  good,  than  those  who  planned  and  achieved  our  national  lib- 
erty and  independence.  Who,  but  an  idiot,  or  slave,  would  not 
have  resented  the  sending  over  here  and  placing  over  \i8,foreignr 
ers — strangers  to  our   condition  and  best  good— -enemies  to  our 


288'  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

rights  and  prosj)erity — the  mere  agents  and  tools  of  a  foreign  and' 
despotic  master  ? 

M.  You  have,  indeed,  blundered  into  a  degree  of  civilized  lib- 
erty ;  but,  if  your  sovereign  peop'e  are  not  better  informed  on 
the  subject,  than  they  now  appear,  you  may  soon  blunder  out 
again. 

The  principal  leaders  in  your  revolution,  like  others  in  pursuit 
of  tliat  which  they  could  not  achieve  by  force,  had  recourse  to 
stratagem  ;  and,  in  order  to  induce  the  people  to  beat  off  your 
foreign  masters,  that  they,  themselves,  or  their  posterity,  might 
lord  it  over  you,  they  talked  mighty  patriotic,  republican  and  fair, 
to  be  sure — and  some  of  them  proved  faithful  to  their  professions  ; 
but  others,  as  soon  as  they  saw  your  national  independence  estab- 
lished, made  known  their  liking  and  intentions  for  dominion  over 
the  common  people. 

You  have  not  yet  got  church  and  state  policy  much  blended 
together,  in  your  national  government ;  but  lihertjf  and  slavery 
are  closely  and  hypocritically  interwoven  and  connected  therein  ; 
and  which  are  as  bad,  or  worse,  in  the  natural  consequences  of 
their  connexion.  Slavery,  is,  indeed,  a  mUl'Stone^  as  it  were,  about 
your  neck. 

Is  it  possible,  that  a  nation  or  people  can  long  exist  in  harmony, 
and  act  together  faithfully  for  the  general  good,  when  one  part  are 
for  protecting,  honoring  and  rewarding  human  industry  and  mer- 
it, and  the  other  part  feel  interested  and  disposed  to  degrade, 
rob  and  enslave,  the  most  laborious  part  of  their  fellow  beings? 

What,  in  fact,  is  your  boasted  declaration  of  independence,  but 
an  empty  farce — a  solemn  and  hypocritical  mockery ;  and  what 
does  many  of  your  self-styled  gasconading  republicans,  care  about 
the  words  or  meaning  of  that  sacred  instrument,  as  you  would 
call  it,  if  they  can  only  rule  ?  By  that  instrument,  they  solemn- 
ly proclaim  to  Heaven  and  Earth,  that  all  men  are  born  free, 
and  equal — possessing  certain  unalienable  rights — to  it,  freedom 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  while  they  hold  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  their  fellow  creatures  in  perpetual  and  ignominious  bon- 
dage, and  strenuously  persist,  even  to  the  iminent  jeopardy  of 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  289 

your  national  liberty  and  independence,  in  maintaining  an  unequal 
and  u?ijust  advantage,  obtained  by  your  constitution,  over  their 
fellow  citizens  of  other  states,  in  an  extra  representation  on  ac- 
count OF  THEIR  SLAVES  ! 

Common  justice,  and  common  sense,  would  require  a  deduction 
of  representation,  or  federal  power  and  influence,  from  the  slave 
holding  states,  on  account  of  their  public  danger,  and  final  inju- 
ry to  the  best  interests  of  the  community. 

R.  It  will  be  remembered  that  slavery,  was  introduced  into  this 
country  by  monarchy ;  and  since  the  declaration  of  our  independ- 
ence and  the  establishment  of  our  republican  government,  the 
efforts  made  by  our  government,  aided  by  individuals,  to  melio- 
rate the  condition  of  slaves,  and  finally  to  abolish  slavery  from  the 
union,  has  set  the  world  an  example  of  justice  and  humanity,  that 
reflects  honor  upon  the  nation,  as  well  as  the  distinguished  indi- 
viduals engaged  in  promoting  the  undertaking. 

M.  Some  of  your  lovers  of  liberty,  I  know,  boast  of  having 
abolished  the  slave  trade — that  horrid  traffic  in  human  beings  : 
That  is  they  have  found  it  more  profitable  to  propagate  and  raise 
men,  women  and  children  for  sale  as  slaves,  than  to  import  them, 
from  a  foreign  country ! 

Because  you  found  certain  people  in  slavery,  when  you  com- 
menced your  independence  and  free  form  of  government,  you 
seemed  to  consider  it  right  to  keep  them  so ;  and  also  to  con- 
sign their  posterity,  (without  a  single  fault,)  to  perpetual  and  ig- 
nominious bondage ! 

The  mighty  wisdom  and  greatness  of  your  Jefferson — where 
was  it,  in  acquiring  a  territory  thrown  in  your  way^  as  it  were, 
by  European  embarrassments.  Where,  too,  was  his  boasted  phi- 
lanthrophy,  or  sense  of  national  justice,  when  he  was  racking  his 
brain  to  find  out  appropriations  for  the  overflowings  of  your  na- 
tional treasury,  while  many  of  the  cheated  and  war-worn  vete- 
rans and  patriots  of  your  revolution,  or  their  orphan  families, 
were  suffering  for  want  of  the  common  necessaries  and  comforts 
of  life. 

R.  Monarchists,  I  know,  will  never  forgive  our  good  and  great 

Jefferson,  for  the  part  he  has  acted  in  acquiring  and  extending 

37 


296  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

our  national  liberty  and  independence :  But  they  are  welcome  to 
console  themselves  by  their  petty  flirts  and  insinuations.  He  is 
quite  out  of  their  reach  ;  and  stands,  in  fact,  as  much  above  the 
general  character  of  emperors,  kings,  or  sovereign  princes,  as 
human  virtue  and  wisdom  are  more  to  be  esteemed,  than  igno- 
rance and  corruption. 

M.  What  is  your  much  boasted  freedom  of  election,  one  half 
the  time,  but  a  solemn  mockery — an  idle  and  hypocritical  ceremo- 
ny— a  mere  farce,  insulting  alike  to  justice  and  common  sense, 
ivhen  every  body  knows  that  it  is  generally  useless  to  oppose  a 
candidate,  once  nominated  to  an  oflice  by  a  few  irresponsible  lead- 
ers of  a  ruling  party.  Might  you  not  just  as  well  acknowledge 
the  legitimacy  of  a  caucus  nomination,  at  once,  and  save  your- 
selves the  trouble  and  expense  of  attending  the  poles  and 
performing  the  humiliating  ceremony  of  voting  ?  Bonaparte  mount- 
ed to  an  imperial  throne,  by  a  kind  of  mock  election. 

Your  president^  has,  already,  nigh  or  quite  as  much  power  and 
influence,  as  a  king  usually  possesses  under  a  constitutional  or 
limited  monarchy  ;  and,  although  he  is  not  elected  for  life,  and 
the  line  of  succession  established  in  his  family,  yet  he  can  gene- 
rally manage  to  retain  the  oflice  two  terms  in  succession,  and 
then  nominate  or  secure  the  election  of  his  successor.  This 
seems  prodigious,  in  a  country  where  the  people  exercise  politi- 
cal sovereignty,  and  do  not  profess  to  believe  in  the  infallibility 
of  a  single  man.  It  seems  also  a  little  queer,  that  you  should 
have  created  a  political  monster  of  such  fearful  power  and  conse- 
quences, as  to  require  constant  checking  and  guarding,  to  pre- 
vent him  from  trampling  on  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  com- 
munity. Some  of  your  leading  politicians  already  style  your  pre- 
sident, chief  ruler  of  the  nation.  The  petitions  or  prayers  of 
your  sovereign  people  to  their  public  servants^  is  also  rated  among 
some  of  the  hypocritical  and  queer  transactions  of  your  government 
and  rulers. 

What,  in  fact,  is  your  much  boasted  national  constitution,  but 
a  leaden  rule,  or  a  lump  of  wax,  to  be  bent  to  any  shape,  or  to 
sustain  any  impression  or  construction^  that  may  happen  to  suit 
th«  interest  or  convenience  of  a  ruling  party  1  For  example— one 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  29i 

day,  a  national  banking  establishment,  of  few  millions  capital,  was 
not  only  denounced  as  unconstitutional,  but  as  being  a  huge  mon- 
ied  institution — an  overgrown  engine  of  tyranny  and  corruption — 
the  very  "  old  dagon,^'  that  would  one  day  destroy  your  liberty, 
if  permitted  to  exist.  (The  capital  stock  chiefly  belonged  to  for- 
eigners, and  to  men  of  the  party  out  of  power.)  No  sooner  than 
this  monied  mammoth  was  slain  and  quietly  in  the  dust,  than  the 
same  party  who  destroyed  it,  created  another  of  thirty-jive 
millions  of  capital — three  times  and  a  half  bigger  than  the 
first !  and  which  they  announced  as  a  measure,  not  only  consis- 
tent with  the  powers  delegated  to  the  general  government  by  the 
constitution,  but  as  a  very  useful  and  convenient  establishment  I 

Your  large  and  overgrowing  states,  I  regard  as  a  kind  of  polit- 
ical giants  J  that  singly,  or  combined,  most  probably  will  attempt, 
sooner  or  later,  to  hully — control,  or  upset,  the  union^ — unless,  in- 
deed, there  is  quite  a  different  spirit  manifested  than  now  prevails. 

The  sons  of  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  claim  a  kind  of  birth- 
right, over  the  sons  of  the  other  states,  on  account  of  the  lead 
those  states  took  in  your  revolution.  They  have  already  both  had 
their  turns  of  pouting  and  raving — manifesting  a  dissatisfied  and 
rebellious  spirit,  whenever  the  presidency  or  chief  rule  is  taken 
from  them.  Indeed,  one  excess  generally  follows  another ;  and 
those  who  were  the  first  to  revolt  against  monarchy  in  this  coun- 
try, might  be  expected  to  be  the  first  to  attempt  the  overthrow  of 
your  national  union  and  liberties. 

Your  leaders  boast  of  a  great  deal  of  patriotism,  political  wis- 
dom and  foresight ;  but  the  truth  is,  the  prosperity  of  this  country, 
hitherto,  has  been  chiefly  the  result  of  accidental  causes. 

In  proportion  to  your  numbers,  this  country  probably  has  nigh 
or  quite  as  many  interested  and  designing  foes  to  common  free- 
dom, justice  and  humanity,  as  any  other — only  they  are  not  yet 
in  possession  of  means  to  fully  accomplish  their  gratification. 

Many  of  the  roofs  and  branches  of  monarchy,  still  remain  and 
flourish  with  you.  What  else  could  cause  the  holding  on  to  so 
many  anti-republican  measures,  habits  and  customs  ? 

R.  If  you  could  read  the  secrets  of  my  mind,  you  would  find, 
that  these  things  are  just  as  foreign  from  my  liking,  as  they  are 


292  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

injurious  to  the  republican  cause.  The  fact  is,  since  the  com- 
mencement of  our  revolution,  the  real  republicans  of  America, 
have  had  the  monarchists  and  aristocrats  of  both  the  old  and 
new  world  to  contend  with.  Besides,  it  would  be  unreasonable 
to  expect  a  perfect  system  of  republicanism,  to  have  been  immedi- 
ately formed  out  of  the  confused  materials  furnished  by  the  revolu- 
tion, especially  under  all  the  troubles  and  intrigues  that  succeeded 
that  period.  It  is  the  work  of  time,  and  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  to 
establish  a  perfect  system  of  republican  rules  and  habits  of  life. 

What  objection  can  a  virtuous  and  enlightened  man,  have  to  a 
republican  government,  founded  in  a  system  of  equal,  just  and 
reasonable  laws,  faithfully  and  judiciously  administered  ?  Are  not 
talents  and  learning  sufficiently  honored  and  rewarded,  by  them, 
if  usefully  applied  ? 

M.  Where  is  your  sense  of  national  justice,  honor,  or  even  of 
good  policy y  in  the  treatment  experienced  by  many  of  your  most 
virtuous,  patriotic  and  meritorious  geniuses?  Their  lives  have 
been  a  bed  of  thorns,  and  the  existence  of  some  have  been  termi- 
nated by  premature  death.  The  ingratitude  of  republics,  is, 
indeed,  proverbial. 

R.  However  truly  the  charge  of  ingratitude  may  have  been 
applied  to  what  were  anciently  called  republics ;  the  character,  I 
apprehend,  is  not  fairly  due  to  the  people  of  this  country.  That 
our  7«tsrepresentatives,  have,  in  many  instances,  disgraced  our 
republican  character,  I  will  not  deny  ;  but  when,  and  where,  has 
there  been  one  spontaneous  and  understanding  act  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  that  may  be  fairly  stamped  with  the  charac- 
ter of  ingratitude  1 

Men  of  extraordinary  virtue  and  genius,  have  always  excited 
more  or  less  envy,  and  cupidity,  in  every  age  and  country  where- 
ever  they  have  existed  ;  but  whenever  such  characters  have  been 
the  subjects  of  fraud,  vexation  and  cruelty,  in  this  country,  I  have 
always  found  that  their  principal  and  leading  foes,  at  least,  were 
of  that  class  and  character  of  men,  whom  you  would  have  us  re- 
gard as  learned  and  respectable;  and,  although  some  of  the  com- 
mon people  have  been  deceived  and  led  on  to  give  aid  and  assist- 
ance to  such  conspiracies,  yet  the  design  and  infamy  chiefly  rests 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  293 

with  the  former.  Indeed,  I  am  well  persuaded  there  is  not  a  more 
worthy  class  of  people  on  the  globe,  nor  more  sincere  friends  of  vir- 
tue, justice  and  human  excellence,  than  a  great  majority  of  the 
common  people  of  this  country.  They  feel  neither  above  nor  helow 
a  proper  sense  of  human  rights — the  interests  and  feelings  of  their 
fellow  beings. 

No  wonder  the  enemies  of  justice  and  civil  liberty  should  im- 
pute every  thing  bad  to  the  character  of  a  republican  government, 
that  they  should  endeavor  to  make  mankind  afraid  vf  themselves, 
and  try  to  terrify  them  into  the  ranks  of  monarchy,  as  the  only 
place  of  safety,  profit,  or  honor.  Some,  who  have  been  perpetu- 
ally drinking  from  the  fountains  and  common  sewers  of  monarchy, 
have  got  so  impregnated  with  the  disease,  that  they  verily  believe, 
no  doubt,  that  monarchies  are  the  real  friends  and  benefactors  of 
mankind,  sent  down  from  Heaven,  as  it  were,  in  God's  special 
mercy,  to  protect  mankind,  against  themselves  !  But  if  these 
children  of  monarchy  will  only  read  the  Bible,  they  may  find  that 
kings  were  indulged  to  punish  mankind  for  their  vanity  and  wick- 
edness ;  and  if  they  will  take  the  trouble  to  ascertain  their  trans- 
actions, truly,  they  will  probably  be  satisfied  that  monarchies  have 
pretty  generally  answered  the  purposes  for  which  they  were  in- 
dulged. 

Our  Divine  Saviour  and  his  apostles  fully  manifested  their  re- 
publicanism. 

Call  no  man  master.  Ye  are  brethren.  He  that  is  chief  est 
among  you,  the  same  is  your  servant. 

Do  UNTO  OTHERS  AS  YE  WOULD  THAT  MEN  SHOULD  DO  UNTO 
YOU. 

He  that  exalteth  himself,  shall  be  abased,  and  whomsoever 
humbleth  himself,  shall  be  exalted. 

One  thing  is  pretty  certain,  that  a  majority  of  several  millionn 
of  freemen,  can  select  a  better  chief,  than  mere  chance  ;  and  that 
the  people  are  more  suitable  judges  of  what  is  good  for  them- 
selves, than  a  haughty  and  overbearing  aristocracy,  who  riot  in 
luxury  upon  the  earnings  of  their  fellow-men,  and  feel  few  or  none 
of  the  burdens  and  actual  conditions  they  impose  on  others. 

It  is  quite  a  common  artifice,  with  those  who  wish  to  degrade^ 


294  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

or  impose  on  othe»-s,  to  endeavour  to  draw  off  our  natural  excite- 
ments and  fellow-feelings,  from  the  objects  of  their  intended  in- 
justice or  cruelty,  by  representing  them  as  poor^  ignorant^  or  vile 
creatures — unworthy  of  common  justice  and  humanity  !  perhaps 
just  fit  to  be  slaves  !  The  absurdity  and  wickedness  of  such  apol- 
ogies, or  course  of  argument,  however,  cannot  well  be  too  severe- 
ly reprehended. 

Are  the  persons  and  property  of  individuals,  any  where  more 
secure,  than  in  this  republican  country  ? 

M.  You  no  doubt,  consider  yourself  as  a  fortunate  and  wise 
people,  and  that  you  actually  possess  the  most  just,  rational  and 
excellent  government  in  the  world.  Your  local  situation  and 
natural  advantages,  are  certainly  very  important.  Inhabiting  a 
vast  continent,  possessed,  within  your  own  limits,  of  every  variety 
of  clime,  soil  and  natural  production,  necessary  for  the  support, 
convenience,  prosperity  and  happiness  of  man ;  with  a  territory 
bordered  and  intersected  with  vast  seas,  bays,  lakes,  rivers,  for- 
ests, and  other  facilities  of  intercourse  ;  at  a  distance  from  the 
trammels,  quarrels,  intrigues,  and  corrupt  influence  and  examples 
of  the  old  world  ;  with  a  peculiar  opportunity  to  be  benefitted  by 
the  experience  of  other  nations  that  have  gone  before  you,  by 
wisely  adopting  their  good  examples,  and  rejecting  and  avoiding 
their  bad  ones. 

Your  system  of  government,  mainly,  looks  fair  and  wise,  on  pa- 
per  ;  but  before  I  shall  becgme  a  complete  convert  to  republican- 
ism, I  must  see  it  administered  or  carried  into  effect,  with  more 
consistency  and  wisdom  than  I  now  view  it,  (1819 — 20.)  What 
would  l>e  thought  of  it,  if  I  were  to  say  that  I  considered  some  of 
the  measures  of  your  government,  and  the  conduct  of  some  of 
your  men  in  power,  as  the  most  comipty  of  those  of  any  other 
country  on  the  globe — evincing  the  most  hypocrisy  and  contempt 
of  principle — measures  and  practices,  deviating  the  furtherest 
from  what  are  professedly  regarded  as  the  moral  and  political 
standards  of  the  country,  and  of  the  individuals  alluded  to? 

Your  people  are  hypocritically  mocked  with  an  idea  of  their 
sovereignty.  Suppose  all  who  are  properly  regarded  as  freemen — 
from  their  having  come  to  the  age  of  common  manhood,  and  paid 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  295 

taxes  or  otherwise  contributed  essentially  to  the  maintenance, 
(support  and  defence)  of  government,  and  otherwise  conducted 
themselves  as  good  citizens,  were  to  meet  in  their  respective  town- 
ships or  primary  assemblies,  throughout  a  state,  after  general  and 
seasonable  notice  had  been  publickly  given  of  the  meeting  and  its 
particular  object,  and  that  they  should  discuss  and  settle  upon 
certain  articles  as  their  state  constitution,  or  as  amendments 
thereof,  by  a  majority  of  votes — even  by  seven-eighths  of  the 
whole  number  of  freemen,  or  of  the  number  of  townships,  in  the 
state — would  not  your  aristocratic  masters,  (who  have  environed 
themselves  about  with  seeming  authority,  and  trammelled  the 
people,  by  the  forms  of  legislation,)  object,  and  declare  the  peo- 
ple's act  a  nullity — being  void  of  the  customary /brms  of  legisla- 
tion, and  without  the  sanction  of  certain  public  authorities  ? 

What  are  your  lawyers  and  priests  hut  privileged  orders  or  pro- 
fessions, claiming  the  lead  and  head  of  almost  every  thing — that 
they  may  give  an  impress  and  direction  peculiarly  favorable  to 
their  own  policy  and  interests  !  They  are  about  as  watchful  and 
tenacious  of  their  sovereignty  and  control,  as  the  princes  and  no- 
bles of  birth  and  fortune  of  the  old  world.  The  lawyer  is  dubbed 
Esquire^  and  the  priest  Reverend.  These  distinctions  are  allow- 
ed them  from  dread  of  their  power  to  do  the  common  people  harm — 
and  not  from  any  particular  merit  in  merely  being  a  lawyer  or  priest. 
These  distinctions  are  the  relics  of  monarchy  ;  and  have  been  so 
long  indulged  or  kept  alive  in  this  country,  as  to  have  become  a 
kind  of  law  J  with  the  vulgar,  and  exercise  a  ;!egree  of  sovereignty 
over  them  that  will  be  difficult  to  get  rid  of.  Your  common  peo- 
ple have  been  so  long  in  the  habit  of  having  lawyers  and  priests 
lead  and  drive  them,  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  raise  men  of  oth- 
er professions  to  offices  or  stations  of  any  considerable  power  and 
influence — however  worthy  they  might  be,  and  however  impor- 
tant for  the  general  concern  to  have  the  various  offices  and  pow- 
ers of  government  distributed  among  all  classes  and  professions  of 
men,  and  so  break  up  this  league  of  privileged  and  usurped  sove- 
reignty. Men  standing  upon  a  common  level,  as  farmers  and 
mechanics  generally  do,  dislike  the  elevation  of  those  they  regard 
as  no  more  than  their  equals,  or  one  of  their  own  profession  and 


296  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

standing.  Such  attempts  often  excite  envy  and  opposition,  ratli- 
er  tlian  their  approbation  and  support.  The  lawyers  know  how 
to  take  advantage  of  these  prejudices  and  ill  calculations — to  cul- 
tivate and  keep  them  alive,  in  order  to  maintain  their  own  eleva- 
tion and  control  of  power.  This  they  do,  although  they  are  evi- 
dently hated,  by  the  common  people,  who  dread  their  power,  poli- 
cy and  conduct.  In  fact,  your  lawyers  maintain  their  control  of 
power,  by  prejudice,  stratagem  and  force — pretty  much  as  the 
sovereign  princes  and  nobles  of  the  old  world,  do  theirs. 

R.  Our  college  learnt  men,  like  the  princes  and  nobles  of  birth 
and  fortune,  of  the  old  world,  have  been  so  much  indulged,  and 
so  long  in  the  habit  of  puffing  and  boosting  each  other  ;  and  of 
unrighteously  degrading  and  keeping  down  others,  that  we  have 
been  greatly  deceived  as  to  the  real  worth  and  character  of  col- 
lege learnt  men,  and  of  college  learning  generally.  However, 
our  people  are  coming  to  their  senses  on  this  subject ;  and  I  trust 
that  good  and  practical  men,  of  all  classes  and  professions,  will 
soon  be  properly  educated  and  instructed,  and  duly  invested  with 
our  public  concerns ;  and  that  the  number  of  public  servants 
from  each  class  or  profession  of  men,  will  be  proportioned  in  some 
measure  to  the  whole  number  of  the  same  ;  so  that  every  consid- 
erable class  or  profession  of  men  shall  be  duly  represented  and 
respected,  according  to  their  real  merits  and  importance  in  the 
community.  Nothing  else  can  long  maintain  the  justice  and 
equality  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  our  rights  and  liberties. 

M.  It  is  now  nigh  half  a  century  since  you  revolted  from  mo- 
narchy, and  have  been  acting  for  yourselves  as  a  free,  sovereign, 
independent,  and  professedly,  a  republican  nation  ;  and  yet  you 
seem  about  as  far  from  ^.ci\iB\  justice  and  equality,  in  much  of 
your  public  policy  and  conduct,  as  if  the  matter  never  had  seri- 
ously entered  into  calculation. 

The  establishment,  progress  and  improvement,  of  common 
schools,  for  the  due  education  and  instruction  of  the  people — 
matters  acknowledged  to  be  of  vital  necessity  and  importance  to 
the  existence  and  well  being  of  a  republican  community,  with  a 
few  honourable  exceptions,  have  not  only  been  neglected,  but  of- 
ten embarrassed,  and  some  times  strenuously  opposed — While  the 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  297 

most  extraordinary  exertions  have  been  making  for  the  promo- 
tion of  extra  learning  !  the  aristocratic  education  of  i\\efeu\  and, 
in  a  measure,  at  the  expense  of  the  many  ! 

You  lavish  honors  and  rewards,  upon  a  few  fortunate  military 
chiefs,  and  abandon  the  rest,  (mainly  the  rank  and  file,  who  actu- 
ally bear  the  principal  burden,  hardships  and  hazards  of  warfare,) 
to  the  picks  and  kicks  of  privileged  and  unprincipled  sharpers ! 

Your  late  revolution  or  general  pension  act,  bestowing  an  al- 
most indiscriminate  bounty,  as  it  were,  on  the  fortunate  survivors 
of  those  who  bore  arms  and  performed  nominal  services,  or  did  a 
common  duty,  without  experiencing  any  considerable  injury  in 
the  service,  with  those  who  rendered  important  services,  and  ex- 
perienced great  loss  or  personal  sacrifices ;  and  finally  subjecting 
the  latter  class,  with  other  sufferers,  and  their  posterity,  to  be 
taxed  and  burdened  to  defray  the  bounty  thus  unjustly  and  absurd- 
ly bestowed  upon  those — many  of  whom  are  lazy,  improvident, 
tippling,  worthless  characters — encouraging  others  to  become  so, 
for  the  sake  of  obtaining  the  j3wfe/«c  bounty  thus  offered  for  indolence 
and  improvidence !  Was  it  too  nice,  or  too  laborious  a  task,  for  your 
national  government  to  distinguish  actual  merit  in  this  case  1  and 
the  natural  consequences  ?  Or  did  they  intend  to  insult,  wound, 
confound,  oppress  and  discourage  true  merit?  And  all  this,  too, 
as  if  there  were  no  other  sufferers  in  your  revolutionary  contest, 
but  those  who  bore  arms  ! 

Your  hardy,  enterprising  and  brave  seamen,  who  have  added 
so  much  to  the  wealth,  defence  and  glory  of  this  nation,  are  left  a 
prey  to  the  vilest  sharpers  ! 

Like  aristocrats,  your  rulers  take  care  of  the  big  folks,  and 
leave  the  little  ones  to  destruction  !  They  also  punish  the  little 
rogues,  and  let  the  big  ones  go ! 

It  is  really  curious  to  hear  the  disinterested  and  patriotic  pre- 
tensions of  some  of  your  leading  hypocrites  and  jugglers. 

An  unusual  share  of  impudence  and  hypocrisy  seems  to  be  the 

leading  traits  of  some  of  your  aspiring  and   thrifty   leaders  and 

drivers  ;  who  push  themselves  forward,  and  often  with  about  as 

little  regard  to  the  actual  good  of  the  people,  as  the  wolves  and 

vultures  have  for  their  prey. 

88 


298  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

What  win  be  the  end  of  your  vain  love  of  titles,  pomp  and 
powdr  1 

A  leaning  towards  confirmed  aristocracy,  is  conspicuous  in  the 
bearing  of  many  of  your  public  and  private  transactions,  charac- 
ters, and  habits  of  life.  Indeed,  the  little  knaves  and  tyrants  of 
this  country,  are  just  about  as  hostile  to  the  genuine  freedom  of 
speech,  and  of  the  press,  as  the  big  ones  of  the  old  world, — lest 
it  should  eipose  their  true  policy  and  conduct  ! 

Some  of  your  public  servants^  as  you  call  them,  in  order  to 
bcreen  themselves  from  detection,  and  punishment,  softly,  caution 
against  exposing,  or  publicly  acknowledging,  the  infidelity  and 
baseness  of  public  officers,  lest  it  should  go  abroad  to  the  re- 
proach of  your  country,  and  form  of  government !  Something 
like  the  artifice  of  a  female,  of  nameless  character,  who  was 
about  being  examined  for  commitment,  on  a  base  charge,  when 
she  slighly  whispered  to  the  magistrate  and  lawyers,  that  it  would 
be  a  general  disgrace  to  the  female  character  to  have  her  exposed. 
Better,  she  said,  that  ten  such  offences  should  escape  punishment, 
than  that  one  female  should  be  convicted  and  punished  ! 

Is  there  no  danger  to  be  apprehended  to  your  republican  cause, 
by  the  printing  craft  ?  Will  printers  publish  any  thing  against 
their  own  professional  policy  and  conduct  ?  Will  not  printers 
generally  study  to  promote  a  complicated,  obscure  and  frivolous 
course  of  reading,  for  the  sake  of  increasing  their  own  business 
and  gains  ? 

iJ.  Republican  printers,  study  to  serve  the  people — not  ruin  and 
rule  them.  If  the  people  of  this  country  are  only  thoughtful  and 
attentive  to  this  subject,  they  will  encourage  and  support  such 
printers,  and  such  publications,  as  faithfully  promote  the  common 
good,  and  neglect  and  discourage  all  other  printers  and  publica- 
tions ;  and  thus,  the  most  effectually,  and  easily,  promote  their 
own  general  and  best  good. 

M.  Will  your  public  servants,  as  you  call  them,  act  faithfully 
for  the  best  good  of  the  people,  when  their  own  personal  and  pri- 
vate interests  are  otherways  inclined  ?  The  individuals,  who  com- 
pose your  national  and  state  legislatures,  are  one,  to  half  a  mill- 
ion, one  hundred  thousand,  five  thousand,  &c.,  of  your  conunoo 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  299 

people,  generally  differing  widely  from  their  constituents,  in  their 
circumstances,  interests  and  feelings.  How  then  can  they  be  re- 
lied upon  to  promote  the  best  common  good  1 

Who  can  reflect  on  the  absurd  customs  of  some  of  your  public 
authorities,  without  astonishment — for  instance,  the  judges  of 
some  of  your  courts,  wearing  pelisses,  or  setting  in  the  robes  of 
office,  like  monarchists,  or  looking  perhaps  more  like  so  many 
old  monks  and  friars,  than  republican  magistrates  !  and  the  mock 
majesty  of  some  of  your  governours  and  chief  executive  authori- 
ties, parading  with  their  military  guards^  as  if  they  actually  held 
their  power  in  contempt  of  the  people  ! 

What  encouragement^  or  protection^  does  the  government  of  this 
country  actually  hold  out  to  men  of  the  first  rate  genius,  talents 
and  information,  to  devote  themselves  to  the  promotion  of  the  best 
good  of  the  people  ? 

It  seems  to  me,  that  many  of  your  public  leaders,  have  no  po- 
litical principles  at  all,  or  that  they  do  not  know  what  is  republi- 
canism. 

Almost  every  historical  account  of  your  country  and  govern- 
ment, dwell  upon  the  blessed  security  of  persons  and  property, 
professedly  enjoyed  under  your  national  and  state  constitutions, 
bills  of  right,  statute  and  other  laws  ;  but  I  should  really  like  to 
know  what  mighty  security  there  could  long  be  expected  to  the 
common  people,  in  laws  and  regulations  that  chiefly  depend  on  the 
interpretation  and  will  of  one  distinct  profession  of  men  for  their 
meaning  and  use  ?  Might  you  not  as  well  leave  it  to  the  lawyers, 
at  once,  to  say  what  your  rights  and  privileges  were,  and  what  was 
final  justice,  in  most  cases  of  personal  difference,  and  other  mat- 
ters of  legal  investigation  and  adjustment  ?  Like  causes  produce 
like  effects.  Give  any  distinct  order,  class  or  profession  of  men, 
the  chief  power  of  governing  a  country,  and  they  will  soon  assume 
a  haughty,  corrupt  and  overbearing  influence  Siud Jixed policy. 

For  my  soul,  I  cannot  help  thinking  that  the  laioyers  are  chiefly 
your  MASTERS,  and  some  how  rule  the  country,  against  the  under- 
standing and  free  will  or  choice  of  the  people.  Probably  through 
their  control  of  the  press — ruling  appointments  to  office,  and  be- 


300  CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  A 

ing  as  it  were,  masters  of  law — by  which  the  tenor  of  every  man's 
life  and  fortune,  is  mainly  held. 

This  country,  or  rather  certain  places  in  it,  has  probably  got 
more  f eastings  toasting,  adii  essing,  resolving  and  p'ffing  politi- 
cians, than  all  the  world  besides.  But,  if  they  don't  feast,  toast, 
and  pujf,  or  juggle  you  out  of  your  senses — your  virtue,  liberties 
and  best  good,  it  will  be  fortunate  for  your  common  people,  in  the 
end. 

When  your  lawyers  find  the  people  determined  to  take  the  actu- 
al sovereignty  and  power  of  the  country  into  their  own  hands,  will 
they  not  closely  league  with  the  worst  men  in  society,  to  hold  you 
to  their  will  and  purposes  ? 

jR.  Our  most  unprincipled  lawyers  seem  to  have  been  long  in 
the  habit  of  doing  so,  already. 

M.  Notwithstanding  all  yiur  boasting  about  common  rights 
and  liberties,  I  do  not  believe  there  is  an  actual  free  press,  upon 
a  rational  and  candid  construction,  in  the  whole  United  States — 
not  one  that  dare  publish,  substantially  and  manfully,  even  the 
most  important  matter  that  concerns  the  people.  This  is  a  melan- 
choly state  of  affairs,  for  what  some  have  styled  the  worlds  last, 
best  hope  ;  but  I  believe  it  to  be  substantially  true.  Your  courts 
still  chiefly  go  by  the  rules  laid  down  by  monarchy ,  in  such  cases, 
when  ever  it  best  suits  their  purposes  ;  and  most  of  your  learned 
and  ablest  men,  seem  to  coalesce,  or  combine  their  power  and  in*^ 
flucnce  to  entangle  liberty — ^to  intimidate,  terrify  and  keep  down 
every  thing  that  has  a  tendency  to  expose  and  defeat  their  policy 
and  conduct.  Your  laws  do  not  efficiently  protect  a  manly  free- 
dom of  speech,  and  of  the  press  ;  and  which  is  indispensably  ne- 
cessary to  the  support  and  preservation  of  genuine  republicanism. 

It  does,  indeed,  appear  to  me,  that  many  of  your  leading  men, 
and  ruling  measures,  have  a  studied  and  determined  bearing  to- 
wards a  complex  and  arbitrary  system  of  government.  What  else 
can  be  the  object,  in  many  instances,  in  keeping  off  genuine  and 
necessary  republican  regulations  ?  and  in  making  a  mighty  blus- 
ter and  parade  about  elections — sometimes  causing  numerous  and 
unnecessary  extra  meetings  of  electors,  under  pretext  of  ascer- 
taining, beforehand,  and  of  wianag^tn^  their  choice  of  men  for  of- 


MONARCHIST  AND  A  REPUBLICAN.  301 

fice  ?  and  in  embarrassing  the  mode  and  operation  of  votings,  and 
finally  making  a  choice — unless  it  is  to  render  the  exercise  of 
your  rights  and  duties  as  freemen,  unnecessarily  tedious ^  difficulty 
expensive,  and  in  a  measure,  ineffectual  in  the  end — and  finally  to 
make  you  tired  and  sick  of  elections,  that  you  may  neglect  your 
duty  and  attendance  at  the  polls,  and  thereby  leave  every  thing 
pretty  much  to  the  management  of  a  few  leading  and  driving 
characters ;  and  finally  be  induced  to  give  up  your  liberty  to  who- 
ever may  offer  to  take  the  reins  ! 

I  am  really  a  friend  to  justice  and  rational  liberty,  and  most 
sincerely  desire  to  see  them  prosper.  In  fact,  no  virtuous  and  en- 
lightened mind  can  truly  deny  the  perfect  right  of  self  govern- 
ment. Therefore,  only  demonstrate  the  practicahility  of  a  peo- 
ple judiciously  governing  themselves,  and  you  disarm  the  advo- 
cates of  monarchy  of  their  only  plausible  argument. 

R.  Our  rights  and  privileges,  have  certainly  been  too  much 
and  too  long  at  the  will  and  control  of  lawyers,  and  their  confed- 
erates in  power  and  policy  ;  but  I  have  the  satisfaction  to  believe 
that  the  virtue  and  good  sense  of  the  people  are  fast  correcting  this 
evil  :  so  that  we  may  soon  expect  to  have  measures  provided,  that 
will  enable  every  man  of  good  common  sense  and  information,  to 
understand  and  use  the  laws,  for  their  own  guide  and  preserva- 
tion, without  the  interpretation,  aid  or  consent  of  lawyers. 

The  late  change  in  the  politics  of  this  country,  was  generally 
considered  as  adverse  to  the  arbitrary  and  crooked  policy  of  law- 
yers ;  many  of  whom,  after  they  saw  themselves  defeated  in  their 
favourite  cowrie, professed  io  turn  round,  and  embrace  the  popular 
cause,  with  a  view  to  lead  the  people  into  the  same  final  condi- 
tion, which  they  had,  in  vain,  been  endeavouring  to  force  them 
into. 

When  one  of  this  power  loving  profession  or  fraternity  of  gen- 
try was  changing  the  tone  of  his  political  harp  to  accord  with  the 
party  in  power,  a  plain  spoken  discerning  old  farmer  remarked, 
that  he  would  never  be  able  to  tune  himself  into  his  confidence. 

Since  the  declaration  of  independence,  the  people  of  this  coun- 
try have  had  so  much  of  their  time  and  attention  engaged,  by  our 
revolutionary,  and  late  war ;  the  revolutions  and  wars-  of  other 


302  POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  No.  1. 

countries  ;  the  long  violent  party  struggles  among  ourselves  ;  sev- 
eral extensive  speculating  manias,  which  have  agitated  and  be- 
wildered our  country  at  different  times,  with  the  severe  pecuniary 
embarrassments  that  resulted  from  them,  and  the  late  general 
peace — by  letting  down  many  from  their  false  elevations  to  a  real 
standing  ;  together  with  the  politicaI/M^^//w^  carried  on  by  many 
for  offices,  contracts  and  favors  ;  that  there  never  has  been  such  a 
general  political  calmj  and  leisure,  as  now  exists,  (1819 — 20,)  for 
attending  to  national  designs  and  improvements.  Besides,  the 
moral,  political  and  philosophical  light  which  has  been  constantly 
opening  to  our  view,  by  the  **  march  of  mind^"  at  home  and 
abroad,  furnishes  new  and  peculiar  aids  to  the  present  opportuni- 
ties for  correcting  and  improving  our  national  and  state  measures 
and  policies,  and  ultimately  establishing  a  just,  wise  and  consist- 
ent system  of  republican  rules  and  habits  of  life. 


Political  Reflections,  No.  1 . 

In  some  of  our  political  changes,  the  honor  of  a  freeman  or  re- 
publican elecfOTy  has  been  degraded,  by  cheapening  the  required 
qualifications  and  extending  the  privilege  to  unworthy  characters. 
There  certainly  ought  to  be  something  more,  than  merely  for  a 
person  to  arrive  at  the  age  of  common  manhood,  in  order  to  ac- 
quire the  important  and  responsible  privilege  of  a  republican  elec- 
tor— the  enjoyment  of  an  equal  and  full  participation  in  the  exer- 
cise of  national  sovereignty — directly  and  indirectly  selecting, 
directting  and  controling,  all  the  civil  and  military  officers,  agen- 
cies and  operations  of  government,  including  the  raising  of  the 
public  revenue,  and  the  safe  keeping  and  disposal  of  the  public 
funds  and  other  property. 

Those  who  do  not  support  government,  efficiently,  by  the 
prompt  payment  of  their  honest  taxes,  and  the  cheerful  perform- 
ance of  their  military  duties,  should  not  be  permitted  to  vote  and 
direct  government. 

Tt  is  uajust— dangerous — insulting  and  highly  discouraging  to 


POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  NO.  1.  303 

the  best  impulse  and  interests  of  republicanism,  to  permit  piau- 
pers,  cowardsy  vagrants  and  miscreants,  to  a  full  participation  in 
the  exercise  of  national  authority — and  on  equal  terms,  too,  with 
the  best  men  in  the  community. 

Districting,  for  the  choice  of  representatives  in  congress, 
presidential  electors,  state  senators,  and  the  like  officers,  is  a  very 
important  and  highly  consistent  republican  regulation ;  as  it  unites 
superior  intelligence,  and  responsibility. 

When  subject  to  the  election  of  a  single  district,  the  candidate, 
would  not  only  be  better  known  to  his  electors,  than  if  he  were  to 
be  chosen  by  a  general  ticket  of  the  whole  state  ;  but  he  would  be 
far  more  likely  to  prove  a  true  representative,  of  the  general  prin- 
ciples and  interesting  concerns  of  his  constituents. 

We  can  judge  something,  ourselves,  of  the  character,  qualifica- 
tions and  fitness  for  office,  of  a  candidate,  when  within  our  own 
immediate  vicinity  or  district ;  but  when  he  resides  in  a  different 
section  or  part  of  the  state,  electors  are  mostly  left  to  make  up 
their  opinions  from  hearsay,  or  other  people's  representations. 
Besides,  the  person  elected  by  strangers,  or  people  at  a  distance, 
is  just  so  far  removed  from  a  direct  responsibility  to  his  constitu- 
ents. 

But  there  is  a  far  more  important  concern  attending  the  district- 
ing of  the  states.  It  is  truly  a  republican  measure,  founded  in  the 
clearest  justice,  and  wisdom. 

It  affords  a  minor  party  a  chance  to  be  represented  in  the  pubr 
lie  councils — as  every  efficient  member  of  the  community  ought 
to  be,  as  a  matter  of  the  strictest  r  ght  ;  and  the  exertions  of  a 
virtuous  and  active  minority,  are  necessary  to  the  preservation 
of  human  rights  and  liberties. 

*  A  ruling  party,  however  moderate  and  well  disposed,  on  their 
first  coming  into  power,  after  quiet  possession  for  a  while,  are  ex- 
tremely apt  to  forget  the  source  and  responsibility  of  their  author- 
ity, and  neglect  their  official  duties'.  It  is,  therefore,  indispensar 
ble  to  the  preservation  of  real  civilized  rights  and  human  liberty, 
to  have  a  ruling  party  watched  and  guarded,  and  their  political 
measures  and  transactions  duly  investigated  and  made'public, 
through  the  vigilance  and  exertions  of  a  minor  party. 


304  POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  NO.  1. 

Five-ninths  of  the  people  of  a  state,  being  of  one  political  party, 
by  a  choice  made  by  their  legislative  assembly^  or  by  a  general 
ticket  throughout  the  state,  could  totally  exclude  the  four-ninths 
from  any  representation  in  congress,  state  senate,  and  in  the  choice 
of  presidential  electors — although  the  people  who  compose  the 
four-ninths  of  the  population  of  the  state,  and  are  thus  excluded 
from  any  representation  or  voice  in  the  public  councils,  may  be 
equally  as  efficient  members  of  the  community,  in  the  public  pro- 
tection and  support,  in  proportion  to  their  numbers,  as  those  who 
compose  the  five-ninths.  This  is  manifestly  unjust,  and  highly 
dangerous  for  the  community.  There  is  no  maxim  more  correct 
and  sacred,  in  my  republican  creed,  than  that  the  minority  should 
always  be  heard^  and  fairly  and  courteously  treated. 

By  properly  districting  the  states,  a  minor  party  would  always 
have  a  chance  to  be  represented,  in  some  of  the  districts,  and 
thereby  encouraged  to  keep  up  their  vigilance  and  exertions  for 
the  detection  and  exposure  of  the  overbearing  influence  and  cor- 
rupt designs  of  party  leaders  in  power.  Virtuous  minorities 
should  therefore  always  be  encouraged^  as  healthy  for  the  body 
politic. 

By  neglecting  to  district,  party  leaders  have  maintained  one  of 
their  apologies  for  caucus  nominations ;  and  which  is,  that  it 
would  be  impossible  for  the  electors,  in  general,  to  form  a  correct 
judgment  in  the  selection  and  choice  of  all  their  representatives 
in  congress,  state  senators,  presidential  electors,  and  like  officers, 
throughout  a  whole  state :  And,  therefore,  the  men  must  be 
picked  out  and  marked ^  before  hand,  by  a  few  knowing  ones,  for 
the  freemen  to  chouse  ! 

In  case  of  the  death,  or  resignation  of  a  representative  in  con- 
gress, state  senator,  presidential  elector,  or  the  like  officer,  if  a 
state  was  properly  districted,  his  place  might  be  supplied  by  the 
votes  of  his  district,  only,  and  without  any  further  trouble  or  de- 
lay— martialing  a  caucus  to  tell  the  freemen  who  to  choose,  and 
calling  out  the  electors  of  a  whole  state  to  make  the  choice,  or 
rather  to  confirm  the  nomination. 

If  the  states  were  properly  districted,  and  the  merits  of  the  dii^ 
ferent  candidates  that  might  offer  themselves,  or  be  otherwise  no- 


POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  NO.  1.  305 

ticed  for  election,  were  properly  discussed  and  explained  to  the 
public,  there  is  no  doubt  but  the  virtue  and  good  sense  of  the 
freemen,  generally,  would  enable  them  to  make  the  best  selections. 
And,  certainly,  as  the  people  have  to  bear  the  consequences,  of 
good  or  bad  public  servants,  they  should  be  left  free  and  unbridled 
in  the  selection  and  choice  thereof 

Every  person  entitled  to  vote  at  an  election,  should  be  allowed 
to  send  in  their  ballots,  when  inconvenient  to  attend  the  polls  in 
person — as  if  they  were  proprietors  in  any  general  concern.  Such 
a  regulation  would  be  both  just  and  wise ;  for  it  is  hard,  and  in  a 
measure  injurious  to  the  public  concern,  that  a  good  and  efficient 
member  of  the  community — one  who  was  equally  concerned  in 
the  measures  of  government,  and  entitled  to  a  vote  in  the  selec- 
tion of  public  servants,  should,  unnecessarily  be  deprived  of  his 
right,  when  ill  health,  absence  from  town,  or  any  inconvenience 
prevented  his  personal  attendance  at  the  polls,  merely  to  present 
his  written  ballot ;  and  particularly  when  no  unusual  trouble  or 
hazard  would  be  encountered  by  his  sending  the  same. 

I  cannot  perceive  any  mor?  impropriety  in  a  man's  offering 
himself  as  a  candidate,  for  an  office,  elective  by  the  people,  than 
for  one  to  seek  an  appointment  by  an  executive  officer,  or  through 
any  other  agency  of  government. 

The  electors  are  under  no  obligation  to  choose  a  man,  because 
he  has  offered  his  services  ;  and  perhaps  given  them  a  specimen 
of  his  principles,  qualifications,  and  views  on  interesting  and 
leading  subjects.  But  the  public  would  certainly  be  much  less 
liable  to  be  deceived,  by  such  a  candidate,  than  one  who  was  si- 
lent— who  had  neither  explained,  nor  pledged  any  thing,  and 
when  elected,  would  perhaps  feel  indifferent,  or  prove  an  unsuita- 
ble or  unfaithful  representative  of  the  interests  and  feelings  of 
his  constituents.  Experience  has  indeed  proved  how  often  we 
have  been  misrepresented  and  disappointed,  when  it  was  too  late 
to  correct  the  mistake. 

There  is,  I  know,  a  little  crooked  policy,  cultivated  by  some  of 
the  craft  who  make  a  profession  of  advocating  or  representing 
others^  by  which  they  would  endeavour  to  have  it  considered  as 
ostentatious  or  otherways  disgraceful,  for  an  individual  to  say  any 

m 


3M  POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  No.   1. 

thing  in  favor  of  himself;  but  that,  whatever  a  second  persoQ 
might  say  of  him,  however  mercenary  his  views,  would  be  void  of 
selfish  or  dishonourable  reflections.  Just  as  if  the  truth  lost  any 
of  its  attributes  or  good  qualities  by  coming  direct  fi-om  the  foun- 
tain head  !  or  that  the  real  merits  of  an  individual  were  diminish- 
ed, by  his  being  able  to  vindicate  or  explain  himself !  (This 
same  little  craft  or  policy  is  pursued,  in  some  instances,  in  regard 
to  a  person's  serving  himself  ^  in  other  capacities,  besides  that  of  a 
spokesman  or  advocate.) 

We  are  frequently  called  upon  to  elect  to  offices  of  considerable 
trust  and  importance,  men  of  whom  the  public  in  general  know 
little  or  nothing  concerning  their  character,  qualifications,  and 
general  circumstances. 

A  prudent  man  would  hesitate  to  employ,  or  entrust  as  a  day 
laborer  upon  his  farm,  a  man,  without  knowing  more  of  him  than 
we  frequently  do  of  many  who  are  entrusted  with  some  of  our 
dearest  political  concerns. 

When  we  have  all  the  men,  as  it  were,  of  the  whole  district^ 
state,  or  nation,  as  the  case  may  be,"o  select  public  servants  from, 
men  of  the  best  characters,  qualifications  and  dispositions  to  pro- 
mote the  public  good,  should  be  employed. 

Desperate  characters,  and  those  destitute  of  principle,  property, 
or  responsibility,  are  generally  the  most  eager  to  obtain  public 
office  or  employ,  that  they  may  embezzle  a  fortune,  or  increase 
their  wealth  out  of  the  public  property,  by  dishonest  management ; 
and  especially  when  examples  of  success  seem  to  encourage  and 
justify  their  desires  and  expectations.  Such  cases  are  certainly 
alarming  to  the  public  concern,  when,  and  wherever  they  exist, 
and  require  constant  watchfulness. 

There  are  other  seekers  after  public  office  or  employ,  who, 
fi'om  ignorance,  indolence,  carelessness,  or  a  lack  of  real  qualifi- 
cations and  habits  of  business,  should  be  cautiously  avoided,  as 
they  generally  prove  worse  than  a  dead  weight  to  the  public  con- 
cern. 

Public  servants  are  far  more  likely  to  violate  the  proper  duties 
of  their  stations,  from  carelessness,  and  design,  than  from  a  lack 


POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  No.   1.  307 

«f  sufRcient  talents  and  information  to  know  and  perform  their 
duties. 

Any  man,  of  common  prudence  and  discernment,  would  natu- 
rally dismiss  from  his  further  confidence  and  employ,  a  person 
who  should  wilfully  neglect  to  give  him  seasonable  and  proper  in- 
formation of  the  trespasses  of  others  on  his  property,  and  of  the 
treacherous  or  unfaithful  conduct  of  those  in  his  confidence  or 
employ — more  especially  those  who  should  openly  attempt  to  pal- 
liate such  misconduct,  or  secretly  connive  at  the  perpetration  and 
escape  of  offenders.  And  certainly  the  public  good  requires  that 
our  government  concerns  should  be  managed,  with  at  least  as 
much  wisdom  and  prudence,  as  an  ordinary  individuals. 

A  proper  distribution  of  the  offices  and  agencies  of  govern- 
ment, is  one  of  the  most  important  and  unquestionable  republican 
rules,  that  has  ever  been  established. 

I  can  hardly  help  viewing  a  man,  invested  with  a  number  of 
different  offices  and  agencies,  as  a  kind  of  political  monster, 
with  an  unusual  number  of  heads ^  legs,  Siud  fangs,  to  annoy  and 
devour  mankind  with,  as  his  appetite  and  opportunities  may  urge 
him  and  favour  his  indulgence. 

There  is  peihaps  no  republican  rule  or  regulation,  in  proportion 
to  its  apparent  importance,  of  more  vital  necessity  to  the  perpet- 
uity and  well  being  of  a  republican  community,  than  a  rigid  ad- 
herence to  a  ROTATION  in  office. 

Men,  long  in  the  exercise  of  public  authority,  however  republi- 
can and  well  disposed  they  may  have  been  on  their  first  appoint- 
ment, are  extremely  liable  to  forget  their  accountability  and  em- 
ployers interest,  and  think  only  of  their  own  ease,  riches,  and  ag- 
grandizement. 

By  removing  public  officers  and  agents,  once  in  a  while,  not 
only  reminds  them  of  their  dependence  and  accountability,  but 
generally  brings  their  conduct  to  the  test  of  inspection  ;  and  final- 
ly interrupts,  breaks  off  and  defeats  the  corrupt  intrigues,  and 
systems  of  favouriteism,  that  long  established  power  often  gene- 
rates and  indulges. 

It  frequently  happens,  that,  after  obtaining  an  election  or  ap- 
pointment to  office,  men  cease   their   public  inquiries,  and  aT« 


308  POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  JNo.  1. 

soon  left  greatly  in  rear  of  the  progress  of  political  information 
and  public  improvement.  They  seem  to  have  no  further  regard 
for  truth,  or  the  public  good — nothing  but  their  own  private  ends. 
Having  ascended  to  their  favorite  station,  they  carefully  endeav- 
our to  haul  up,  or  secure  the  ladder  of  their  political  elevation,  for 
fear  others  might  attempt  to  ascend  and  disturb  their  possession. 
Some  times  they  actually  put  one  in  mind  of  a  greedy  old  sow, 
who,  after  obtaining  permission,  by  long  grunting  and  squeak- 
ing, to  put  her  head  into  the  pail  and  take  one  mouthful,  eagerly 
attempts  to  swallow  her  Jill ^  or  upset  the  whole  ! 

The  FAITHFUL  DISCHARGE  of  public  services,  should  be  consid- 
ered honourable^  and  in  proportion  to  the  general  magnitude  of 
the  trust,  and  of  the  abilities  and  fidelity  displayed  in  the  per- 
formance— and  not  in  the  mere  possession  of  an  office. 

Public  servants  should  not  be  sinecures  or  pensioners,  and 
paid  for  what  their  services  do  not  in  fact  mrrit. 

Nothing  can  be  more  manifestly  unjust  and  absurd,  than  to 
render  public  service  more  lucrative  than  private  employment,  as 
it  pays  away  the  public  money  unnecessarily,  and  excites  intrigue 
and  political ^*w^^//n^  to  obtain  public  office  and  employ. 

If  those  in  the  public  employ,  were  not  allowed,  directly  nor 
indirectly,  to  receive  more  value  than  their  services  were  actually 
worth,  we  should  soon  cease  to  be  troubled  with  the  tricks  and  in- 
trigues that  are  now  often  resorted  to  for  the  obtainment  of  pub- 
lic office  or  employ.  There  would  be  no  extra  gains  in  prospect 
to  justify  the  expensive  juggling  or  management  for  an  office,  con- 
tract or  agency. 

Monarchs,  and  those  in  the  exercise  of  considerable  power, 
held  in  contempt  of  the  people,  are  generally  obliged  to  pension 
those  whom  they  employ,  or  entrust  with  considerable  power  or 
secrets  of  government,  both  while  in,  and  out  of  their  employ,  in 
order  to  bribe  them  to  the  secrets  of  their  masters  policy  and 
conduct. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  precious  charms  that  monarchy  holds 
out  to  the  little  hankerers  after  power  and  perquisite ;  and  is  the 
chief  reason  why  office  seekers  generally  prefer  monarchy  to  a  re- 
publican government.     Monarchy  also  requires  a  greater  number 


POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  No.  2.  309 

of  lucrative  agencies  and  employments,  than  a  republic.  But, 
THE  PEOPLE,  have  to  sweat  and  groan  for  these  numerous  public 
employments,  high  salaries,  and  pensions.  It  is  this  policy  that 
oppresses  and  degrades  the  honest  labour  of  the  old  world. 


Political  Reflections,  No.  2. 

Oaths,  to  the  officers  and  agents  of  government,  are  of  little 
use  or  necessity,  where  there  is  no  secret  and  discretionary  per- 
forntances  or  exercise  of  power.  Pecuniary  bonds  are  most  prop- 
erly relied  upon,  in  such  cases. 

Oaths  to  legislative,  judicial,  and  executive  officers,  and  those 
required  of  lawyers^  on  being  admitted  to  practice,  should  define, 
explicitly  J  and  extensively  y  the  general  course  of  conduct  proper 
for  each  of  them  to  pursue — and  always  should  be  written,  and 
subscribed,  and  filed  on  public  records :  so  that  they  might  be  en- 
forced,  something  in  the  nature  of  a  contract,  when  violated  to  the 
injury  of  any  one,  and  the  offenders  subjected  to  damages  and 
other  suitable  punishment. 

There  ought,  if  possible,  to  be  a  standard  provided  for  regula- 
ting the  compensation,  of  those  who  make,  and  administer  the 
laws,  by  which  they  should  be  made  to  feel  the  burdens  and 
distresses  occasioned  by  a  change  of  times,  as  well  as  other  peo- 
ple. 

In  the  present  extremely  depressed  price  of  property,  (1819 — 
20,)  the  officers  and  agents  of  our  states  and  general  govern- 
ment, who  have  certain  and  fixed  salaries  and  rates  of  compensa- 
tion, are  generally  the  gainers  by  every  thing  that  operates  as  an 
oppression  upon  the  community  ;  and  are  therefore  rather  inter- 
ested and  inclined  to  create  and  prolong  public  embarrassment 
and  distress,  than  in  promptly  devising  and  executing  measures 
for  our  relief,  and  for  preventing  like  unhappy  occurrences  in  fu- 
ture— more  especially  if  they  are  lawyers,  and  sharpers,  who 
thrive  in  their  individual  professions,  and  speculative  concerns, 


3i0  POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  No.  2. 

on  the  pecuniary  embarrassments   and  distresses  of  their  fellow 
men. 

Legislatures  should  consider  themselves  bound  to  consult  and 
adopt  measures  best  calculated  to  promote  the  general  interest 
and  welfare  of  the  whole  nation,  state,  or  other  community,  with- 
in their  special  care.  In  this  way,  every  good  and  wholesome 
trade,  profession,  and  interest,  may  be  duly  fostered,  and  the 
whole  preserved  and  prospered.  A  member  who  cannot  elevate 
or  expand  his  mind  beyond  the  local  prejudices  and  limited  inter- 
ests of  a  few  individuals,  is  not  fit  to  legislate  or  act  for  the  gene- 
ral concern. 

Legislators  usually  acquire  a  considerable  part,  or  most  of 
their  information  on  subjects  of  legislative  investigation,  by  en- 
quiries and  discussions  carried  on  among  themselves  and  others, 
out  of  the  house,  and  hours  of  session  ;  so  that  members  who  are  not 
qualified  or  disposed  to  take  an  active  part  in  public  debating — 
regular  speech  making,  often  do  more  to  promote,  correct  an  effi- 
cient legislation,  than  a  number  of  more  blustering  and  noisy 
members.  Besides,  what  is  done  out  of  the  house  and  usual 
hours  of  session,  is  generally  a  saving  to  the  public  concern ; 
while  long  winded  and  quibbling  members,  (political  bullies, 
blackguards  &ni\  jugglers,)  often  perplex,  embarrass  and  detain  the 
proceedings  of  legislative  assemblies,  or  some  how  finally  defeat 
the  correct  and  effectual  objects  of  legislation — ^to  the  great  ex- 
pense and  injury  of  the  community  at  large.  Such  characters 
should  certainly  be  marked,  and  cautiously  avoided  in  future — as 
we  shun  poisonous  drugs  and  other  dilaterious  articles.  One  good 
thinker,  and  voter,  is  generally  worth  a  dozen  quibbling  and 
noisy  legislators. 

In  discussing  subjects  before  a  legislative  body,  the  members 
ought  to  be  permitted  to  write  down  their  remarks  in  full,  and 
read  them,  or  have  them  read  by  a  clerk  of  the  house,  or  some 
other  person. 

This  practice,  would  enable  members  to  refine  and  abridge  their 
ideas,  on  subjects  before  them  ;  and  at  the  same  time  accommo- 
date those  who  were  not  professionally  or  otherwise  in  the  habit  of 
public  speaking. 


POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  No.  2.  311 

The  reported  speeches  of  our  legislators,  are  generally  defec- 
tive, partial,  and  calculated  to  deceive  the  public  in  regard  to  the 
conduct  of  their  own  immediate  representatives.  In  the  first 
place,  the  speeches  and  other  legislative  proceedings,  are  only  a 
part  taken  down,  and  but  a  small  number  of  those  are  ever  pub- 
lished entire.  Such,  for  instance,  as  are  generally  calculated  to 
give  the  hest  and  worst  view  of  different  men,  and  different  mea- 
sures. 

In  many,  if  not  in  most  of  the  speeches  published,  the  matter 
sketched  down  by  the  reporters,  undergoes  a  review  and  final  im- 
provcwcw',  by  their  authors,  or  others.  Many  are  abridged,  and 
such  matter  or  parts  as  are  not  calculated  to  appear  wellj  or  to  set 
off  their  reputed  authors  to  the  best  advantage,  before  their  con- 
stituents and  the  public,  are  generally  suppressed,  as  a  matter  of 
favour,  by  the  reporters  or  publishers. 

Some  of  our  highest  public  officers,  have  a  dangerous  power 
and  influence  in  community,  from  the  great,  and  continually  in- 
creasing numbers  that  depend  on  them  for  office  and  employment. 

For  instance,  the  president  of  the  United  States — the  immense 
number  that  already  depend  on  his  will  and  favor  for  their  stations 
and  support  ! 

We  have  perhaps  been  fortunate,  in  the  selection  and  choice  of 
our  presidents  ;  but  suppose  some  unprincipled  and  daring  char- 
acter in  full  possession  of  that  important  office — what  political 
purpose  could  he  not  accomplish,  by  his  immense  power  and  pat- 
ronage, and  especially  if  favoured  in  his  designs,  by  secret  opera- 
tions of  internal  and  foreign  foes  to  our  liberty  and  independence  ! 

Suppose  the  holy  alliance,  in  their  endeavours  to  check  the 
progress  and  examples  of  revolutions  in  favour  of  popular  govern- 
ment— if  they  should  move  the  secret  springs  of  action  and  set  the 
machine  in  motion,  who  could  stop  it,  or  tell  where  it  would  end, 
as  the  power  is  now  vested  1 

The  president  has  the  chief  command  of  the  purse  and  the 
sword  of  the  nation — being  commander  in  chief  of  the  army,  and 
navy,  and  having  the  supreme  executive  authority  of  the  union, 
chiefly  concentrated  in  his  single  person.  He  can,  in  a  great 
measure,  controul,  directly  and  indirectly,  the  selection,  appoint- 


312  POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  No.  2. 

inent,  and  continuance  in  the  public  service,  of  most  of  the  mili- 
tary and  civil  executive  officers  and  agents  under  the  general  gov- 
ernment,  and  direct  their  operations  ;  he  can  pardon  (like  the 
pope,)  criminal  and  other  offenders,  and  remit  pecuniary  penal- 
ties, and  other  forfeitures,  after  a  full  conviction,  and  thereby,  in 
a  degree,  paralyze  the  laws  of  our  national  government. 

These  things,  all  taken  together,  seem  prodigious,  for  a  com- 
munity of  republicans,  who  do  not  profess  to  believe  in  the  infal- 
libility of  a  single  individual ;  more  especially  when  it  is  consid- 
ered that  there  is  no  necessity  for  continuing  the  practice,  what- 
ever the  national  good  might  formerly  have  required. 

The  chief  fortune  and  fate  of  a  nation,  is  certainly  too  impor- 
tant a  concern  to  be  entrusted  to  a  single  individual,  as  chief  of 
all  the  principal  active  authorities. 

A  SUPREME  EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL,  compx)sed  of  fire  persons,  one 
from  each  of  five  great  national  districts,  to  be  chosen  by  the  free- 
men or  electors  thereof,  for  five  years,  so  arranged  in  the  begin- 
ning, that  one  should  go  out,  and  a  new  one  come  into  the  coun- 
cil, every  succeeding  year  ;  the  oldest  member,  for  his  fifth  and 
last  year,  to  be  president  of  the  council. 

Such  a  council,  to  be  substituted  in  the  room  of  our  president 
and  vice  president,  would  mainly  obviate  the  dangers  and  imper- 
fections of  our  supreme  head. 

It  would  be  uniting,  as  it  were  in  our  supreme  executive  na- 
tional head,  the  knowledge  and  capacities  of  five  equal  persons, 
practically  acquainted  with  the  different  sections  and  concerns  of 
our  country,  all  chosen  by,  and  responsible  to  the  people ;  and 
thereby  guarding  against  the  inabilities,  partialities  and  casualties 
that  appertain  to  a  single  chief 

It  would  also  create  far  greater  responsibility  in  supreme  exec- 
utive officers,  by  bringing  their  election  nigher  home  to  their  im- 
mediate constituents. 

In  case  of  the  death  or  inability  of  our  president,  as  the  case 
BOW  stands,  it  would  generally  require  some  time  for  the  vice 
president  to  repair  to  the  seat  of  national  government  and  col- 
lect the  reins  faithfully  into  his  hands. 

Let  the  senate  choose  their  presiding  officer  from  among  them- 
selves. 


POLITICAL  REFLECTIONS,  NO.  1.  313 

Such  a  regulation,  would  check  the  wasteful,  vexatious  and 
•corrupt  intrigue  and  juggling,  that  is  sometimes  carried  on  dur- 
ing an  electioneering  campaign  for  a  president ;  and  ultimately  do 
away  many  pernicious  local  prejudices  and  partialities.  It  would 
also  give  every  considerable  section  of  the  nation  their  regular 
turn  in  furnishing  a  president  or  chief  executive  magistrate  of  the 
federal  union  ;  and  save  congress  from  their  disgraceful  squabbles 
about  favorite  chiefs. 

The  revolution  furnished  us  more  tried  and  prominent  charac- 
ters to  select  a  chief  from,  than  we  have  now,  or  perhaps  ever 
shall  have  again ;  and  yet  the  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the 
office  of  our  president  are  daily  increasing,  by  our  extension  of 
territory,  and  increase  of  numbers,  and  still  more  by  new  branches 
and  business,  constantly  undertaking  by  the  general  governmentv 

As  the  case  now  is,  the  president  has  an  almost  resistless  power 
and  influence,  in  securing  his  own  re-election,  and  in  the  selec- 
tion and  final  choice  of  his  successor. 

A  single  executive  chief,  can  also  indulge  his  private  and  local 
prejudices  and  partialities,  in  the  selection  and  control  of  the  offi- 
cers and  agencies  of  the  general  government,  to  the  ultimate  det- 
riment of  one  section  or  part  of  the  union,  and  for  the  benefit  of 
another. 

It  is  indeed  extremely  difficult  to  acquire  sufficient  knowledge 
and  experience,  for  the  transaction  of  the  affiiirs  of  the  general 
government,  of  a  high  political  character,  without  the  patronage 
of  the  president.  He  is,  for  a  time,  in  a  measure,  the  political 
sovereign  of  our  chief  national  executive  concerns. 

The  president  of  the  supreme  executive  council,  should,  of 
course,  devote  his  attention  to  the  duties  of  chief  magistrate 
of  the  union  ;  but  the  other  four  of  the  council,  might  appropriate 
a  part  of  their  time  to  a  kind  of  general  superintendence  of  the 
four  highest  or  most  important  departments  ;  beginning  with  the 
lowest  or  least  important,  and  progressively  shifting,  each  year, 
until  they  come  to  the  highest,  the  fourth  year  pf  their  executive 
term.  This  would  affisrd  them  peculiar  and  important  advanta- 
tages  in  acquiring  a  correct  .and  extensive  knowledge  of  our  chief 

40 


S14  THE   POLICY  OF  SATAN. 

national  concerns,  and   add   to  their  qualfications  for  presidin^r 
their  fifth  and  last  year. 


The  policy  of  Satan. 

Papists,  or  the  chief  leaders  of  the  church  of  Rome,  derived 
their  principal  craft  from  the  arts  practised  by  satau  on  our  firsi 
parents.  The  fallen  angel,  who  had  been  cast  out  of  Paradise 
for  his  unprincipled  conduct,  was  wandering  about  the  world, 
miserable  and  discontented,  when  he  discovered  tlic  felicity  and 
contentment  enjoyed  by  the  happy  pair  in  Eden,  which  stung  him 
to  the  quick — to  see  others  enjoying  that  happiness  which  he  had 
forfeited  and  lost !  and  finally  induced  him  to  attempt  their  annoy- 
ance. After  studying  the  objects  of  his  envy  and  evil  designs, 
he  at  length  approached  the  weakest,  with  all  the  subtlety  and 
pleasing  cunning  he  could  possibly  assume,  for  the  moment.  He 
told  young  Eve,  among  other  flattering  things,  how  divinely  hand- 
some she  was  ; — said  she  ought  to  rule  her  husband  ;  but  as  she 
had  not  the  bodily  strength  to  do  it  by  main  force,  she  must  en- 
deavour to  accomplish  her  purposes  by  artful  management — get 
the  lead,  by  studied  smiles,  flattering  words,  and  other  little  arti- 
ficee  and  cunning.  This,  *'  the  evil  one''  probably  foresaw,  would 
cause  a  contention  among  the  human  race,  and  ultimately  prevent 
much  happiness. 

The  most  crafty  of  the  papal  leaders,  or  priests  of  the  church 
of  Rome,  undertook  to  improve  this  art  to  their  purposes,  for  rul- 
ing the  strong  by  the  use  of  the  weak.  They  generally  study  to 
^lect  the  handsomest  young  men  for  priests,  and  require  them  to 
live  single  y  in  order   to  facilitate  their  intrigues  with  women* 

*  When  the  Spanish  inquisition  was  overtorned  a  feir  years  ago,  and 
its  books  were  seized  upon  and  submitted  to  iQ«pection,  it  was  found  that 
in  the  small  province  of  Murica,  one  of  the  least  extensive  and  popu- 
lous in  Spain,  the  provincial  tribunal  of  the  inquisition  had  actually  insti 
tuted  no  less  than  seven  thousand  prosecutions  against  priests  for  attempt 
ing  the  seduction  of  their  female  penitents. — JV»/w'  Register. 


BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS,  &c.  315 

And,  by  the  use  of  women,  children  and  other  weak  persons  in 
society,  they  have  contrived  and  managed  to  exercise  the  most 
horrid  despotism  over  a  considerable  part  of  the  human  family. 

The  priests  of  the  holy  inquisition,  and  those  of  their  craft  or 
policy  generally — in  addition  to  the  use  they  make  of  bankrupts 
and  people  of  desperate  fortunes  and  characters,  employ,  as  their 
privileged  spies ^  wives  on  their  husbands,  children  on  their  parents, 
and  servants  and  domestics  generally,  on  their  masters  or  em- 
ployers ;  to  observe  their  conversation  and  conduct,  and  endeav- 
our to  ascertain  their  thoughts,  and  especially  their  private  opin- 
ions of  the  ruling  clergy,  and  their  works  and  designs,  and  to 
report  the  same  to  them,  secretly,  at  their  confessions — to  enable 
them  to  execute  their  will  and  purposes,  and,  as  much  as  possible, 

to  RULE  IN  SECRET  ! 


Brief  general  remarks  on  a  variety/  of  subjects. 

The  art  of  reasoning,  from  correct  principles,  is  one  of  the 
greatest  sciences  of  human  acquirement ;  and  is  the  ke^  to  all 
other  arts. 


It  is  not  a  great  deal  we  want,  to  enable  us  to  encompass  all 
the  real  goods  and  happiness,  that  we  are  well  capable  of  enjoying, 
or  that  this  world  is  able  to  bestow,  if  we  only  reason  correctly. 


The  man  who  desires  a  great  deal  more  than  he  can  reasona- 
bly possess,  is  always  distressed  with  want,  however  much  he  may 
have. 


The  ascent  of  ambition,  is  like  climbing  a  pole — the  higher  we 
go,  the  more  we  see,  the  more  we  want,  and  the  more  danger  there 
is  to  be  apprehended  from  falling. 


True  virtue,  is  naturally  of  a  sincere,  modest  and  retiring  char- 
acter— fond  of  peace  and  rural  enjoyments  :  The  fruits  of  a  good 
coHScience,  and  a  reasonable  mind. 


3U  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

Vice;  is  of  an  affected,  blustering,  and  often  popular  character — 
the  absence  of  truth  and  reason.  The  painted  harlot,  and  design* 
ing  knave,  often  assume  a  more  specious  or  pleasing  aspect,  foi 
the  moment,  in  the  eyes  of  deluded  or  unthinking  beings,  than 
true  virtue  and  excellence,  in  all  their  solid  and  unaffected  charms.- 


A  virtuous  and  philosophical  mind,  well  stored  with  informa- 
tion and  matter  for  reflection,  enters  into  society  with  itself,  and 
shuts  out  the  world  with  its  chief  cares  and  perplexities.  It  feasts 
on  the  wisdom,  goodness  and  perfection  of  nature,  and  enjoys  an 
almost  uninterrupted  banquet  of  intellectual  pleasures  and  delights. 


In  our  pleasures  of  eating,  drinking,  sleeping,  and  the  gratifica- 
tion of  all  our  bodily  desires,  man  varies  but  little  from  the  brutes ; 
but  in  our  intellectual  enjoyments,  the  human  capacity  is  almost 
boundless. 


An  ignorant  old  man,  is  one  of  the  miserablest  creatures  in  life. 
As  the  sallies  of  youth  cease  to  cheer  him,  he  looks  forward  with 
doubt  and  apprehensions,  of  the  account  he  shall  be  able  to  ren- 
der, at  the  call  of  final  justice,  for  the  time  and  talents  that  have 
been  allowed  him,  and  he  looks  back  without  the  conscious  satis- 
faction of  having  lived  a  well  spent  life. 

How  happy  are  they,  who,  on  gradually  retiring  from  an  active 
and  well  spent  life,  hear  the  sweet  sounds  of  eternal  justice  tingling 
in  their  ears,  of  "  well  done,  tiiou  good  and  faithful,  ented 

tNTO  THE  JOYS  OF  THE  BLESSED  !" 


We  should  endeavor  to  derive  some  useful  ideas  or  information, 
fVom  every  considerable  circumstance  or  situation  we  may  witness 
or  pass  through  in  life,  and  hand  the  same  down  to  posterity,  by 
precept  and  example. 

Early  records,  and  habits  of  noticing  such  matters,  tend  greatif 
to  yreserve  our  useful  ideas,  extend  their  use  to  others,  and  to 
promote  human  improvements  in  general. 


Every  succeeding  generation,  ought,  indeed,  to  grow  wiser  than 
their  ancestors ;   for  it  would  be  absurd  to  suppose  that  mankind 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF-gUBJECTS.  317 

would  not  be  benefitted  by  all  the  experience,  demonstrations  and 
records  of  those  who  had  gone  before  them. 


Refining  and  arranging  our  ideas,  on  subjects  and  matters  of 
usefulness,  is  like  separating  the  wheat  from  the  chaff,  or  like  se- 
lecting the  ore,  and  refining  the  metal  from  the  dross  and  impuri- 
tsies,  and  preparing  the  same  for  useful  and  important  purposes. 


A  man  without  system,  in  his  general  habits  and  concerns  in 
life,  may  be  mainly  regarded  as  acting  from  the  impulse  and  op- 
portunities of  the  moment,  and  without  any  particular  respect  to 
the  principles  of  moral  and  political  justice. 


By  reading  and  hearing,  we  learn  what  others  knew  ;  and  by 
thinking  and  practice,  we  acquire  information  ourselves. 


It  is  generally  easier  to  bring  up  a  dozen  children  right,  than 
to  reform  one  grown  blockhead. 

Ruminating  antiquity  for  improvements,  is  something  like  go- 
ing hachoards  to  make  progress  ahead. 

By  adopting  ancient  usages  as  fit  examples  for  our  present  con- 
duct, without  examining  into  their  fitness  and  propriety,  is  ulti- 
mately staying  every  error  and  absurdity,  to  the  embarrassment 
and  exclusion  of  truth  and  reason,  and  of  actual  improvement. 


We  are  often  but  half  obliged,  to  those  who  would  be  friends, 
or  the  benefactors  of  mankind,  when  they  only  warn  us  of  our  dan- 
gers, errors  or  inconsistencies,  without  pointing  out  the  better 
way,  or  enabling  us  to  make  some  actual  improvement  in  our 
course,  operations,  or  final  condition. 


I  hardly  know  which  is  least  worthy  of  human  confidence,  a 
knave,  or  a  fool,  for  a  knave  will  wrong  you  designedly,  and  a 
fool  is  generally  a  tool  in  the  hands  of  every  knave  who  may 
olioose  to  employ  him ;  but  a  man  must  be  a  fool  to  be  a  knav% 


•3J8  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

and  little  knaves  are  the  fools  and  tools  of  older  or  more  expert 
knaves,  and  the  devil  is  the  head  or  chief  of  all  knaves. 


Mankind  are  generally  apt  to  attempt  too  complicated  views,  on 

,  the  subjects  of  moral  and  political  science,  and  thereby  often  get 

their  minds  bewildered,  without  well  comprehending,  even  a  part. 

In  order  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  society,  and  especially 
with  a  view  to  effect  an  actual  improvement  in  the  moral  and  po- 
litical condition  thereof,  it  is  necessary,  in  the  first  place,  to  ex- 
amine and  understand  all  the  parts,  separately — consider  their 
nature,  tendency,  proportions,  stations  and  general  fitness  for 
their  various  purposes,  with  a  view  to  the  best  possible  general  re- 
sult. And  then,  when  these  parts  are  well  understood,  the  whole 
may  be  viewed  in  operation  together. 

The  same  as  a  skilful  and  judicious  mechanic,  builder,  or  engi- 
neer, examine  their  materials,  and  then  arrange,  proportion  and 
construct  their  work  and  designs,  to  produce  the  desired  result  in 
the  best  manner. 

Society  is  made  up  of  a  great  many  different  professions,  occu- 
pations, characters,  habits,  interests  and  conditions  of  life,  all  of 
which  have  their  peculiar  inclinations,  connections,  and  bearings^ 
or  final  results. 

These  are  the  a,  b,  o's  of  moral  and  political  science. 


In  compounding  and  tempering  the  public  morals,  habits  and 
customs  of  life,  doctors,  either  from  ignorance  or  design,  are  per- 
petually liable  to  extremes^  that  ultimately  prove  a  disease,  rather 
than  effect  a  cure  of  common  evils. 

For  example  ;  too  much  religious  discipline  and  instruction,  is 
apt  to  inculcate  vain  notions,  and  finally  end  in  bigotted,  supersti- 
tious, hypocritical,  oppressive  and  degrading  ceremonies  and  ex- 
amples, rather  than  cultivate  and  establish  good  and  practical 
morals,  and  improve  our  happiness  positively. 

Too  much  law  doctrine,  is  liable  to  degenerate  rules  designed 
for  the  protection  of  our  persons  and  property,  into  complex  and 
obscure  systems,  that  ultimately  serve  as  crooked  instruments  in 
the  hands  of  learned,  wealUiy  and  designing  individuals,  for  plan- 
drring,  persecuting  and  oppressing  their  fellow-raeiK 


ON  A  VARIETY  OP  SUBJECTS.  319 

Consequently,  where  there  is  the  greatest  excess  or  indulgence 
of  priests,  and  lawyers,  there  the  people  are  generally  the  most 
liable  to  be  priesUriddtn,  and  Imcyer'riddm. 


Court  and  church,  magnificence  and  splendour ,  costs  more  hur 
man  misery  than  all  the  avowed  infidelity  on  earth.  They  serve 
Id  cloak  and  gild  the  abominable  deeds  of  overgrown  vice. 


Forms  and  ceremonies,  are  the  life-guards  of  despotism  and 
aristocracy.  They  were  intended  to  keep  the  common  people  in 
ignorance,  and  in  awe,  the  better  to  disguise  the  deeds  of  crown- 
ed or  sacramental  heads ;  many  of  whose  acts,  would  otherways 
appear,  even  more  barbarous  than  the  rude  savages  of  the  wilder- 


Unprincipled  men  in  power^  will  neither  promote  the  public 
good  themselves,  nor  permit  others  to  do  it.  Such  characters 
generally  regard  a  public  benefactor,  with  jealousy  and  bitter- 
ness ;  although  they  commonly  study  to  disguise  the  true  cause  of 
their  hatred,  in  order  to  avoid  the  public  indignation  or  contempt, 
and  to  favor  the  indulgence  of  their  private  hostility  and  evil  de- 
signs. Their  conduct,  when  contrasted  with  that  of  a  real  friend 
of  mankind,  demonstrates  their  baseness  and  inferiority,  and  pla- 
ces them  so  manifestly  in  the  wrong  as  to  render  arguments, 
unnecessary  to  prove  the  fact. 


Ask  a  virtuous  and  enlightened  people,  who  are  their  best 
friends,  and  they  will  tell  you,  those,  who  finally  do  the  most 
good  in  society,  with  the  least  proportionate  trouble  and  expenses 


It  is  ridiculous  for  a  nation  or  people  to  pretend  their  venera- 
tion and  regard  for  virtue  and  public  usefulness,  while  they  delib- 
erately elevate  to  stations  of  profit  and  honour,  notorious  and  un- 
relenting libertines,  profligates  and  knaves,  or  other  foes  to  com- 
mon justice,  and  the  good  of  society. 


How  would  a  public  magistrate  appear,  punishing  others  for 
th.e  flame  offeRces  of  which  he  had  been  notoriously  and  unre-* 


320  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

lentingly  guilty  himself  7  Perhaps  a  judge  on  the  bench,  or  other 
executive  officer,  admonishing,  convicting  or  punishing  a  cul- 
prit, convict  or  party,  for  the  offence  of  seduction,  gambling, 
adultery,  fraudulent  conspiracy,  swindling  or  the  like  transgres- 
sions, of  which  himself  had  been  notoriously  guilty. 


Justice,  enforced  by  precept  and  example,  has  a  treble  influ- 
ence on  society. 


Liberty,  without  licentiousness,  would  afford  but  poor  picking 
for  lawyers. 


One  trading,  speculating,  defaulting,  failing,  cheating,  va- 
grant, treacherous,  quarrelsome  or  worthless  character,  is  general- 
ly worth  more  to  lawyers,  than  fifty  or  an  hundred  honest  and 
prudent  farmers,  mechanics,  or  others  who  live  upon  the  fruits  of 
their  own  useful  industry,  and  do  not  attempt  to  wrong  others,  or 
disturb  the  peace  of  society. 


Men  who  have  been  professionally  in  the  habit  of  advocating 
right  or  wrong,  just  as  suited  their  own,  or  client's  purposes  ;  and 
of  perplexing  and  spinning  out  every  subject  to  its  greatest  possi- 
ble length,  to  increase  their  own  business  and  gains,  would  be 
extremely  liable  to  make  quibbling  legislators,  and  crooked  magis- 
trates. 


Men  who  have  been  in  the  habit  of  employing  artifices  to  con- 
ceal the  offences  of  others,  and  to  facilitate  their  evasion  of  jus- 
tice, or  to  aid  and  assist  their  designs  and  efforts  to  rob,  perse- 
cute and  oppress  their  fellow  beings,  will  scarcely  scruple  to  em- 
ploy the  same  means  for  their  own  accommodation,  whenever  a 
temptation  or  opportunity  occurs. 


The  lawyers  of  this  country,  generally,  with  a  few  highly  hon- 
orable exceptions,  if  left  to  themselves,  would  be  just  about  as  un- 
likely to  correct  their  own  crooked  policy  and  conduct,  as  the 
prieets  of  the  old  world,  wherever  they  have  the  chief  rule. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OP  SUBJECTS.  321 

When  a  man  has  a  professional  policy,  or  private  purpose  to 
answer,  which  is  at  variance  with  common  honesty,  or  the  public 
good,  he  becomes  infinitely  more  dangerous,  in  the  possession  and 
exercise  of  public  confidence  and  authority,  and  especially  as  a 
public  magistrate,  teacher,  or  guide. 


The  knaves  and  tyrants  of  the  new  world,  are  probably  as  hos- 
tile to  truth,  virtue,  justice  and  human  improvement,  as  those  of 
the  old  world,  only  they  are  not  yet  so  fully  established  in  power, 
and  have  not  the  same  means  to  obtain  a  complete  gratification. 


The  authors  of  accomplished  villainy,  frequently  use  some  cha- 
ritable donation,  as  a  bait  for  their  snares,  or  cover  to  their  traps 
and  treachery. 

Such  characters  often  engage  in  the  commencement  or  promo- 
tion of  some  popular  establishment,  enterprise  or  undertaking,  to 
serve  as  a  kind  of  musick,  to  charm  the  public  senses,  and  to 
drown  the  cries  and  agonies  of  their  robbed,  wounded  or  distress- 
ed victims. 


When  the  coarse  and  vulgar  villains  of  society,  have  committed 
an  outrage  upon  the  person  or  property  of  a  fellow  being,  to  grati- 
fy or  serve  their  excessive  appetite,  lust,  avarice,  malice,  treachery 
or  revenge,  sometimes  they  take  the  lives  of  their  victims,  in  or- 
per  to  prevent  them  from  giving  evidence  or  information  against 
them  ;  but  when  the  more  learned  and  accomplished  villains  tres- 
pass on  the  persons,  property  or  privileges  of  others,  they  generally 
study  to  conceal  the  facts,  by  ensnaring,  intimidating  and  shack- 
ling the  press^  and  the  general  freedom  of  speech,**  to  prevent  the 
truth  from  being  told,  and  by  endeavours  to  destroy  the  character 
and  reputation  of  their  victims,  to  prevent  the  truth  from  being  he- 
licved,  when  told.  There  are  also  other  stratagems  and  ways  of 
taking  people's  lives,  without  having  recourse  to  immediate  or  di- 
rect assassination  ;  and  by  which  the  learned,  wealthy,  and  those 
in  power,  generally  contrive  to  despatch  their  victims. 


When  hypocrisy  and  bigotry  have  perverted  and  calloused  the 

41 


322  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

understandings  of  mankind,  so  that  truth  and  reason,  in  their 
ordinary  address,  are  not  heard  or  regarded,  it  then  becomes  ne- 
cessary to  speak  out  in  language  as  loud  and  forcible  as  thun- 
der ^  and  as  keen  and  penetrating  as  lightning. 


Tell  me  what  government  you  have  rebelled  against,  and  under 
what  circumstances  you  have  acted,  and  I  will  tell  you  whether 
you  are  a  villain,  or  a  patriot,  a  wise  man,  or  a  fool. 


Let  those  who  are  nothing  of  themselves^  to  be  proud  of,  boast 
of  their  birth  or  family  connections,  and  thus  proclaim  their  own 
degenerate  and  fallen  condition. 


Those,  who,  by  arms  or  other  means,  forcibly  enslave  their  fel- 
low men,  without  any  forfeiture  of  natural  liberty  on  the  part  of 
the  enslaved,  are  often  worse  than  cannibals,  who  only  eat  their 
vanquished  and  dead  foes. 


The  fierceness  and  cruelty  of  a  greedy  or  malignant  foe,  is  i«- 
creased  by  the  cries  and  agonies  of  his  wounded  victim. 


Artful  and  corrupt  professional  policy,  often  cramps  and  de- 
forms more  real  genius,  by  unnecessary,  arbitrary  and  hypocritic- 
al rules  and  regulations,  than  perhaps  all  other  causes  put  togetli- 
er. 


One  of  the  chief  causes  why  virtue  and  liberty  generally  decline 
with  the  age  of  governments,  is,  that  power  has  been  mainly  in  the 
hands  of  those,  whose  very  professions  thrive  on  the  ignorance, 
wounds  and  depravity  of  society. 


When  I  estimate  mankind  by  their  professions,  I  am  inclined 
to  regard  justice  and  virtue,  as  honorable  and  desirable  ;  but  were 
I  to  judge  them  by  their  actions,  and  especially  to  compare  their 
precepts  with  their  practice,  I  should  be  almost  obliged  to  consid- 
er the  world  as  a  cheat,  and  the  biggest  cheat  as  the  best  fellow 
but  this  is  the  present  corrupt  and  hypocritical  world,  as  it  ha.- 
been   rendered  by  kingcraft,  priestcraft,  schoolcraft,    literary- 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  323 

crctft^  witch-crafty  law-craft,  and  war-craff — but  not  as  it  might 
be,  and  should  be.  • 


I  can  hardly  help  regarding  every  thorough  bred  and  under- 
standing monarchist,  as  a  cheat  in  theory,  if  not  in  practice,  and 
every  designing  cheat,  as  a  monarchist  in  practice,  if  not  in  pro- 
fession. 


Those  who  are  the  least  deserving  of  honorable  distinctions,  are 
generally  the  most  eager  to  obtain  nominal  titles. 


A  person  elevated  to  a  station  by  the  aid  of  others,  and  one 
raised  to  wealth  and  distinction  by  his  oian  merits,  should  be  very 
differently  estimated  :  The  former,  generally  passes  for  more  than 
worth,  and  the  latter  is  often  greatly  under  valued. 


Nations,  like  individuals,  when  they  form  treaties  offensive,  may 
be  said  to  a^ree  as  well  as  old  Pooler  and  his  wife,  who  agreed  to 
Jight ! 


King-craft,  naturally  makes  man  the  worst  enemy  of  his  own 
species,  in  order  that  he  may  be  rendered  instrumental  to  the  rob- 
bery, persecution  and  oppression  of  his  fellow  men. 


King-craft,  would  pervert  the  best  talents  of  human  nature,  in- 
to instruments  and  playthings  to  suit 

"  low  ambition  aod  the  pride  of  kings,*' 

instead  of  having  them  cultivated  and  applied  to  the  best  use,  for 
the  general  good  of  mankind. 


Actions  that  manifest  a  contempt  for  the  rights  and  feelings 
of  others,  is  monarchy  in  practice— whatever  the  understanding 
or  intention  may  be. 


Justice  and  reason,  have  but  little  to  do  with  knaves  and  tyrants, 
Force  d.nd  fraud  are  their  chiofagfents. 


324  BRIKF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

Men  who  attempt  to  play  the  tyrant,  on  liowever  small  a  scale, 
generally  refuse  to  assign  reasons  for  their  actions  and  designs, 
and  particularly  to  the  victims  of  their  fraud  and  oppression. 


Man,   perfectly  civilized,  is  the  subject  of  truth,  justice  and 
reason. 


Monarchy,  teaches  mankind  to  deceive,  oppress,  and  destroy 
their  fellow  men  ;  but  republicanism,  like  Christianity,  teaches  us 
to  enlighten^  unshackle,  and  save  our  fellow  beings. 


Monarchy  teaches  men  to  harden  the  feelings  of  their  fellow- 
beings;  and  to  make  their  ignorance  and  misfortunes  a  jus- 
tification for  their  being  robbed,  persecuted,  and  enslaved : 
republicanism,  (and  Christianity,  which  are  essentially  the  same 
in  justice  and  humanity,)  requires  us  to  soften  and  humanize  the 
feelings  and  dispositions  of  our  brethren  of  the  human  family ; 
and  finally  to  make  their  ignorance  and  misfortunes,  the  subject 
of  our  compassion  and  forbearance. 


True  charity,  begins  at  home.  How  often  do  we  see  people 
making  a  mighty  fuss  and  parade,  about  contributing  for  the  in- 
struction, relief  or  happiness  of  strangers,  or  people  in  a  distant 
or  foreign  country,  when  they  are  surrounded  at  home  by  the 
miserable  victims  of  their  own  meanness,  deceit,  oppression  and 
cruelty  ?  And  perhaps  the  chief  reason  why  they  are  not  warn- 
ed, or  mended  of  their  faults,  is  the  general  lack  of  virtue  and 
intelligence  among  their  own  people  ! 


A  mind  that  is  given  up  to  treachery,  seldom  sees  itself.  The 
creature  is  all  eyes,  ears  and  mouth — but  no  soul  within  which, 
the  subjects  of  virtue,  (relying  upon  the  eternal  justice,  wisdom 
and  power  of  the  Creator,)  recline,  with  so  much  sweetness,  sat- 
isfaction and  contentment. 


He  who  smiles  at  the  commission  of  a  crime,  or  trifles  with  the 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  32i 

offence,  is  generally  as  destitute  of  principle,  or  understanding, 
as  the  perpetrator. 


If  one  person  gives  a  bribe,  and  another  receives  it,  the  first  who 
complains  of  the  offence,  should  not  only  be  exonerated  from 
punishment,  but  be  rewarded,  for  enabling  a  detection  of  the  fact. 
If  this  plan  was  judiciously  managed,  it  would  soon  put  a  materi- 
al stop  to  bribery. 


There  are  few  tricks  of  the  learned  craft,  played  off  to  deceive 
and  defraud  the  common  people,  more  base  and  hypocritical,  than 
many  of  their  disinterested  pretensions. 


Let  me  know  a  man's  interest,  and  I  can  generally  tell  his  prin- 
ciples. 


Men  who  obtain  public  office  or  employ  by  false  and  deceitful 
artifices  and  representations,  will  generally  devote  their  opportu- 
nities to  defraud  their  employers. 


Law,  without  justice,  is   like  religion  without  morality ;    and 
both  are  generally  fit  instrument  for  the  service  of  satan. 

Priestcraft  aids  and  sanctifies  fraud,  religiously,  and  lamcraft, 
litigiously. 


Priest-craft  artfully  obscures  the  light  of  Heaven  in  mystery  ; 
and  law-craft  studiously  involves  the  principles  of  justice  and 
equity  in  uncertainty. 


Who,  or  which  profession  have  been  the  most  active  and  instru- 
mental in  persecuting  public  benefactors,  that  of  priests,  or  law- 
yers? 


While  the  knaves  and  tyrants  of  society,  are  openly  contribu- 
ting to  honor  and  reward  one  patriot  or  public  benefactor,  they 
are  often  secretly  trampling  on,  or  conspiring  to  suppress  and  des- 
troy, perhaps  a  dozen  rising  individuals  of  the  same  character. 


2i%  BiUEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

Public  parades,  often  afford  hypocrites  and  designing  knaves, 
a  peculiar  opportunity  to  display  their  outside  show  to  the  greatest 
advantage.  The  rich,  haughty  and  overbearing  aristocrats,  are 
thus  put  up  to  out  show  real  merit.  Vice  and  folly  are  thus  pam- 
pered, and  apparently  exalted,  and  virtue  and  wisdom,  insulted, 
and  put  down — that  is,  in  the  estimation  of  ignorant  or  unthinking 
beings — never  otherways. 


In  the  impulse,  ebbs  and  flows  of  public  passions,  there  is  an  era 
of  good,  and  of  bad  feelings  ;  of  which  knaves  and  tyrants  are  per- 
petually studying  to  take  the  advantage,  to  effect  their  base  and 
crooked  designs  and  purposes.  It  is,  therefore,  of  general  impor- 
tance that  the  people  should  be  aware  of  it,  in  order  the  better  to 
detect  and  defeat  such  designs. 


Human  liberty  is  as  often  violated,  and  finally  entangled  and 
destroyed,  from  the  lack  of  proper  attention  on  the  part  of  the 
people,  as  from  their  ignorance  or  want  of  knowledge. 


Men  of  corrupt  minds,  and  despotic  habits  or  indulgences,  hypo^ 
eritcally  represent  remonstrances  and  arguments,  however  just 
and  reasonable,  when  urged  against  their  conduct  or  designs,  as 
scolding — while  in  fact  these  very  same  little  knaves  and  tyrants 
themselves,  arc  more  in  the  habit  of  raving,  pouting  .and  scolding, 
when  any  thing  crosses  their  will,  than  any  other  class  of  men. 


Morality,  truly  considered,  does  not  abridge  one  solid  or  ra- 
tional enjoyment ;  but  on  the  contrary,  it  augments  and  improves 
our   happiness,  in  the  most  sure,  substantial  and  lasting  manner. 

A  good  moral  habit — a  system  of  general  conduct  judiciously 
arranged  before  hand,  is  the  course  of  true  wisdom. 


As  health,  general  competence,  and  a  long  life,  are  desirable, 
so  should  w^e  practice  temjjerance,  for  intemperance  is  the  parent 
of  debility,  disaase,  poverty,  and  death. 

Mark  the  dissipaled,  profligate  and  lewd  character,  and  calcu- 
late their  ruin,  and  most  assuredly  you  will  avoid  their  wretched 
fate  and  example. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  327 

To  acquire  true  honor,  and  enjoy  the  comforts  of  a  tolerable 
competence,  regard  temperance  in  all  things,  for  it  is  the  surest 
guide  to  health,  wealth,  and  honor. 


Excesses,  in  eating,  drinking,  frolicking,  sporting,  and  in  the 
indulgence  of  our  lust,  anger  or  other  extreme  passions  or  desires 
— like  a  deluge,  fire  or  tornado,  upon  the  natural  earth,  have  a 
tendency  to  drown,  prostrate,  disfigure,  wound  or  destroy  the  real 
beauties,  worth  and  excellence  of  the  human  constitution  and 
character. 


Ignorance — torong  information^  or  a  lack  of  knowing  the  actu- 
al truth  of  whatever  concerns  us,  is  the  main  cause  of  human  mis- 
conduct ;  for  it  would  be  a  burlesque  upon  reason  and  common 
sense,  to  suppose  that  rational  beings  would,  voluntarily  and 
knowingly  do  any  thing  against  their  own  general  happiness. 

We  all  prefer  happiness  to  misery,  and  should  always  pursue 
the  most  pure  and  lasting  enjoyments,  if  we  could  rightly,  and  sea- 
sonably, comprehend  their  true  character  and  course. 

Wrong  information,  delusion,  and  a  lack  of  knowing  the  actual 
truth  of  whatever  concerns  us,  are  the  real  snares  and  stumbling- 
blocks  of  human  life. 

To  acquire  a  general  and  correct  knowledge  of  the  truths  that 
concern  us,  and  thereby  avoid  the  evil  consequences  of  error,  re- 
quires considerable  mental  and  bodily  exertion  ;  but  the  reward 
is  abundantly  equal  to  the  undertaking. 

Here  the  duty  of  parents,  guardians,  and  instructors,  assumes 
an  immense  responsibility,  and  importance,  in  giving  true  and  val- 
uable impressions,  and  in  correcting  erroneous  ideas,  examples 
and  information.  This  duty,  well  performed,  is  of  far  greater 
consequence  to  the  youth,  than  great  wealth  without  such  in- 
struction. 


Some  priests,  have  raised  up  or  created  a  phantom,  which  they 
call  the  devil,  ^nd  attack  with  great  boldness  ;  while  they  seldom 
interfere  with  those  who  are  playing  the  real  devil  in  society. 


No  wonder  that  tyrants  and  knaves  in  power,  should  be  afraid 


328  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

of  information,  and  arms,  in  possession  of  the  people,  lest  they 
should  discern,  and  resume  their  suppressed  rights,  and  perhaps 
7'esertt  some  of  the  insults,  oppressions  and  cruelties  they  had  ex- 
perienced. 

But  a  virtuous  and  wise  man,  duly  invested  with  public  author- 
ity, has  rather  an  occasion  to  rejoice  at  the  intelligence  and  force 
of  his  constituents. 


In  a  republic,  the  people  are  chiefly  their  own  guards  ;  and  are 
generally  stationed  where  their  protection  is  the  most  needed — 
namely,  to  guard  their  own  persons  and  property. 


The  chief  excuse  for  the  existence  and  continuation  of  mon- 
archy or  arbitrary  government,  is  the  ignorance  and  depravity  of 
the  people ;  but  if  this  was  really  an  excuse  that  would  justify  the 
necessity  of  suppressing  human  liberty,  and  those  who  control  the 
exercise  of  this  absolute  power,  were  desirous  of  improving  the 
condition  of  the  people,  they  would  adopt  measures  to  have  them 
truly  enlightened,  and  their  vices  corrected ;  so  as  to  enlarge  their 
freedom,  and  regularly  reduce  the  restraints  upon  their  conduct, 
as  they  became  more  virtuous  and  enlightened. 

But,  instead  of  this  course,  the  chiefs,  and  others  who  controul 
the  education  and  government  of  the  subjects  of  monarchy,  pro- 
hibit the  light  of  truth,  and  the  progress  of  reason,  and  human 
improvement,  generally,  with  the  most  eager  jealousy  and  inquisi- 
tive concern,  and  openly  license  and  encourage  the  most  destruc- 
tive and  fatal  examples  of  ignorance  and  depravity. 


In  every  civilized  and  well  regulated  community,  there  ought 
to  be  a  perfect  harmony  and  co-operation,  between  the  standards 
of  morality,  honour,  and  the  spirit  and  practice  of  the  law. 


Our  newspapers  teem  with  legislation  and  projects  for  making 
laws,  but  seldom  meddle  with  the  execution  thereof — ^the  final 
ENDS  of  government,  which  is  ten  fold  more  important  to  the 
well-being  of  the  people. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  32^ 

It  requires  a  great  deal  of  examination,  reflection  and  watchful- 
ness, to  eradicate,  and  guard  against  the  introduction,  and  effects 
of  kingcraft^  and  all  its  corrupt,  hypocritical  and  subordinate 
agents,  policies  and  designs,  which  are  artfully  interwoven,  and 
mixed  with  our  systems  of  education,  religion,  government,  histo- 
ry, language,  laws,  fashions,  news,  information,  customs  and  hab- 
its of  life,  and  what  still  continues  to  invade  us,  in  some  shape  or 
manner,  from  the  presses,  workshops  and  agents  of  the  old  world. 


A  community  of  republicans,  living  together  in  terms  of  equity, 
mutual  protection,  and  social  intercourse  one  with  another — each 
individual  enjoying  the  just  fruits  of  his  own  honest  industry  and 
merit,  with  nothing  to  hope  from  efforts  to  injuie  others,  and  noth- 
ing to  fear  from  the  evil  actions  or  designs  of  others  to  injure 
him,  is  the  greatest  acquisition  of  human  virtue  and  wisdom,  and 
would  be  the  most  interesting  and  sublime  object  the  world  ever 
3aw. 


The  only  way  to  make  a  fair  estimate  of  the  general  character 
of  a  government,  or  of  the  condition  of  those  under  its  care  and 
control,  is  to  take  an  average  of  the  whole — all  the  different 
partff,  places,  people,  grades  and  conditions,  and  then  to  contrast 
them  with  the  general  character  and  condition  of  the  people  and 
government  of  another  country,  state  or  nation,  and  see  where 
the  people  average  the  most  rational  advantages  of  government, 
and  for  the  least  expense. 


Suppose,  for  example,  we  apply  the  foregoing  rule  to  all  the 
places  and  people  under  the  dominion,  care  and  control  of  the  Bri- 
tish government,  including  Ireland,  India,  &c.  and  then  compare 
their  average  results  with  the  people  and  government  of  the  Uni- 
ted States — how  important  the  contrast  would  be,  in  favour  of  our 
system  of  government !  And  yet,  the  British  government  is  con- 
sidered the  most  favourable  one  in  the  old  world — except,  per- 
haps the  Swiss. 


What,  in  all  probability,  would  have  been  the  present  moral  and 

42 


330  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS. 

political  condition  of  England,  had  it  not  been  for  her  Botany  Bay, 
and  numerous  other  places  for  the  forced  transportation,  and  volun- 
tary exile,  of  her  home-bred  subjects  ? 


Unprincipled  men  in  power,  generally  pension  those  whom  they 
dismiss  from  statious  of  considerable  trust  or  confidence,  in 
order  to  keep  them  from  exposing  the  secrets  of  their  master's  po- 
licy and  conduct  ! 


We  often  hear  it  said,  that  a  certain  individual  has  had  an  of- 
fice given  him,  and  as  a  particular  mark  of  personal  friendship,  or 
as  a  compensation  or  reward  for  his  former  good  services.  From 
which  an  intelligent  and  reflecting  mind  would  rationally  conclude 
that  public  offices  were  sometimes  sold — not  given  away,  and  tliat 
their  salaries  or  incomes,  were  more  than  a  fair  compensation  for 
the  services  to  be  rendered — so  as  to  aflford  them  a  certain  gai« 
beyond  what  the  services  actually  merited. 

Men  of  principle,  generally  take  into  consideration  the  end  of 
every  considerable  act  they  intentionally  and  understandingly  pur- 
sue. 


Unprincipled  and  despotic  men,  sensible  of  their  unjust  and 
cruel  conduct  and  designs,  are  constantly  plotting  some  new  and 
plausible  scheme,  device  or  apology,  to  patch  up  and  conceal 
their  wretched  conduct  and  characters. 


Instead  of  conforming  to  the  general  standard  of  virtue,  justice 
and  reason,  established  for  human  actions,  knaves  often  endeavour 
to  make  their  own  crooked  policy  and  conduct,  a  rule  and  guide 
for  others. 


Only  convince  mankind  of  a  future  state  of  rewards  and  pun- 
ishments, and  that  a  certain  man,  or  set  of  men,  have  the  "  keys" 
of  heaven  and  hell,  whereby  they  can  save  or  damn  whom  they 
please,  and  a  more  complete  despotism  over  the  human  character, 
cannot  well  be  conceived  of.  But  I  pity  the  people  who  are  kept 
in  sufficient  ignorance  and  bondage  to  believe  and  be  led  by  such 
a  persuasion. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  331 

'*  Impious  worm  of  the  dust !"  would  any  mortal  being  pretend 
that  God  had  specially  invested  man  with  a  sovereignty  over  hu- 
man souls ! 


It  is  just  as  consistent  with  the  true  principles  of  civilization, 
tor  nations,  as  it  would  be  for  individuals,  to  appeal  to  arms — to 
see  which  can  do  the  other  the  most  harm,  on  any  considerable  dif- 
ference ;  instead  of  settling  their  matters  and  various  concerns, 
by  written,  definite  and  established  laws,  peaceably  administered, 
by  judicous  and  established  tribunals. 


When  one  nation  keeps  up  a  horde  of  mercenary  robbers  and 
assassins,  ready  to  let  loose  upon  a  neighboring  nation,  whenever 
they  are  off  their  guard,  or  rendered  particularly  vulnerable,  the 
neighboring  nations  are  obliged  to  resort  to  similar  preparations, 
in  order  to  be  able  to  defend  themselves  in  case  of  an  attack. 

But  if  all  nations,  pretendedly  civilized,  would  dispense  with 
warlike  aggressions,  and  rely  upon  a  truly  civilized  code  of  inter- 
national law,  and  a  just  and  reasonable  tribunal  for  carrying  the 
same  into  effect,  there  would  be  no  need  or  justification  in  keep- 
ing up  large  warlike  forces  and  military  preparations,  and  espe- 
cially in  times  of  professed  peace  and  amity.  And  this  would  un- 
doubtedly be  accomplished,  if  the  general  good  of  the  whole  peo- 
ple was  properly  consulted  and  regarded. 


What  a  strange  sight  it  often  affords,  to  a  civilized,  enlightened 
and  reflecting  mind,  to  behold  nations,  professedly  a  civilized  and 
christian  people,  holding  the  main  body  of  their  citizens  in  subor- 
dination by  the  constant  application  of  the  force  of  arms  ! 

It  is  equally  wonderful  to  see  neighboring  nations  in  professed 
amity  and  friendship — perhaps  their  sovereigns  are  blood  connec- 
tions, keeping  strong  military  guards  on  their  frontier  or  division 
lines. 

One  would  imagine  that  sovereign  princes  had  not  much  con- 
fidence in  the  faith  or  good  intentions  of  each  other. 


Aristocracy  would  render  industry  and  usefulness,  or  true  mej:- 
it,  contemptible,  and  indolence  and  folly  respectable. 


S32  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

Fashions  of  dress,  manners  and  customs,  are  often  artfully  con- 
trived to  nurse  the  aristocratic,  haught,  vanity  and  deceit  of  man- 
kind, to  their  own  general  degradation  and  ruin. 


Too  much  money,  ruins  young  men,  more  fatally  than  the  lack 
of  money. 


Rules,  were  intended  as  leading-strings  for  simpletons,  and 
shackles  for  rogues — but  never  should  be  permitted  to  cramp  the 
genius  of  honest  and  enlightened  minds. 


Unjust  and  severe  rules  or  restrictions  upon  human  rights  and 
liberties,  has  a  tendency  to  provoke  desperate  actions,  which  often 
5CCOT  to  justify  arbitrary  government. 


One  good  thinker,  is  generally  worth  a  dozen  quibbling  gabbleri, 
in  a  deliberative  assembly  or  body  of  men. 


Addressed  to  Liberty,  during  a  disastrous  period  of  tkt  war  of 

1812. 

O  LIBERTY  !  thou  cclestial  goddess  of  virtue,  science,  and  hu- 
man felicity — thou,  whose  cause  has  been  consecrated  by  the 
blood  of  heroes,  and  the  tears  of  innocence,  and  whom  saints 
have  knelt  to  adore,  forsake  not  my  country,  I  beseech  you  ;  but 
continue  thy  fostering  influence  over  the  peoi)le  of  this  new  and 
rising  nation — peradventure  they  may  yet  erect  a  temple  worthy 
of  thy  residence  and  future  glory. 


On  viewing  a  statue,  representing  Washington  with  sandals  on 
and  otherways  habited  as  men  appeared  in  their  half  savage  state, 
some  two  or  three  thousand  years  ago,  it  was  asked  whether 
Washington  ever  dressed  so  ?  O,  no,  was  the  answer ;  why, 
then,  continued  the  inquirer,  did  they  not  represent  him  truly,  as 
he  used  to  dress  and  appear  ?  the  reply  was  that  this  was  more 
classical  than  his  real  dress  and  appearance  ! 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  333 

Yes,  reader,  in  the  true  style  of  ancient  literature,  /^c^iow,  trick 
and  artifice,  is  regarded  as  more  learned  and  eminent,  than  the 
plain  and  undeviating  truth — that  is,  hypocrisy  and  treachery,  art- 
fully and  ably  embellished,  represented  and  managed,  is  consid- 
ered, even  at  the  present  day,  by  some,  who  would  take  the  lead 
in  matters  of  education,  taste  and  refinement  generally,  as  more 
learned,  fashionable  and  elevated,  than  truth,  or  unaffected  worth 
and  excellence. 


Sophists,  or  literary  knaves  and  dunces,  would  impute  more  to 
the  manner y  than  to  the  matter  and  real  merits  of  a  verbal  or  writ- 
ten communication. 


Monarchy,  would  establish  as  the  standard  of  human  greatness, 
the  titles  conferred  by  their  arbitrary  rules  and  authorities. 

Our  colleges  exercise  an  authority  of  conferring  degrees^  which 
they  would  almost  seem  to  have  regarded  as  the  criterion  of  hu* 
man  worth  and  excellence. 

While  the  truly  good  and  great,  generally  set  lightly  by  such 
conferments,  titles  and  distinctions. 


One  of  the  basest  and  most  dangerous  arts  of  kingcraft  and  its 
hypocritical  co-operators  in  policy,  is  the  studied  perversion  of  the 
proper  meaning  and  application  of  words. 


Instead  of  recommending  and  requiring  the  restoration  of  pro- 
perty wrongfully  obtained,  or  making  restitution  or  amends  for  in-^ 
juries  done  to  others  ;  it  seems  to  be  the  general  policy  of  unprin- 
cipled and  designing  priests  and  lawyers,  to  obtain  themselves, 
somehow,  directly  or  indirectly,  a  part  at  least  of  the  spoil,  for  the 
aid  and  comfort  they  afford  the  transgressors  ! 


Evil  example,  is  the  very  pilot  of  corruption. 


I'alents,  without  virtue,  is  like  arms  or  instruments  in  the  way 
of  robbers  and  assassins. 


Said  a  bold,  discerning,  independent,  upright  and  active  repub- 


"334  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

lican,  I  have  the  honor  to  be  hatedj  by  every  designed  knave  and 
tyrant  who  truly  knows  me. 


Gratitude — is  the  first  law  of  civilization — a  just  and  proper 
sense  of  favours  received — such  as  children  owe  to  faithful  par- 
ents, and  such  as  is  generally  due  to  public  and  private  benefac- 
tors. 

It  is  just  as  impossible  for  a  person  to  feel  a  true  Christian  tem- 
per and  disposition,  without  a  proper  sense  oi gratitude ^  as  it  would 
be  to  convert  a  wolf  into  a  lamb. 

Ingratitude^  is  a  heedless,  cold  or  malignant  temper  or  dispo^ 
sition — generally  the  result  of  a  neglected,  or  hypocritical  educa- 
tion ;  the  manifestations  of  which,  may  be  considered  as  the  fore- 
runner of  treachery  and  cruelty. 


True  Christianity,  mainly  consists  in  doing  as  we  would  be 
done  by  ;  or,  in  scripture  language, 

"  Therefore  all  things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should 
do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them  :  for  this  is  the  law  and  the 
prophets." 


It  would  be  unreasonable  to  expect,  that  a  profession  of  men, 
interested,  accustomed  and  indulged  as  laipycrs  generally  are, 
would,  professionally,  or  officially,  honestly  make  and  administer 
laws,  to  afford  good  and  sufficient  aid  and  protection^  to  the  works 
and  authors  of  public  usefulness. 


Let  a  man  undertake  to  perform  a  distinguished  part  as  a  public 
benefactor,  and  he  may  soon  find  who  are  the  wolves  and  vultures 
of  societv. 


Self-taught  men,  generally,  are  less  bigoted,  and  not  so  much 
affected  by  hypocritical  examples,  and  overbearing  policies,  as 
those  who  have  had  formal  educations  :  and  chiefly  because  they 
do  not  implicitly  follow  the  opinion  and  designs  of  others — but 
examine  for  themselves,  and  found  their  faith  in  practical  know- 
ledge, according  to  the  dictates  of  truth,  justice  and  reason — in 
their  own  understanding. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  335 

Education  fashions  the  mind,  almost  as  arbitrarily,  as  art  forms 
metallic  and  other  substances  into  engines  and  instruments  of  hu- 
man agency. 


God  ordained  the  light  of  truth,  justice  and  reason,  for  the  in- 
formation and  benefit  of  mankind  :  but  satan,  dreading  the  ex- 
posure of  his  wickedness  and  deformity  of  character,  and  desiring 
company,  as  nigh  as  possible,  in  his  miserable  and  degraded  con- 
dition, set  his  evil  genius  to  work  to  counteract  the  progress  of 
truth,  justice,  and  reason  ;  and  finally  to  involve  the  happiness 
and  concerns  of  mankind,  as  much  as  possible,  in  moral  and  po- 
litical darkness. 


The  general  freedom  of  speech,  and  of  the  press,  are  the  or- 
gans of  light  and  intelligenee,  indispensable  to  the  existence  of  a 
republic. 


In  a  republican  country,  a  man  should   never  be   afraid  to  do 
any  thing,  but  what  was  dishonest,  inhuman,  or  mean. 


Wrong  information  given  to  students,  is  like  misdirection  to 
travellers — the  longer  they  pursue  the  erroneous  course,  the  fur- 
ther they  generally  are  from  the  real  object  of  their  intentions. 

Formerly  it  used  to  be  the  fashion,  to  call  rakes,  profligates  and 
libertines,  high  fellows ;  but  now  we  begin  to  rate  such  as  lotv 
characters. 


People  use  many  words  ceremoniously^  without  meaning,  or 
being  fully  sensible  of  what  they  say.  This  is  generally  the  effect 
of  neglected,  or  hypocritical  education  and  habits.  So  when  an 
Irish  servant  overheard  his  knavish  master  repeating  his  prayers, 
wherein  he  used  the  common  form  of  saying,  "  I  have  done  those 
things  I  ought  not  to  have  done^  and  left  undone  that  which  I  ought 
to  have  done,  and  am  unworthy  to  be  numbered  among  the  meanest 
•f  thy  creatures."  Faith,  exclaimed  Pat,  I  am  glad  to  hear  you 
speak  the  truth,  once.  Oh  !  said  the  surprised  hypocrite,  you 
must  not  take  me  in  earnest — I  only  say  over  these  words  hx  form 
sake  ! 


336  BRIEF  GENERAL  EEMARKS 

Tli^e  are  some  people,  who  really  seem  to  imagine,  that  their 
"  Sunday' s  piety  J  blots  out  the  knaveries  of  the  week." 


Privileged  orders. — Why  should  one  man,  more  than  another, 
be  entitled  to  have  his  character  investigated  at  the  public  expense  1 
I  here  particularly  allude  to  naval  and  military  officers,  legislators, 
judges,  and  others  in  public  employ  ;  some  of  whom  have  cost 
government  much  more  than  they  are  worthy  by  court  martials, 
and  other  public  inquiries  and  investigations,  carried  on  to  vindi- 
cate their  conduct  and  characters.  And  this,  too,  when  some  of 
the  most  publicly  useful  men  in  the  union,  while  exerting  their 
extraordinary  talents  and  information  in  the  promotion  of  works, 
designs  and  undertakings  of  great  national  importance,  have  been 
obliged,  constantly  to  defend  themselves  against  the  most  mali- 
cious conspiracies,  and  sometimes  against  the  very  men  invested 
with  public  authority  for  the  aid  and  protection  of  such  persons 
and  undertakings  !  Some,  who  have  proved  themselves  public 
benefactors,  in  an  eminent  degree,  have  been  obliged  to  lie  upon 
their  arms^  as  it  were,  and  while  toiling  with  one  hand,  defend 
themselves  with  the  other  ! 


Many  of  our  newspapers,  seem  to  be  conducted  to  serve  their 
few  advertising,  and  office  juggling  employers,  to  the  sacrifice  of 
their  far  more  numerous  subscribing  and  reading  customers. 


Even  those  who  draw  high  prizes  in  lotteries,  are  not  always 
benefitted,  as  the  sudden  possession  of  considerable  property, 
without  acquiring  it  by  some  regular  business,  is  apt  to  lead  people 
into  profligate  habits,  and  to  ruinous  calculations. 


Inquiries  that  have  truth  and  justice  for  their  general  object, 
concentrate — become  more  simple,  definite  and  certain,  as  they 
progress  ;  but  investigations  that  aim  at  the  evasion  and  defeat  of 
truth  and  justice — like  the  juggling  of  words,  scatter,  grow  more 
complex,  obscure  and  doubtful,  as  they  progress,  and  often  render 
that  uncertain,  which,  before,  was  hardly  questionable. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  337 

Virtuous  and  active  minorities,  should  always  be  cherished,  and 
iairly  and  courteously  treated,  and  regarded  as  healthy  for  the 
body  politic.  Considerable  minorities,  in  politics,  and  in  reli- 
gion, are  far  more  likely  to  be  guided  by  a  principle  of  justice 
and  humanity,  than  large  or  overwhelming  majorities ;  because 
the  former  generally  depend  for  their  justification  and  support,  on 
the  reality  and  importance  of  the  principles  and  measures  they 
advocate,  or  aim  to  inculcate  and  establish,  while  the  latter 
chiefly  rely  upon  the  power  of  their  superior  numbers,  to  effect 
their  objects. 

In  fact,  most  if  not  all  the  reforms  actually  made  in  govern- 
ments, and  religion,  favourable  to  justice  and  humanity,  were  the 
fruits  of  virtuous  and  active  minorities. 

It  is,  indeed,  from  the  want,  or  indulgence  of  virtuous  and  ac- 
tive minorities,  that  bigotry  and  despotism  exist,  any  where,  at 
any  considerable  length,  in  religion  or  politics.  *" 


When  candidates  for  office  or  public  preferment,  give  feasts, 
treats,  or  public  entertainment,  it  is  necessary  that  freemen  should 
be  thoughtful.  It  may  be,  they  mean  no  harm  ;  but  many  have, 
unconsciously,  sold  their  birthrights,  and  for  that  which  was  equal- 
ly insignificant  or  trifling  in  value,  to  *'  a  mess  of  pottage." 


It  is  always  honorable  to  deceive  those  who  undertake  to  control 
our  voting,  by  corrupt  or  arbitrary  means.  Indeed,  it  is  the 
bounden  duti/  of  every  friend  of  justice  and  rational  liberty,  to 
counteract  and  defeat  the  enemy,  in  any  shape. 


Ancient  Greece,  Rome,  and  even  modern  France,  had  their 
liberties  perverted  and  overthrown,  chiefly  by  the  influence  and 
control  of  their  overgrown  and  corrupt  cities — which  governed  the 
country.  But  in  this  republican  nation,  the  country  mainly  gov- 
erns legislative  bodies  ;  and  thereby,  in  a  measure,  guards  us 
against  the  fatal  influence  and  control  of  large  and  corrupt  cities. 


The  excitements  to  the  office  of  president  of  the  United  States, 

has  become  quite  alarming,  and  dangerous  to  our  liberty,  jfromthe 

43 


V/>^^     art 


esjtVI 


338  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

magnificence  and  splendor  of  the  public  palace  furnished  for  bis 
official  residence,  and  from  the  immense  and  increasing  power 
and  patronage  of  the  office. 


Some  of  the  ignorant  slaves,  and  the  desisfning  advocates  of  mo- 
narchy, from  the  old  world,  when  travelling  in  this  republican 
country,  wonder,  and  sometimes  profess  to  cast  a  reproach  upon 
us,  because  we  have  so  few  of  those  magnificent  temples,  costly 
and  splendid  palaces,  and  other  extravagances,  that  like  Jugger- 
nauts ^  have  been  the  principal  engines  used  to  crush,  as  it  were, 
the  chief  liberties  of  the  common  people  of  the  old  world. 


All  compromises y  involving  principle,  are  generally  made  for  the 
want  of  means  to  enforce  or  obtain  justice,  and  for  the  ultimate 
benefit  of  knaves  and  tyrants. 


To  say  nothing  of  the  lack  of  experience,  in  the  early  stages  of 
human  society  ;  the  imperfection  of  language  ;  the  great  difficulty 
of  circulating  and  extending  knowledge,  and  the  consequent  ig- 
norance of  the  people  of  those  periods  of  time  :  Ancient  history  is 
so  dependent  on  tradition,  and  so  blended  with  romance,  fable  and 
fiction,  that  it  is  extremely  difficult  for  people  of  common  talents 
and  information,  to  know  what  to  believe  and  depend  upon.  It  is 
therefore,  generally  the  safest  and  best  way,  to  confide  in  nothing 
that  we  cannot  comprehend  consistently  with  reason  and  common 
sense,  in  order  to  avoid  the  impositions,  that  ignorance  and  treach- 
ery would,  otherways,  subject  us  to. 


We  should  endeavour  to  derive  some  useful  ideas  or  informa- 
tion, from  every  considerable  subject  we  read,  or  hear,  and  then 
digest  the  matter  in  our  own  minds,  so  as  to  be  able  to  answer  the 
questions  definitely,  if  put  to  us.  For  example — after  having 
read  a  book,  or  other  publication,  or  matter,  or  heard  a  lecture, 
oration,  sermon,  address,  speech,  or  any  considerable  delivery  by 
voice,  let  us  ask  ourselves,  or  suppose  another  to  make  the  inqui- 
ry, "  Have  you  derived  any  new  and  useful  idea  or  information, 
from  the  same?  and  what  are  the  ideas  or  information  acquired  ? 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  339 

and,  finally,  what  practical  knowledge  or  conclusions  have  you 
drawn  from  the  subject  1 

This  habit  of  inquiry,  reflection  and  conclusion,  enables  a  per- 
son to  select,  digest,  refine  and  concentrate  information  for  prac- 
tical and  important  purposes. 


A  man,  who  naturally  had  a  good  constitution,  and  fine  talents, 
and  was  left  young  in  the  world  with  a  handsome  fortune — which 
he  had  spent  in  habits  of  dissipation  and  debauchery,  and  ruined 
his  heaUh ;  was  accosted  by  one  of  his  old  acquaintances,  who 
was  endeavouring  to  console  him,  in  his  miserable  condition,  by 
saymg  that  he  had  many  and  good  friends  in  the  companions  of 
his  youth.  **  No,"  said  the  ruined  man  ;  '^  they  were  my  worst 
enemies  ;  for  if  they  had  been  my  real  friends,  they  would  have 
caused  a  conservator  to  have  been  put  over  me,  or  otherwise  have 
checked  and  prevented  me  from  squandering  my  fortune,  and  ru- 
ining my  health  and  talents — and  particularly,  instead  of  aiding 
and  encouraging  me  in  my  ruinous  course,  as  they  did." 


There  has  lately  been  considerable  squinting  and  squirming, 
about  the  small  salaries  for  which  the  chief  executive  and  judicial 
offices  are  filled,  in  the  state  of  Rhode-Island  ;  and  particularly 
when  contrasted  with  the  sums  allowed  for  similar  offices  in  the 
states  of  Louisiana  and  New-York.  Those  salaries  may  be  too 
low  ;  but  will  any  one  pretend  that  justice  is  not  as  accessible, 
and  as  well  executed,  in  the  state  of  Rhode-Island,  as  in  the  two 
latter  named  states  1  and  even  better  than  in  England,  or  any 
other  country  where  judges  have  larger  salaries  or  higher  rates  of 
compensation  than  in  any  of  our  states  ?  .  . 

We  should  remember,  ihdX  justice  is  not  meted  out  with  gold 
scales. 

The  simple  truth  is,  when  we  go  beyond  a  necessary  and  just 
rate  of  compensation  for  public  services,  the  artifices  of  election- 
eering, and  juggling  tricks  to  obtain  public  office  or  employ,  are 
naturally  excited  thereby  ;  and  the  higher  we  go  above  a  medium 
rate  of  salaries  and  perquisites  of  office,  the  more  learned  quib- 
bles, vexations  and  delays  of  justice,  are  generally  indulged. 


340  BRIEF  GExNERAL  REMARKS 

It  is  said  that,  in  some  parts  of  our  country,  certain  leading  and 
driving  characters,  some  how  manage  to  dictate  and  controul,  di- 
rectly and  indirectly,  the  principal  newspapers  and  other  publica- 
tions, that  their  subjects  read  ;  and  that  the  common  people  have 
no  practical  and  G^cieni  protection  against  such  persecuting,  vex- 
atious and  oppressive  conduct  and  designs. 


The  people — freemen  or  electors,  should  lead  and  rule,  in  a 
republic — not  be  ledj  or  drove,  like  cattle  !  or  voting  machines ! 


People  who  are  not  satisfied  with  themselves,  are  generally  in- 
clined to  be  envious  of  the  acquisitions,  fame  and  enjoyment  of 
others. 


Some  people,  who  have  no  minds  or  opinions  of  their  own,  or 
who  are  under  a  rigid  church  or  state  policy,  have  to  go  to  their 
masters  or  leaders  to  know  what  to  think,  and  particularly  on  mat- 
ters of  religion  and  politics. 


There  are  two  dangerous  sets  of  hypocrites  in  our  country,  at 
the  present  day — one  of  w  hom  aim  to  conceal  their  knavery  and 
evil  designs,  under  the  cloak  of  piety,  or  a  professed  zeal  for  some 
religious  creed,  faith,  or  sectarian  formalities  ;  and  the  other  study 
to  cover  their  crooked  policy  and  conduct,  under  the  buzz  of  some 
political  name,  or  party  distinction,  or  by  the  broad  mantle  of  pro- 
fessed honor  or  liberality. 

Hence,  professed  jiiety,  is  frequently  a  cloak  for  knavery  ;  and 
liberality  f  is  often  only  another  name  for  profligacy  or  the  lack  of 
principle. 


Some  editors  and  conductors  of  public  journals,  strive  to  lead 
l^nd  dictate — not  to  collect  and  follow,  public  opinion. 


Unprincipled  leaders,  generally  prefer  men  of  desperate  char- 
acters and  fortunes,  for  under  offices  and  agencies,  as  they  may 
the  more  readily  convert  them  into  instruments  for  their  own 
crooked  policy  and  purposes. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  341 

Sympathy  for  rogues,  expressed  by  looks,  words  or  actions, 
generally  betrays  a  weak  head,  or  a  corrupt  policy  and  under- 
standing. It  may  indeed  be  the  result  of  extreme  ignorance,  or 
the  person  who  manifests  it  may  not  know  what  they  do ;  but 
generally  it  is  a  warning  that  should  be  cautiously  attended  to. 


Bigots,  from  ignorance  and  delusion,  and  knaves  from  policy 
and  design,  seem  ever  ready  to  palliate  wrong  actions,  under  some 
hypocritical  or  quibbling  pretence. 

A  person  was  complaining  of  fraudulent  transactions,  when  an- 
other said,  "  Lau  !  you,  rogues  must  live."  Well,  replied  the 
former,  we  have  provided,  at  considerable  public  expense,  a  place 
for  their  reception,  affording  them  food,  clothing,  lodging  and 
loorkf  with  guards  for  their  protection,  (state  prison  ;)  and  I  wish 
all  the  rogues  were  confined  there,  and  not  running  at  large,  rob- 
bing and  plaguing  honest  people. 


We  naturally  proclaim  a  wolf,  without  any  ceremony  or  hesita- 
tion, whenever  we  see  one  at  large,  open  and  undisguised  ;  but 
when  a  wolf  is  discovered  in  sheep's  clothing — which  is  infinitely 
more  dangerous,  people  generally  hesitate,  and  seldom  do  more 
than  whisper,  or  give  an  insinuating  hint,  to  their  particular  friends 
and  confidants.  This  strange  state  of  society  is  brought  about  by 
having  hypocrites  in  power,  who,  in  order  to  screen  themselves, 
generally  study  to  entangle  liberty — ^to  intimidate  discernment, 
and  finally  to  suppress  a  manly  freedom  of  speech,  and  of  action. 


Minds,  that  have  been  bewildered  and  confused,  by  false  pre- 
cepts and  hypocritical  examples,  like  a  tangled  skein  of  silk,  gen- 
erally grow  worse  by  hasty  or  injudicious  efforts  to  untangle  them. 


Persons  of  variegated  fortunes,  and  of  changeable  tempers  or 
dispositions,  resulting  from  natural  or  artificial  causes,  are  gener- 
ally much  more  capable  of  forming  correct  ideas  on  subjects  in- 
volving general  knowledge,  than  those  of  steady  tempers,  and 
even  or  uninterrupted  fortunes.  Every  change  of  feeling,  circum- 
staace,  or  situation,  gives  a  different  vicnf  of  the  world  and  its  va- 


342  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

rious  concerns.  Health,  and  sickness  ;  poverty,  and  riches  ;  lib- 
erty, and  slavery  ;  habitual  indolence,  and  industry  ;  changes  of 
residence,  situation,  or  occupation,  as  well  as  a  fluctuating  temper 
of  mind  ;  however  they  may  render  one  in  the  world's  estimation, 
nevertheless  afford  hnn,  greatly  the  advantage  over  those  of  more 
stable  tempers,  uniform  fortunes,  and  unniterrupted  situations,  in 
reasoning  on  general  and  extensive  subjects. 


The  changes,  hardships,  and  trials,  which  mankind  are  often 
subject  to  in  life,  if  made  a  proper  use  of,  tend  to  strengthen  their 
virtue,  and  enlighten  the  understanding. 


Adversity  tests  the  minds  of  men,  as  use  or  accident  rubs  off  the 
gloss  and  exposes  the  substance  of  which  coin  is  made. 


Extreme  prosperity,  or  indulgence,  have  a  natural  tendency  to 
excite  unwarrantable  expectations.  Hence,  those  who  have  been 
greatly  indulged,  by  fortune,  weak  parents,  or  the  like,  and  those 
who  are  best  off  in  worldly  goods,  are  generally  the  least  satisfied 
with  their  fortunes  and  situations. 


A  little  adversity  tempers  life.  It  generally  softens  down  the 
too  arroi^ant  and  unreasonable  propensities  of  heedless  and  incon- 
siderate beings. 

Adversity  teaches  by  contrasty  and  experiment,  the  worth  of 
health,  liberty,  peace,  and  competence. 

After  a  person  has  suffered  the  deprivation,  or  particular  want 
of  any  of  the  essential  privileges  or  enjoyments  of  life,  for  a  sea- 
son, on  being  restored  to  his  privileges  and  enjoyments  again,  he 
then  generally  knows  their  value. 


It  is  the  height  of  wisdom,  to  know  when  we  are  well  situated, 
and  to  estimate  fairly,  the  blessings  and  privileges  we  possess. 


That  man,  who  possesses  strength  of  reason,  in  unison  with  the 
impulse  of  his  temper  and  the  energies  of  his  body,  is  most  happi- 
ly constituted. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  343 

It  is  absurd,  if  not  infamous,  to  represent  the  Creator — who 
IS  perfect  in  knowledge,  power  and  goodness,  as  having  made 
man  different  from  what  He  would  have  had  him  ;  and  especially 
as  being  angry  with  His  own  works,  when  anger  is  the  acknow- 
ledged attribute  of  ignorance  and  folly.  And,  in  His  all-right- 
eous and  final  judgment,  to  suppose  that  the  Supreme  and  perfect 
Judge  of  all  mankind,  would  exact  perfection,  of  finite  and  falli- 
ble creatures,  is  a  paltry  fallacy  ;  and  also,  that  God — being  per- 
fect in  knowledge,  truth  and  justice,  should  tissign  infinite  pun- 
ishment for  a  temporary  offence. 

Those  who  hold  up  such  notions,  whether  from  ignorance  or 
design,  should  be  cautiously  avoided  :  for  let  me  tell  you,  the  Su- 
preme Guardian  of  truth,  justice,  virtue  and  humanity,  never  sets 
knaves  or  blockheads  to  become  guides  in  the  land. 


A  priest  was  once  endeavouring  to  instruct  a  man  of  his  par- 
ish, or  "  flock,"  how  to  die  happily — who  was  told  by  the  man,  that 
he  should  be  much  more  obliged  if  the  priest  would  enable  him 
to  live  comfortably — and  which  he  might  easily  do,  by  relinquish- 
ing a  part  of  his  enormous  tithes,  and  arbitrary  power. 


One  practical  Christian,  who  proves  his  faith  by  his  good 
works,  is  worth  a  thousand  idle  declaimers  ;  who  often  prove,  by 
their  actions,  that  they  don't  believe  what  they  say. 

The  same  may  be  applied,  also,  as  a  general  rule,  to  judge  of 
republicans,  and  of  patriots. 


The  Friends  or  Quakers,  have  no  pope,  bishops,  or  settled  sala- 
ry clergymen  to  ''  rule  over''  them.  Every  good  man,  and  wo- 
man, among  them,  are  moral  and  religious  instructors,  both  by 
precept  and  example  :  and  although  they  live  in  a  country  where 
lawyers  have  the  chief  power,  they  have  but  little  to  do  with  law- 
yers or  litigation  :  and  yet  the  whole  world  might  be  challenged 
for  a  people  of  equal  good  habits  and  moral  worth. 


The  editor  or  conductor   of  a  newspaper  or  public  journal, 
should  never  admit  any  thing  into  his  columns,  that  is  calculated 


344  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

« 

to  deceive  or  injure  his  numerous  subscribing  and  reading  custom- 
ers ;  and  if  any  tiling  of  the  kind  inadvertently  obtains  an  inser- 
tion, he  should  immediately  on  ascertaining  its  character  and 
probable  designs,  endeavour  to  explain  and  defeat  its  object.  It 
is  entirely  a  mistake,  to  suppose  that  an  editor  or  publisher  is  un- 
accountable for  his  advertising  matter.  I  here  would  recommend 
some  to  read  the  lottery  brokers,  nostrum  venders,  political  jug- 
glers, and  other  treacherous  and  base  matter,  which  they  deal  out 
to  the  public,  through  their  printed  columns,  and  then  see,  in 
fact,  if  they  are  not  playing  the  game  of  aristocracy — serving  the 
feWf  to  the  injury  of  the  many  ! 


A  waste  of  our  thoughts,  is  almost  as  pernicious  and  unwise, 
as  to  squander  time,  or  money.  Allowing  our  imaginations, 
thoughts  or  reasoning  faculties  to  dwell  upon  frivolous,  useless  or 
mischievous  subjects,  without  any  beneficial  object  in  view,  is  a 
heedless  waste,  to  say  the  least  of  it. 


As  a  sample  of  the  inequality  and  injustice  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment, Manchester — without  incorporated  or  city  privileges, 
with  105,000  inhabitants,  chiefly  mechanics  and  manufacturers, 
is  without  representation  in  parliament.  Birmingham,  and  other 
large  manufacturing  towis,  are  similarly  situated. 

The  British  historian,  soberly  represents  these  as  "  advanta- 
ges"— "freedom  from  election  canvassing."  Yes,  the  same/rcf- 
dom  and  advantages  the  African  slaves  might  boast  of,  over  a  peo- 
ple who  have  to  read,  inquire,  reflect,  reason  and  choose  for  them- 
selves. 


The  manufacturers,  and  seamen,  of  Great-Britain — who  are  in 
fact  their  chief  supporters  and  defenders,  have  been  taught — en- 
couraged and  habituated  to  the  most  intemperate,  improvident  and 
heedless  coarse  of  life  and  conduct,  to  keep  them  ignorant,  cor- 
rupt, needy  and  dependent,  in  order  to  facilitate  their  absolute  sub- 
jection and  control. 

Every  thing,  in  fine,  that  increases  the  general  depravity,  ignor- 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  345 

ance  and  want  of  the  British  laboring  classes,   has  a  tendency  to 
bring  them  more  and  more  under  the  control  of  absolute  power. 

When  the  laboring  manufacturers  are  obliged  to  work  for  little 
or  nothing  beyond  a  bare  subsistence,  it  enables  the  master  man- 
ufacturers to  throw  their  productions  into  foreign  markets  at  such 
low  rates,  as  to  injure,  and  often  to  destroy  the  manufacturing  es- 
tablishments of  those  countries.  And  then  the  proud  capitalists 
and  managers  make  money,  by  a  monopoly  of  the  foreign  market ; 
while  those  who  perform  the  labor,  are  still  left  poor  and  dependent. 


True  CHRISTIANITY,  like  genuine  republicanism,  studies  the 
greatest  possible  good  of  the  whole  of  mankind  ;  and  sectarian- 
ism, like  king-craft,  seeks  the  benefit  of  the  few,  at  the  expense 
and  injury  of  the  many. 


Literary-craft — in  order  to  render  learning  unnecessarily  diffi- 
cult and  expensive,  would  oblige  us  to  have  two  sets  of  letters  for 
the  use  of  one  word — one  to  spell,  and  the  other  to  pronounce  by ! 


Priest-crafty  would  render  religion,  a  deep,  intricate  and  com- 
plicated science,  known  only  to  ihefew^  who  could  interpret  it  to 
the  many,  as  best  suited  their  own  interests  and  designs  ! 


Law-craft,  would  render  the  laws,  (a  knowledge  of  which  we 
atl  require  for  our  constant  guide,  and  protection,)  a  deep  and  in- 
tricate SCIENCE,  known  only  to  ?Lfew  professional  characters ;  who 
can  generally  interpret  and  use  them  to  suit  their  own  particular 
interests  and  policy  ! 


Probably  the  only  reason  why  priests  have  indulged,  or  rather 
have  been  successful  in  so  many  frauds,  persecutions  and  oppres- 
sions on  mankind,  is  because  their  policy  and  conduct  has  not 
been  promptly  met,  and  freely,  publicly  and  seasonably  investiga- 
ted, like  other  public  concerns. 

The  same  reason,  applies  also,  to  lawyers,  doctors,  and  men  of 
other  public  or  learned  professions,  as  they  are  called. 

The  pruning-hook  is  most  needed,  where  the  growth  is  natoral- 

44 


346  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

Jy  the  most  luxuriant.  The  pruning-hook  of  criticism  and  corrcc* 
tion,  must  be  constantly  and  faithfully  applied,  or  obnoxious  weeds 
and  unhealthy  shoots  and  branches  will  spring  up,  burden  and  ex- 
haust the  soil — overshadow,  and  finally  choke  and  destroy  the 
"true  scions  and  articles  of  usefulness  and  good  husbandry. 


There  is  not  any  thing  that  concerns  the  people  of  this  country 
generally,  more  dearly  than  our  political  and  religious  rights  and 
liberties  ;  and  constant  vigilance  and  inspection  are  necessary  to 
preserve  them  from  the  crooks  and  intrigues  of  hypocritical  and 
designing  crq/ifs  :  how  absurd,  then,  is  it  for  the  editors  or  con- 
ductors of  newspapers  and  other  public  prints,  to  pledge  them- 
selves, as  some  do  in  their  prospectuses,  not  to  meddle  with  reli- 
gion or  politics. 


There  is  always  a  fair  presumption,  of  those  who  wish  to  in- 
timidate, cramp  or  destroy  the  general  freedom  of  speech,  or  of 
the  press,  that  their  policy  and  conduct  will  not  bear  the  light  of 
truth  and  public  inspection. 


A  person  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  remarked  how  very  imposing 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church  ceremonies  were.  Yes,  replied  a 
Mexican  republican,  very  imposifig,  to  be  sure,  for  they  have  beea 
the  chief  means  employed  to  impose  ignorance,  corruption  and 
oppression,  on  many  millions  of  the  people  of  the  old  and  new 
world,  for  ages  past. 


Monarchy  is  of  savage  origin  ;  and  carries  with  it  the  barbar- 
ous injustice  and  cruelty  of  outraged  reason  and  humanity  : 
wherein  the  chief — one  individual,  claims  an  absolute  sovereign- 
ty over  millions  of  fellow-beings,  and  keeps  them  in  subordination 
to  his  will  and  control,  by  the  hypocritical  arts  and  efforts  of 
higotry  and  superstition,  with  the  constant  application  of  the  force 
of  arms. 

Monarchy  enjoins  a  kind  of  idolatry  on  its  subjects,  wherein 
the  creature — that  phantom  of  human  worth  and  greatness,  com- 


ON  A  \\\RIETY   OF  SUBJECTS.  347 

monly  called  a  monarch  or  sovereign  chief,  often  assumes  to  him- 
self the  homage,  which  is  due  only  to  the  Creator. 

A  monarch  is  therefore  an  idol — an  artificial  character — a 
CHEAT — one  set  forth  to  be  superior  to  the  common  order  of  be- 
ings— infallible  in  his  judgment,  and  above  all  human  accounta- 
bility and  controul — while  in  fact  he  is  nothing  but  a  man  ;  gen- 
erally possessed  of  the  sovereign  controul  of  a  state  or  empire, 
by  chance,  and  supported  by  the  power  oi  force  diud  fraud,  with 
the  co-operation  of  a  few  interested  participators,  and  expectants 
of  extra  gains,  privileges  and  indulgences. 

A  monarch  is  usually  decorated  and  puffed  up  with  an  excessive 
degree  of  vanity  and  deceitfulness  ;  and,  who  in  point  of  intellec- 
tual capacity  and  moral  worth,  is  often  below  men  in  general — 
sometimes  worse  than  a  brute  in  ferocity  and  lack  of  fellow-feel- 
ings. 


A  sovereign  chief,  with  a  large  military  force  on  hand,  is  like 
an  overgrown  bully,  inclined  to  swagger  and  be  insolent  to  his 
weaker  neighbours  and  fellow-men,  that  he  may  provoke  them  to 
give  him  some  pretext  for  battle,  wherein  he  can  display  his  power, 
and  perhaps  get  something  by  plunder. 


The  progress  of  human  improvement,  and  especially  that  which 
is  made  in  the  science  and  practice  of  government,  having  ren- 
dered kings,  emperors,  or  sovereign  princes  and  their  creatures, 
with  their  silly  and  hypocritical  shows,  pomp  and  pretensions, 
worse  than  a  useless  appendage  of  public  authority,  which  the 
people  wish  to  get  rid  of,  as  soon  and  as  effectually  as  possible ; 
they  therefore  seem  resolved,  while  in  the  exercise  of  their  sove- 
reign power,  to  do  their  utmost  to  embarrass  the  progress,  of  truth 
and  reason,  and,  if  possible  to  finally  extinguish  the  main  light  of 
civilization  ! 


We  often  hear  the  hawlings  of  mobs  and  other  public  assem- 
blages, in  some  of  the  European  countries, .  particularly  France, 
and  Spain — such,  for  example,  as  "  Live  the  Bourbons" — **  Sue- 
cfss  to  absolute  monarchy,"  and  the  like,  given  out  as  expressive 


341  *  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

of  the  feelings  and  opinions  of  a  party,  or  the  public  body  ;  but 
nothing  is  more  hypocritical  and  absurd,  than  so  to  regard  the 
yelpings  of  a  few  idlers,  who  haunt  courts  and  public  assembla- 
ges, and  who  are  generally  hired  to  give  the  yitch  or  key-no' e  for 
he  mob  to  bawl  out  from  ;  more  especially  in  countries  where 
the  common  freedom  of  opinion  and  expression  are  notoriously 

PROHIBITED. 

The  sentiments  and  opinions  of  a  virtuous,  enlightened  and  free 
people,  are  to  be  ascertained,  from  very  different  manifestations. 


A  stout  heavy  fisted  painter,  on  exhibiting  a  piece  of  his  work 
for  public  criticism  and  inspection,  gave  out  word  that  he  would 
hiock  down  the  first  person  who  found  a  word  oi  fault  with  his 
piece  ! 

This  is  the  liberty  of  monarchy  :  You  may  puff  and  flatter  those 
in  power  as  mucli  as  you  please — but  woe  be  to  the  man  who 
dares  openly  and  candidly  point  out  the  real  faults  of  their  policy 
and  conduct ! 


People  who  have  had  their  understandings  bewildered  and  preju- 
diced, by  the  bigotry,  superstitious  and  other  hypocritical  arts  and 
efforts  of  designing  knaves,  often  act  more  absurdly  than  common 
brutes.  They  sometimes  put  one  in  mind  of  a  cross  or  vicious 
horse,  muUf  or  other  brute  animal,  which  will  kick,  bite,  or  do 
one  some  injury,  when  he  goes  to  feed  them,  or  do  them  an  act  of 
kindness.  So  if  we  attempt  to  reason  with  the  slaves  of  bigotry 
and  despotism,  for  their  own  actual  and  best  good,  it  is  almost  an 
even  chance  that  they  become  informers  and  instruments  in  the 
hands  of  oppressive  and  designing  knaves,  for  the  persecution  and 
destruction  of  their  actual  and  best  friends. 

An  example  upon  a  large  scale,  may  be  found  in  the  late  trans- 
actions in  Spain,  and  some  otlier  countries,  where  a  considerable 
part  of  the  people  were  brought  to  war  with  themselves — to  coun- 
teract their  own  actual  and  best  good  ;  and  finally  to  banish  or  de- 
stroy their  best  fi-iends.  They  mostly  seemed  insensible  of  the 
fiict — the  hypocritical  and  corrupt  arts  and  efforts  of  school-eraft , 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  849 

priest'Craft,  law-crajtj  Uterari/'craff ,  war-craft,  and  king-craft, 
have  PLAYED  THE  DEVIL  with  tlicir  understandings. 

Even  many  of  their  more  enlightened  and  liberal-minded,  vi^ere 
acting  a  very  absurd  and  blind  part,  as  appeared  to  us  ;  for  while 
the  Spanish  Cortes  were  professedly  contending  for  a  degree  of 
light  and  liberty,  at  home,  and  making  their  greatest  efforts  to  sus- 
tain their  position,  they  were,  at  the  same  time,  exhausting  their 
feeble  strength  and  resources,  in  carrying  on  a  cruel  and  fruitless 
warfare,  with  their  American  brethren,  (more  numerous  taken  all 
together  than  themselves,)  to  force  them  to  relinquish  their  oicn 
liberty  and  Independence,  and  submit  to  foreign  control  ! 


After  the  late  general  peace  in  Europe,  in  conversation  with 
some  of  the  most  knowing  and  interested  monarchists  of  France, 
on  the  best  plan  for  subduing  the  spirit  of  liberty  that  many  still 
cherished,  even  in  that  devoted  country,  a  leading  tailor  of  Paris 
remarked,  that,  such  was  the  influence  and  effects  of  dress  and 
fashion,  on  the  bodies,  minds  and  fortunes  of  mankind,  that  he 
could  do  more  with  even  his  shears  and  needle,  to  bring  them  qui- 
etly under  submission  to  monarchy,  than  the  most  able  military 
commander  of  the  empire,  with  all  his  veteran  legions  ;  for  art  and 
management  may  fashion  and  finally  lead  mankind,  where  arms 
could  not  force  them. 


If  monarchists,  or  those  who  hold  the  rights  and  liberties  of 
their  fellow  men  in  contempt,  were  only  retaliated  upon  by  the 
people  they  rob  and  oppress,  they  would  shrink  into  insignificance, 
for  they  could  not  withstand  the  united  force  of  one  twentieth 
part  of  their  victims  who  have  one  common  interest.  But  the  dif- 
ficulty of  enlightening  the  common  subjects  of  monarchy,  in  re- 
gard to  their  rights,  abilities,  and  best  good,  and  of  uniting  their 
efforts  in  establishing  the  same,  is  the  great  evil  to  overcome. 


According  to  the  rules  and  policy  practised  by  the  old  world 
towards  their  once  infant,  and  distant  colonies — after  they  became 
able  to  take  care  of  themselves,  and  desirous  of  so  doing  ;  if  pa- 
rents were  to  treat  their  children  in  like  manner,  every  son,  after 


350  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

coming  to  the  age  and  strength  of  manhood,  would  have  io  fight 
out  his  liberty  and  independence  ! 


If  the  world  was  completely  civilized^  every  considerable  island, 
or  distant  and  distinct  colony,  might  subsist  as  an  independent 
state,  or  community  ;  and  only  be  bound  to  support  such  rules 
and  regulations  as  were  necessary  for  the  general  peace,  security 
and  happiness  of  mankind.  Pretty  much  the  same  as  it  now  is 
between  different  families  and  individuals  in  well  regulated  soci- 
ety— the  few,  or  the  weak,  would  not  be  in  serious  danger  of  out- 
rage or  violence  from  the  many,  or  the  stronger,  and  especially 
witiiout  remedy.  There  would  be  a  natural  and  mutual  bond  of 
interest  and  fellow-feeling,  throughout  the  whole  human  race,  in 
support  of  civilized  rights  ;  and  any  serious  aggression  thereon 
would  call  forth  the  united  interest,  attention  and  energy  of  the 
law,  necessary  for  a  prompt  and  efficient  suppression  and  punish* 
ment  of  the  outrage. 


Travellings  in  different  countries,  and  places,  under  judicious 
views,  and  circumstances  ;  and  reading  the  journals  of  candid, 
able  and  well  directed  travellers,  has  a  tendency  to  refine,  enrich 
and  enlarge  the  human  mind  and  understanding,  and  to  eradicate 
or  correct  many  erroneous,  contracted  and  local  prejudices.  But 
travellers  and  journalists,  too  generally  confine  their  views  and  at- 
tentions, to  some  privileged  policy,  professional  interest,  or  bigot- 
ed notion.  So  that  they  generally  give  us  partial  viewy,  and  er- 
roneous, or  useless  accounts,  of  countries  and  people,  and  neglect 
that  information  which  most  interests  and  concerns  us  generally, 
as  a  free  people.  We  want  to  know  something  about  the  people 
of  other  countries — how  they  differ  from  ourselves,  in  their  know- 
ledge, habits,  and  general  condition,  and  particularly  in  regard  to 
the  possession  and  enjoyment  of  their  essential  rights  and  privi- 
leges. 


Giving,  to  beggars  and  others  who  ask  alms  of  us,  something, 
merely  to  get  rid  of  them,  without  first  inquiring  into  their  char- 
acter and  ascertaining  their  real  circumstances  and  situation,  gen-^ 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  StJBJECTS.  351 

erally  tends  to  encourage  vagrancy  and  public  imposture,  and  to 
increase  the  public  annoyance  and  burdens ;  for  mankind  gener- 
ally won't  work,  when  they  can  obtain,  even  a  miserable  subsist- 
ence, by  begging. 

Want  begets  want,  and  misery  begets  misery.  Indolence  and 
poverty  lose  their  disgrace  and  terrors,  by  general  sympathy  and 
increase  of  numbers. 

Mankind  will  naturally  cease  to  exert  themselves  in  making 
provision  for  their  own  future  wants  and  accommodation,  in  prch 
portion  as  they  see  others  making  those  provisions  for  them. 


Unprincipled  and  designing  priests  and  lawyers,  both  contrive, 
by  a  variety  of  hypocritical  arts  and  operations,  to  keep  mankind 
by  the  ears  as  much  as  possible,  in  order  to  exercise  their  con- 
trouling  powers  and  influence  over  them.  Thus,  in  some  places 
they  rule  together — between  them  ;  in  other  countries  they  ride 
and  rule  separately y  or  as  circumstances  favour  their  designs. 

Each  profession  have  been  known,  in  some  places — even  in  this 
country,  to  have  their  special  advocates,  and  their  separate  can- 
didates for  office.  Thus — this  is  the  lawyer^ s  paper — that  is  the 
priest's  paper  ;  this  is  the  lawyer's  candidate  for  governor,  &>c.  and 
that  is  the  priest's  man,  &.c.  The  people  could  scarcely  be  said 
to  have  either  paper,  or  candidate.  Under  such  circumstances,  it 
seemed  to  be  considered  their  business,  humbly  to  submit  to  the 
dictation  and  controul  of  lawyers  and  priests,  and  their  special 
candidates. 

A  people  who  are  so  priest-ridden,  or  lawyer-ridden,  are  to  be 
pitied,  if  too  ignorant  to  see  through  its  hypocrisy  and  degrada- 
tion ;  but  they  ought  to  bedespised  and  shunned,  if  they  neglect  to 
maintain  their  rights  and  self-respect,  from  the  lack  of  courage 
and  manliness,  or  from  inattention  to  their  dearest  concerns. 


Some  of  our  airy  republicans,  in  their  haste  to  climb  to  the  top 
of  the  pole  of  their  political  ambition,  have  gone  round  and 
round,  in  order  to  find  some  place  of  more  easy  or  rapid  ascen- 
mon,  until  they  have  completely  boxed  the  political  compass. 


352  BRIEF  GENERAL  REiMARKS 

The  "  era  of  good  feelings"  which  has  been  operating  on  the 
government  and  people  of  this  country,  for  several  years  past,  has 
brought  us  into  a  state  of  political  lethargy  ;  which,  unless  we  are 
soon  aroused  from,  to  a  proper  sense  of  our  situation,  and  daty,^ 
will  sink  our  boasted  national  rirtue,  intelligence,  and  liberty,  to 
the  scorn  and  derision  of  the  world. 


"  Call  you  these  Republicans  ?"  said  a  proved  republican  of  '98 
in  remarking  upon  the  late  conduct  of  men,  who  had  been  promo- 
ted to  office,  in  consequence  of  their  express  will  and  determina- 
tion to  correct  abuses  of  power  and  promote  the  people's  best  good  ; 
but  who,  after  they  found  themselves  comfortably  clothed  with 
public  authority,  began  to  quibble  and  equivocate,  from  time  to 
time,  about  the  manner  of  proceeding  to  effect  the  reforms,  and 
finally  found  great  difficulties  in  the  way  of  every  proposition  ! 


In  speaking  of  a  man's  character  and  qualifications  to  entitle 
them  to  public  confidence  and  esteem,  it  is  sometimes  noticed  how 
vastly  clever  and  ogrceahle  they  seem  to  be  :  But  this  is  often  arti- 
ficial and  deceptive — a  gloss  put  on  for  the  moment,  and  which 
will  not  wear.  Indeed,  the  devil  is  said  to  assume  the  most  agreC" 
able  and  enchanting  appearances,  imaginable,  for  the  moment 
when  it  suits  his  purposes  ;  but  then,  it  is  soon  over,  when  he  is 
the  devil  again,  with  all  his  infernal  ugliness,  treachery  and  cru- 
elty. 


The  exercise  of  every  useful  trade,  profession  or  calling,  should 
be  free  to  every  one  ;  and  all  should  be  liable  for  tlie  injury  they 
occasion  others,  from  the  lack  of  adequate  skill,  or  attention — as 
well  as  fo-*  a  studied  violation  of  their  proper  duty. 

Such  a  regulation  might  make  lawyers,  judges,  and  other  licen- 
sed and  official  characters,  a  little  more  careful  of  how  they  play 
the  devil  with  the  rights  and  concerns  of  their  employers. 


Men,  from  ignorance,  and  through  a  treacherous  policy  and  de- 
sign, both,  oftm  recommend  to  let  public  evils  regulate  themselves 
—Just  as  if  human  wisdom,  foresight,  vigilance  and  attention,  in 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  353 

^discerning,  removing,  and  guarding  against  public  evils,  were  in- 
expedient. 

Fire,  pestilence,  and  other  public  and  private  calamities,  if  no 
wise  precautions  are  seasonably  provided  and  applied,  will  come, 
and  most  assuredly  regulate  themselves — and  cease,  only  after 
there  is  nothing  undestroyed  within  their  reach  for  them  to  prey 
upon  ! 


Some,  from  ignorance,  and  others  from  design,  have  endeavor- 
ed to  render  a  prompt  execution  of  the  laws,  odious,  when  they 
operate  against  their  particular  interest,  feelings,  policy  or  designs. 
But  if  the  laws  are  imperfect,  or  unjust,  alter,  or  repeal  them. 
Certainly,  never  leave  it  optional  with  any  one  to  suspend  the  law3 
whenever  it  suits  their  particular  interest — lest  offenders  should 
contrive  to  fee  executive  officers  to  procure  their  forbearance,  or 
directly,  or  indirectly,  give  the  amount  of  part  of  their  spoil,  or  ill- 
gotten  wealth,  to  enable  them  to  escape  with  the  rest,  or  somehow 
4o  facilitate  their  final  evasion  of  justice  ;  and  thus  encourage  oi 
fences  against  the  security  and  common  good  of  society  I 

We  have  lately  seen,  public  officers,  (wlio  were  probably  under 
an  oath  to  execute  the  laws  against  offenders,  faithfully,  and  with- 
out delay  or  favor,)  not  only  neglect  their  duty,  (generally  under 
some  false  or  quibbling  pretensions,)  but  actually  refuse  to  enforce 
the  laws,  against  some  of  the  most  notorious  and  infamous  offen- 
ders. For  instance,  for  the  punishment  and  suppression  of  the 
late  infamous,  alarming  and  ruinous  bank  swindling,  and  other 
conspiracies  to  defraud  stock-holders,  and  others  ;  for  dealing  in 
foreign  lattery  tickets,  against  positive  and  express  law — with  the 
fraudulent  management  of  lotteries,  and  the  ruinous  gambling 
of  late  going  on  therein  ;  for  the  effectual  punishment  and  preven- 
iion  of  the  late  extensive  conspiracies  to  evade  our  general  cus- 
tom-house duties,  and  to  defraud  the  public  revenue :  And  also 
the  mob-like,  and  other  daring  conspiracies  to  ensnare,  intimi- 
date and  put  down  the  actual  freedom  of  the  press  ;  with  other 
wilful  neglects,  to  provide  and  apply  means  for  the  effectual  pun- 
ishment and  suppression  of  other  ruinous  offences. 

45 


354  tiRIEP  GENERAL  REMARKS 

We  must  no  longer  set  the  wolves  to  guard  the  sheep,  lest  (hey 
somehow  contrive  to  fatten  upon  the  spoil  thereof! 

Indolence  and  vice,  should  never  be  entrusted  to  foster  and 
guard  industry  and  virtue. 


About  sixteen  hundred  convicts  were  said  to  have  beenpardun" 
edfrom  the  State  prisons  of  New- York,  within  a  certain  period  of 
a  less  number  of  days  !  They  were  probably  tried  and  all  th(? 
court  expences  secured,  that  could  well  be  created  for  the  benefit 
of  lawyers  and  others  concerned  in  the  profits  of  law  proceed- 
ings :  and  then,  after  a  little  time  and  instruction  in  those  famous 
schools  of  infamy  and  corruption,  tliey  were  let  loose  u|X)n  the 
unguarded  public  !  to  try  their  luck  again  !  to  practise  their  new- 
ly acquired  arts,  or  improved  skill  in  criminal  and  other  base  of- 
fences ! 


An  Irishman  was  convicted  of  a  crimmal  otfence  m  one  of  the 
southern  states,  who  said  it  was  his  misfortune  to  be  poor — that 
if  he  had  possessed  a  good  sum  of  money,  he  might  no  doubt 
have  procured  absolution,  through  the  aid  and  instrumentality 
of  lawi/ers,  as  readily  as  he  had  formerly  obtained  the  same  by 
priests,  in  the  S])anish  dominions. 

It  is  pretty  clear  that  priests  are  not  the  only  profession  of  men 
in  the  world,  who  are  interested  in  screening  criminal  and  other 
offenders  from  merited  conviction  and  punishment,  for  a  portion  of 
their  spoil  or  ill-gotten  wealth. 


Justice  satisfies  every  reasonable  expectation,  and  strikes  a  ter- 
ror on  fraud. 


Error  becomes  dangerous,   in  proportion  as  the  source  fi'om 
which  it  emanates,  is  elevated. 


It  would  be  contrary  to  reason  and  the  nature  of  things,  to  ex- 
pect that  indolence  and  hypocrisy  would  ever  truly  serve  the  cause 
of  industry  J  virtue  and  merit ;  and,  certainly,  to  entrust  the  for- 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  355 

met  witli  the  guardianship  of  the  latter,  would  be  the  extreme  of 
human  absurdity  and  weakness. 


Those  whom  we  employ  to  make  and  administer  law,  should 
never  be  interested  or  left  any  way  to  enrich  or  aggrandize  them- 
selves, families  or  friends,  by  promoting  the  ignorance,  depravity 
and  misery,  of  the  common  people. 


We  profess  to  despise  those  of  the  old  world,  who,  from  ignor- 
ance and  the  lack  of  fellow-feeling,  bear  arms,  and  otherways 
become  instruments  for  keeping  their  fellow-men  in  subordina- 
tion to  kings,  pi  iesthoods  and  other  corrupt  and  arbitrary  author- 
ities ;  but  how  ought  we  to  consider  printers,  and  others  of  our 
own  country,  who  prostitute  their  services  and  the  noble  art  of 
printing,  to  impose  on  the  many  for  the  benctit  of  the  few  ! 


In  a  country  where  the  priests  are  in  power,  (as  in  the  pope's 
dominions,)  they  might  boast  of  being  the  profession  that  produ- 
ced the  most  great  men  ;  and  in  an  empire  where  the  military 
bear  the  chief  sway,  (as  was  the  case  in  Bonaparte's  dominions,) 
they  might  boast  that  the  military  profession  produced  the  great 
men  ;  and  in  a  state,  or  nation,  where  the  lawyers  have  the  chief 
controul,  they,  too,  might  boast  that  the  profession  of  law  produ- 
ced the  most  great  men.  Something  of  the  latter  kind  of  boast- 
ing has  actually  taken  place,  in  regard  to  the  Suffolk  "  6ar,"  in 
some  of  the  late  Boston  papers.  But  what  does  this  actually 
prove,  more  than,  that,  when  one  profession  get  at  the  head  of 
government  or  power,  in  any  state,  or  nation,  they  can  draw  up 
after  them,  those  of  their  own  profession  and  policy,  in  preference 
to  all  others  1 


Instead  of  encouraging  and  protecting  the  useful  labours  of 
the  mind — aiding  ingenious  and  enterprising  men  to  unite  and 
apply  their  talents,  capital,  and  industry,  in  the  best  manner,  in 
promoting  useful  objects  and  undertakings,  how  much  more 
would  it  benefit  lawyers,  to  have   them  misapplied,  or  set  by  the 


SSt^'  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

ears,  and  exhaust  their  energies  in  lawsuits,  and  other  vexatious 
and  unprofitable  contests  1 


The  cupidity  and  hypocrisy  of  influential  and  leading  charac- 
ters, has  often  perverted  the  public  charities,  by  applying  that 
which  was  designed  for  the  prevention  and  relief  of  human  want 
and  misery,  to  the  embellishment  of  some  particular  place,  and 
to  the  elevation ,  enrichment  or  convenience,  of  individuals,  as  of- 
ficers and  managers  of  such  funds,  or  institutions. 


Two  of  the  chief  causes  of  human  transgression,  misery,  and 
want,  particularly  in  large  cities  and  overcrowded  settlements, 
has  generally  been  the  lack  of  a  safe  and  accumulating  deposit 
for  the  surplus  earnings  and  accumulations,  of  unsettled,  single, 
defenceless  and  inexperienced  persons,  and  the  want  of  candid 
B.nd  friendli/  advice,  and,  particularly  in  cases  of  trouble  and  em- 
barrassment. 

Seafaring  people,  single  women,  apprentices,  journeymen,  ser- 
vants, laborers  and  strangers,  are  generally  the  most  exposed  to 
the  tricks  and  treachery  of  unprincipled  and  designing  sharpers, 
in  such  cases  ;  and  therefore  are  the  most  in  need  of  such  advico 
and  protection. 


Every  measure  that  shall  encourage  and  enable  the  most  de- 
fenceless, dependant,  and  inexperienced  class  of  people  in  so- 
ciety, to  promote  their  honest  industry  and  self-dependence,  has 
a  direct,  and  often  powerful  tendency  to  check  the  main  sources 
of  pauperism,  crimes,  and  human  misery  and  degradation  ;  for 
those  who  are  rescued  from  hazardous  and  despairing  conditions, 
will  not  only  be  saved  thereby  ;  but  crimes  and  depravity  will  ul- 
timately decrease,  both  from  the  diminution  of  candidates,  and 
objects  for  them  to  prey  upon. 


In  the  early  stages  of  human  society,  before  mankind  were 
much  enlightened  by  experience,  history,  or  the  progress  of  hu- 
man, science,  they  adapted  their  rules  and  policies  of  govern- 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  357 

itient,  to  the  extreme  ignorance  or  lack  of  knowledge  among  the 
people. 


Some  people,  from  ignorance  or  design,  have  substituted  cun- 
ning for  WISDOM,  when  in  fact  there  is  a  total  and  wide  differ- 
ence between  the  proper  meaning  of  the  two  words. — 

Cunnings  is  of  a  low,  frivolous  or  mischievous  character — such 
as  is  often  manifested  in  the  peculiar  conduct  of  buffoons,  jug- 
glers, gamblers,  pickpockets,  pimps,  swindlers,  hypocrites  and 
cheats  in  general ;  while  wisdom,  is  exalted,  just  and  reasonable, 
distinguishing  the  truly  good  and  great. 


Among  the  absurd  and  hypocritical  maxims,  propagated  by  de- 
signing lawyers  and  others  interested  in  the  increase  of  crimes, 
trials,  and  the  general  profits  of  law  proceedings,  is,  that  a  person 
is  presumed  to  be  innocent,  until  proved  guilty — although  the  very 
fact  of  a  serious  charge,  or  arrest  for  examination  or  trial,  is  at 
least  a  fair  presumption,  that  he  is  believed  to  he  guilty. 


Our  aristocrats — some  of  whom  love  the  people,  almost  as  ar- 
dently as  the  kings  of  the  old  world  love  their  subjects ;  are  pur- 
suing their  game,  by  different  routes,  and  under  hypocritical  pre- 
tensions. In  one  case,  they  study  to  impose  rigid  and  unreasona- 
ble restrictions  against  the  popular  will ;  and  in  another,  they  op- 
pose the  restraint  of  ruinous  public  indulgences — Among  which 
are  unbounded  excitements  and  indulgences  in  lottery^  and  other 
gambling,  keeping  tipling  houses,  &c.  &c. 


The  business  of  litigation,  is  carried  on  and  increasing  to  an 
alarming  extent,  of  late,  from  the  practice  of  banishing  convicts 
from  one  neighboring  state,  or  nation,  to  another — and  by  the  cus- 
tom of  pardoning  and  turning  loose  upon  our  neighbors  and  fel- 
low beings,  criminal  and  other  offenders — after  having  caught,  and 
tried  them,  and  carefully  secured  all  the  profits  of  law  proceed- 
ings, and  given  them  a  degree  of  fresh  instruction,  from  the  promp- 
ters and  schools  of  villainy  ;  so  that  offenders  continue  their  de- 
predations upon  human  society,  and  with  increased  skill  and  ea- 


3fi8  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

gerness,  to  the  augmeDtation  of  lawyers'  business  and  gains  ;  and 
finally  to  the  promotion  of  the  depravity  and  downfall  of  a  virtuous 
and  free  people. 


The  following  is  taken  from  a  piece,  in  the  New- York  States- 
man, of  August  20th,  1827,  (quoted  from  the  Mercantile  Adverti- 
ser,) signed  A  Juror. 

"  Old  Convicts. — It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  almost  every  oth- 
er case,  which  is  tried  in  the  Court  of  Session,  is  that  of  old  offen- 
ders. After  long  experience,  it  is  evident,  that  our  lenient  sys- 
tem has  been  unfairly  tried.  The  excessive  lenity  of  Judges,  has 
greatly  increased  the  number  of  offenders.  That  portion  of  our 
population  who  live  by  plunder,  calculate  with  certainty  upon  this 
lenity  and  become  more  daring. — Another  great  cause  is  the  abuse 
of  the  pardoning  power.  No  sooner  is  a  thief  convicted,  than  an 
attempt  is  made  to  obtain  a  pardon. — A  stop  must  be  put  to  this  in 
some  way  or  other  ;  jurors  and  judges  must  exercise  more  firm- 
ness— they  must  resist  application  on  the  subject.  The  necessity 
of  pardoning  on  account  of  the  crowded  state  of  the  State  Prison, 
no  longer  exists  ;  and  no  man  ought  to  be  pardoned  but  in  cases 
where  it  is  really  and  truly  required. 

The  improper  use  of  the  pardoning  |)ower  has  become  a  subject 
of  general  complaint,  and  we  hope  the  legislature  will  consider 
this  cause  of  crime  at  their  next  session. 

By  examination  of  the  records  of  the  Court,  it  will  be  seen,  that 
men  are  daily  tried  for  the  second,  frequently  for  the  third,  and 
tiicre  are  cases  where  parties  have  been  convicted  for  the  fourth 
and  fifth  time,  to  say  nothing  of  the  number  of  trials  they  may  have 
had  where  they  have  been  tried  and  acquitted  by  absence  of  wit- 
nesses or  other  accidental  circumstances." 


A  man  of  large  property,  and  of  active  and  prudent  habits,  was 
accused  of  being  miserly.  No,  said  he,  I  am  not  miserly,  for  I 
enjoy  all  the  comforts  and  conveniences  of  life  that  I  could  rea- 
sonably desire,  or  possess.  My  surplus  wealth,  I  intend  for  the 
best  good  of  my  fellow  beings.  Not  to  pamper  indolence,  profli- 
gacy and  folly  ;  nor  to  nurse  and  encourage  pauperism  : — but  ta 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  359 

be  finally  applied,  in  the  best  manner,  for  encouraging  virtue,  use- 
ful knowledge,  industry,  and  the  promotion  of  human  improve- 
ment in  general. 


More  than  one  half  of  the  labor  and  exertions  of  mankind,  are 
lost  for  want  of  knowing  how  to  make  the  best  application  and 
use  of  our  time  and  talents  ; — and  chiefly  from  the  lack  of  sea- 
sonable and  proper  instruction  therein. 


Those  who  are  the  least  able,  generally  pay  most  for  what  they 
have  ;  and  chiefly  from  their  lack  of  seasonable  and  proper  in- 
struction, forethought,  and  habit  or  application. 


The  following  is  so  good  a  picture  of  a  lazi/  and  heedless  per- 
son, that  I  have  resolved  to  record  it. 

A  traveller,  overtaken  by  a  sudden  shower  of  rain,  sought  shel- 
ter in  a  nigh  building,  which  he  found  inhabited  by  a  stupid,  lazy 
man,  with  a  family  of  several  ragged  children,  all  collected  to- 
gether in  one  room — under  the  only  part  of  the  roof  that  was  ever 
shingled  or  finished  covering — although  the  house  had  apparently 
been  in  that  condition  for  several  years.  The  traveller,  astonished 
at  such  improvident  neglect,  asked  the  man  tvJii/  he  did  not  finish 
covering  his  house  ?  who  answered  and  said,  **  It  rains  note,  and 
I  can't ;  and  in  fair  weather,  it  does  well  enough  without  !" 


There  are  many,  in  our  own  day,  and  country,  who  pay  a  ridic- 
ulous kind  of  homage,  to  articles  of  property  derived  from  their 
ancestors  or  friends,  that  varies  but  little  if  any  from  idolatry. — 
Such,  for  instance,  as  keeping  valuable  property  useless,  to  re- 
member ancestors  or  friends,  by.  I  will  briefly  name  a  case  in 
point. 

A  lady  had,  by  descent  from  her  ancestors,  several  hundred 
ounces  of  old  fashioned  silver  plate — ^which  was  not  only  useless, 
but  cost  her  a  great  deal  of  trouble  and  anxiety  to  take  care  of 
and  guard  it  from  being  stolen. 

On  learning  the  circumstance,  a  friend  made  an  estimate  of 
what  the  actual  use  of  the  silver  would  have  been  worth,  for  the 


SCO  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

time  it  had  been  worse  than  useless  to  its  possessor,  as  money  at 
interest,  or  otherwise  judiciously  invested  in  good  property — and 
found  that  it  would  have  more  than  trebled  the  whole  amount  or 
value !  and  might,  at  the  same  time  have  increased  her  gratitude 
and  esteem  for  her  said  ancestors. 

So  much  was  foolishly  sacrificed  to  the  idolatrous  custom  of 
keeping  valuable  property  useless,  merely  out  of  gratitude,  or  re- 
spect for  the  donors. 


In  overhauling  the  property  and  concerns  of  a  merchant  or  tra- 
der, it  was  ascertained  that  he  had  sacrificed  upwards  of  sixteen 
rnousAND  DOLLARS,  in  about  twenty  years,  simply  by  his  practice 
of  putting  out  of  the  way,  goods,  after  they  became  unfashionable 
or  unsaleable,  where  they  were  constantly  growing  worse,  by  time, 
and  injuries  occasioned  by  moths,  rust,  &c.  Besides  occupying 
room  that  might  otherways  have  been  useful.  Instead  of  selling 
off  the  articles  for  what  they  w^ould  have  fetched  at  private  or 
public  sale,  at  the  various  times  they  were  put  away,  or  lay  as  use- 
less lumber  in  the  store,  and  the  amount  of  what  they  would  have 
fetched,  put  at  interest,  or  judiciously  employed,  or  invested  in 
good  property. 

So  much  was  sacrificed  from  a  stupid  or  heedless  practice  of 
letting  valuable  property  lie  useless,  or  go  to  ruin  by  decay,  for  the 
want  of  a  little  thoughtful  attention.  This  only  shows  what  may 
be  found  in  various  other  branches  of  our  concerns,  from  the 
lack  of  a  little  forethought,  calculation  and  attention.  An  over- 
hauling of  our  useless  property,  and  a  review  of  our  concerns, 
in  general,  once  in  a  while,  is  very  important. 


The  order  and  management  of  bees,  is  held  out  by  designing 
advocates  of  monarchy,  as  an  indication  of  Divine  Providence, 
in  favour  of  a  system  of  government,  where  one  is  fixed  far  above 
all  the  rest.  But  the  king  or  queen  bee,  as  they  call  it,  is  only 
the  mother  of  a  family  ;  and  every  new  swarm  or  emigration  from 
the  parent  hive,  has  a  mother. 

While  the  instructive  justice  and  wisdom,  taught  by  the  exara- 
|)k  of  these  industrious  little  insects,  in  casting  off  their  drones^ 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  361 

(instead  of  pampering  and  almost  worshipping  them,  as  the  slaves 
of  monarchy  and  aristocracy  do  their  drones,)  seems  toha?e  been 
left  in  silence  to  speak  for  itself. 


Such  ill  tempered,  and  unappropriate  learning  for  the  common 
people,  as  was  designed  for  the  support  of  kings  and  provileged 
orders  of  men,  doubtless  the  great  poet  meant,  where  he  says, 
"  A  little  learning  is  a  dangerous  thing.'  And  because  it  gene- 
rally tends  to  enslave  mankind. 


When  I  hear  people  of  the  slave  states,  threaten  a  dissolution 
of  the  federal  union,  it  puts  me  in  mind  of  a  married  woman, 
who,  from  a  design  to  torment  her  good  and  indulgent  husband, 
or  from  her  insanity  of  mind,  frequently  threatened  to  make  way 
with  herself;  and  who,  in  one  of  those  strange  moments,  ran  out 
to  a  man  who  was  chopping  wood  nigh  the  house,  and  asked  him 
to  cut  her  head  off.  The  man,  good  naturedly  told  her,  to  lay  her 
head  on  the  log  he  was  chopping,  and  he  would  cut  it  off  at  a 
blow.  As  she  laid  her  head  on  the  log,  he  raised  his  ax,  as  if  to 
give  the  fatal  blow,  but,  designedly  struck  the  log  a  distance  from 
her  with  the  head  of  his  axe — when  she  sprang  up  and  ran  off 
screaming  murder!  murder!  she  said  the  man  was  gwngto  kill 
her  ! 


Notifying  delinquent  subscribers  to  newspapers  and  like  pub- 
lications, that  the  same  will  be  continued  to  them  until  all  arrear* 
ages  are  paid — as  a  threat  or  sort  of  punishmenf  for  their  dishon- 
esty— without  knowing  whether  they  are  able,  or  ever  intend  to 
pat/,  is  about  equal  to  informing  them,  that,  if  they  won't  pay ,  they 
«hall  continue  to  receive  the  same  for  nothing,  until  they  arU 

TIRED  OF  IT  ! 

Something  like  the  notice  given  the  Irishman,  who  Was  t^ld, 
by  a  washer- woman,  who  espied  him  retreating  from  her  clothes 
yard  with  a  stolen  shirt,  that  he  would  pay  for  it  at  the  day  of 
judgment."  "  Faith,  madam,"  replied  the  Irishman,  "  if  you  will 
nait  so  long.  Til  e'ens  fake  another  /" 

16 


■302  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

A  college  learned  man,-  in  a  written  controversy  with  a  mechan^ 
ic,  briefly  concluded  his  arguments  with  a  line  or  two  of  latin  i 
to  which  the  mechanic  replied,  giving  the  appjwent  pith  of  his 
argument  in  crooked  words,  that  really  had  no  standard  meaning. 
After  the  classical  gentleman  had  puzzled  his  head,  in  vain,  to 
find  out  their  meaning,  he  wrote  for  an  explanation  ;  to  which  the 
mechanic  replied,  that  he  would  deal  more  honourably,  than  he 
had  been  dealt  by ;  and  that  the  words  which  had  so  puzzled  hi? 
classical  and  learned  antagonist,  really  meant  that, 

A  hypocrite  vanquished  in  his  own  play,  is  twice  beat ! 


It  is  contended,  by  some,  that  a  knowledge  of  the  dead  langua- 
ges is  necessary,  to  enable  a  complete  comprehension  and  under- 
standing of  the  living  tongue — by  getting  at  the  roots — the  ety- 
mology or  derivation  of  words.  But  if  our  dictionaries  properly 
explain  the  true  meaning  and  application  of  words  in  use,  it  will 
obviate  the  necessity  of  our  all  turning  etymologists,  or  learning 
two  or  more  languages  in  order  to  understand  one. 


The  knaves  and  little  tyrants  of  this  country,  are  as  much  op- 
posed to  an  ?LCiu^\  free  press  ^  and  to  human  improvement  in  gener- 
al, astheJcnaves  and  overgrown  tyrants  of  the  old  world.  They 
have  actually  managed  to  exercise  a  kind  of  secret  censorship 
over  the  press,  in  many,  if  not  in  most  parts  of  our  country,  so 
as  to  have  rendered  it  difficult  and  hazardous  to  print  and  circu- 
late, any  matter  particularly  criticising  on  their  policy  and  con- 
duct. In  proportion  to  their  power  and  influence,  they  are  secret- 
ly or  openly  as  hostile  to  human  improvement,  as  the  league  of 
tyrants  of  the  old  world  ;  and  have  already  played  the  devil  with 
some  of  our  most  important  improvements,  and  their  authors  and 
promoters. 

But  why  should  not  knaves  and  tyrants  dread  the  progress  of 
truth  and  justice,  alx)ut  them,  as  much  in  one  country,  as  anoth- 
ler  ?  Their  trades  are  essentially  the  same,  and  darkness  and 
terror  are  their  shield  and  protection.  And,  certainly,  every 
thing  that  has  a  tendency  to  improve  the  knowledge  and  under- 
standing of  the  common  people,  and  to  increase  their  independ- 
ence, peace,  security,  prosperity  and  happiness,  must  be  against 


ON"  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  363 

the  policy  and  designs  of  knaves  and  tyrants  generally,  both  little 
and  big,  wherever  they  may  be. 


A  knave  or  tyrant,  however  small,  is  nevertheless  .  opposed  to 
truth  and  justice,  and  inclined  to  baffle  or  crush  their  progress 
and  existence,  in  proportion  to  his  means,  as  though  he  had  un- 
limited power  ;  and  the  more  he  is  indulged,  the  stronger  and 
more  daring  becomes  his  outrages  and  evil  designs. 


Like  the  unprincipled  inquisitors  and  despots  of  the  old  world, 
ours,  also,  have  spies ,  tale-hearers,  false'ioitnesses^  and  undertakers^ 
to  carry  on  their  work  and  designs.  Sometimes  they  undertake  to 
LIE  DOWN  their  intended  victims. 


Our  unprincipled  litigious  inquisitors,  like  the  lioly  inquisitors 
of  the  old  world,  make  great  use  of  bankrupts y  the  personal  ene- 
mies of  their  intended  victims,  and  people  of  des]^evate  fortujjes 
and  characters,  to  aid  their  frauds,  oppressions  and  cruelties. 


It  was  (\mie  fashionable y  at  one  time,  for  certain  characters  to 
insult  our  common  people,  by  styling  them  clod-hopperSy  the  swi- 
nish multitude,  and  the  like.  The  fashion,  has,  however,  most 
wonderfully  and  fearfully  changed ;  and  men  of  the  same  charac- 
ter and  designs,  now  flatter  the  common  people. 

There  is  generally  much  more  danger  to  be  apprehended  from 
the  smiles  and  flatteries  of  an  enemy,  than  from  their  open  inso- 
lence and  avowed  hostility. 


Our  colleges,  have  generally  been  schools  o^  privileged  orders 
— nurseries  of  aristocratic  pride,  habits,  ideas,  policy  and  inter- 
ests. 


An  old  revolutionary  officer,  on  hearing  some  slight  remarks 
made  upon  \hr  dress  and  appearance,  of  the  men  at  a  country 
muster  or  training,  compared  with  those  of  the  city,  said — '^  Give 
me  owe  thousand  of  those  plain  dressed,  athletic  and  brave  "coun- 
try lads,"  and  I  will  conquer  j/ii;e  thousand  of  your  *'  city  dandies,'' 


364  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

in  the  ordinary  course  of  the  war-fare  of  our  country.  Three  fros- 
ty nights  would  kill  an  army  of  your  fair-weather  soldiers — your 
silk-stocking  gentry.  It  was  pretty  much  such  looking  men  as 
some  of  you  now  pretend  to  despise,  who  mainly  achieved  our  na- 
tional liberty  and  independence  ;  and  who  have  chiefly  sustained 
us  ever  since,  by  tlieir  industry,  virtue  and  firmness. 

"  I  will  hold  that  man  infamous,  who  shall  attempt  to  trifle  with 
the  virtuous  and  firm  supporters  and  defenders  of  this  blessed  land 
of  liberty.  But,  lot  me  tell  you,  most  of  these  industrious  and 
plain  dressed  country  people,  have  as  little  esteem  and  respect  for 
many  of  your  city  folks — with  their  frivolous  show  of  dress,  mon- 
key airs,  and  empty,  hypocritical  characters,  as  any  of  you  pre- 
tend to  entertain  for  them."  The  country  can  live  without  the 
city ;  but  what  could  the  city  do  without  the  country  !  Thank 
God,  our  rights  and  prospects  are  based  on  something  of  more 
permanent  and  intrinsic  worth,  than  the  quick-sands  of  a  numer- 
ous and  corrupt  city  population. 


We  should  endeavor  to  do  away,  as  much  as  possible,  every  un- 
necessary grant  and  exercise  of  discretionary  or  indefinite  author- 
ity, as  it  has  a  powerful  tendency  to  nurse  and  indulge  a  spirit  of 
aristocracy  and  despotism. 

Emperors,  kings,  military  commanders  in  chief,  governors  of 
states  and  provinces,  mayors  of  cities,  and  judges  of  courts,  are  in 
the  habit  of  issuing  their  decrees,  and  of  promulgating  their  special 
authorities,  hy proclamations ;  by  which  each  one  exercises  diff*erent 
degrees  of  sovereignty,  and  probably  feels  a  pro|x>rtionate  con- 
tempt for  those  he  conceives  below  him.  Even  the  assessors  of 
taxes,  in  some  places,  invested  with  a  degree  of  discretionary  or 
indefinite  authority,  have  indulged  an  unjust  and  shameful  par- 
tiality towards  individuals.  Every  excessive  power  or  indulgence 
of  authority,  has  a  direct  and  powerful  tendency  to  destroy  that 
sense  of  equality,  and  confidence  in  public  authorities,  which  are 
essential  to  our  existence  and  prosperity,  as  a  free  people. 

The  issuing  o^ proclamations,  by  chief  executive  authorities,  of- 
ferring  special  rewards  for  the  discovery  and  arrest  of  capital  of- 
fenders, has  a  tendency  to  delay  common  justice,  in  some  instan- 
ces, and  finally,  to  produce  unjust  and  odious  distinctions  and  par- 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  3G5 

tialities  among  mankind.  The  pursuit  of  offenders  should  never 
be  delayed  a  moment  for  the  proclamation  of  authority,  or  the  of- 
fer of  a  suitJ^ble  reward. 

Neither  should  there  ever  be  a  partial  value  set  upon  human 
lives,  by  public  authority.  The  perpetration  of  a  murder  or  cap- 
ital outrage  upon  a  wealthy  or  influential  person  or  family,  (a  class 
of  people  the  most  able  to  take  care  of  themselves,)  is  much  more 
likely  to  call  forth  the  sympathy  and  special  aid  of  a  chief  magis- 
trate, than  if  committed  upon  a  poor  and  defenceless  class  of  peo- 
ple, who  most  need  the  humanity  and  special  protection  of  gov- 
ernment. 


While  the  people  professedly  exercise  political  sovereignty  over 
a  state  or  country,  they  should  never  attempt  to  evade  an  indirect 
responsibility  for  the  conduct  of  their  agents  ;  and  surely  they  can 
never  exonerate  themselves,  for  the  continued  misconduct  of  those 
whom  they  have  the  exclusive  power  of  appointing,  restricting  and 
controlling. 


What  must  be  the  character,  and  ultimate  condition,  of  a  coun- 
try, or  people,  where  a  man  has  more  to  fear  from  doing  good, 
than  evil — perhaps  more  injury  to  apprehend  to  his  person,  repu- 
tation, or  fortune,  from  acting  the  useful  and  noble  part  of  a  pa- 
triot or  public  benefactor,  than  from  playing  the  knave,  the  ty- 
rant, or  public  despoiler  ?  more  actual  harm  to  dread  from  detect- 
ing and  exposing  a  defaulter,  knave,  or  swindler,  than  from  outra- 
ging virtue,  robbing  merit,  or  defaming  human  excellence  ? 


Can  there  well  be  more  base,  hypocritical  and  unmanly  transac- 
tions, of  a  country  or  people — after  having  outlawed  an  indi- 
vidual of  extraordinary  virtue,  genius,  and  public  worth — perhaps 
compelled  him,  by  their  envy^  rapacity,  excessive  stupidity,  mean- 
ness, or  cruelty,  to  abandon  his  nativity,  or  home,  and  seek  protec- 
tion and  encouragement  of  strangers,  in  a  foreign  country,  where 
his  merits  had  been  duly  ackowledged  and  rewarded,  and  he  ulti- 
mately pronounced  a  public  benefactor — than  for  them,  then,  after 


366  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

this^  to  attempt  to   compliment  themselves^   with  a  kindred  birth 
place  or  habitation  ? 

The  fact  is,  the  strangers  who  treated  the  man  of  worth  with 
becoming  justice  and  liberality,  are  entitled  to  honor,  in  such  case, 
and  those  who  outraged  the  good  man,  should  be  st^^mped  with 
due  and  proportionate  infamy  and  disgrace.  A  virtuous  and  en- 
lightened public,  would  naturally  honor  and  reward  a  prophet,  or 
public  benefactor,  in  his  own  day,  and  country. 


People  act  very  absurdly,  when,  after  one  error,  they  commit  nu- 
merous others  to  conceal  the  first.  This  is  truly  making  bad 
worse.  Like  inventing  and  deliberately  employing  a  dozen  false- 
hoods, to  patch  up  and  conceal  one  hasty  or  inconsiderate  misrep- 
resentation, or  other  single  fault. 


Subscribing  for  the  publication  of  books,  or  prints,  or  agreeing 
to  take  them  at  a  given  price,  before  we  know  their  actual  con- 
tents, materials,  execution  and  merits  or  final  worth,  is  something 
like  the  boys'  method  of  trading  knives,  &c.  "  unsight — unseen  .'" 

If  a  book,  or  print,  has  intrinsic  merit  enough  to  recommend 
and  sell  itself\  there  seldom  is  an  occasion  for  teazing  the  public 
with  subscription  papers,  or  in  retailing  the  article  beforehand,  by 
proxy. 

If  the  actual  amount  of  expenses  for  soliciting  and  obtaining 
single  subscriptions,  and  delivering  and  getting  the  pay,  was  fair- 
ly deducted  from  the  true  value  of  meritorious  and  useful  books, 
and  prints,  there  would  be  enough  dealers  to  take  at  wholesale, 
all  that  the  demand  would  fairly  justify. 


The  speeches  of  individuals,  delivered  in  our  national  and  state 
legislatures,  often  include  the  joint  labors  of  many  ;  who,  fi-om 
party  motives,  or  some  local,  or  other  particular  interest  or  object, 
join  and  assist  one  of  their  sqitad,  or  number,  to  make  notes,  col- 
lect and  prepare  matter  for  a  speech. 

Thus,  speeches  delivered,  and  particularly  those  published,  of- 
ten bear  a  very  erroneous  idea  of  the  real  knowledge  and  abilities 
of  the  person  to  whose  credit  they  are  actually  set  dov^m. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  367 

This  is  generally  calculated  to  set  off  the  individuals,  whose 
names  they  go  in,  far  above  their  real  merits  ;  and  no  doubt  has  a 
powerful  tendency  to  the  rage  for  syeech-making :  And  which  is 
becoming  ridiculous,  if  not  dangerous,  to  many  of  our  dearest  in- 
terests and  public  concerns ;  for  when  a  member  has  conceived  and 
hecome pregnant  with  matter  for  a  big  speech,  he  is  generally  use- 
less for  other  business,  until  he  has  got  rid  of  it  to  his  mind,  and 
frequently  manifests  as  much  uneasiness  and  anxiety  for  delivery, 
as  a  cat  in  the  last  stages  of  travail ! 

The  Grecians,  and  Romans,  before  the  art  of  printing  came  in- 
to use,  through  which  to  instruct  and  enlighten  the  public,  by  the 
circulation  of  printed  matter,  were  under  the  necessity  of  much 
declamation  or  public  speaking. 


Deception  in  Courtship  introductory  to  Matrimony, 

There  is  no  deception,  perhaps,  productive  of  more  pernicious 
consequences  to  society,  than  that  which  is  frequently  practised  in 
courtship  introductory  to  matrimony  :  for  while  the  woman  is  em- 
ploying art  to  disguise  her  person,  or  character,  and  deceive  her 
suitor  in  matters  or  things  that  concern  his  future  enjoyment,  she 
rery  little  thinks  that  she  is  sowing  the  seeds  of  future  jealousy — 
the  bane  of  conjugal  happiness  ;  nor  does  the  man  consider,  when 
he  is  making  false  vows,  and  vain  pretensions,  to  deceive  the  ob- 
ject of  his  embraces  in  that  which  regards  the  happiness  of  a 
married  life,  that  he  is  poisoning  his  own  cup,  and  laying  the 
foundation  for  future  misery. 

In  short ;  all  deception,  practised  by  either  party  during  court- 
ship, introductory  to  matrimony,  tends  to  destroy  that  mutual  con* 
fidencCf  so  essential  to  conjugal  happiness  ;  and  generally  termin- 
ates in  jealousy,  strife,  debauchery,  and  all  manner  of  evil  conse- 
quences. 

To  jocky  or  cheat  in  the  deal  of  hrute  animals,  is  base  and 
fraudulent,  and  the  laws  provide  a  penalty  for  the  offence  ;  but 
how  njtich  more  base  and  infamous  ought  it  to  be  considered,  to 


3G8  BRIE^F  GExNERAL  REMARKS 

jocky  and  cheat  in  the  solemn  contract  of  matrimony — made  be- 
fore Heaven,  between  two  hMman  beings,  concerning  their  happi- 
ness and  misery,  in  the  highest  degree  ! 


Wonderful  Contrast  in  the  Female  Character. 

There  is  no  being  on  earth,  more  pleasing  as  a  companion, 
and  seldom  any  more  useful  as  a  member  of  civil  society,  than 
woman — when  nature  and  art  have  contributed  to  render  her  the 
most  excellent  of  her  sex.  The  natural  beauty  and  gracefulness 
of  her  person  ;  the  sweetness  and  vivacity  of  her  temper,  espe- 
cially wlien  aided  by  a  judicious  education,  make  her  truly,  the 
fairest  part  of  creation.  On  the  contrary,  when  nature  has  not 
been  bountiful,  but  more  especially  when  education  and  reason 
has  been  neglected,  woman  often  becomes  the  most  vile  and  dis- 
gusting monster  in  society — alike  regardless  of  justice,  cleanli- 
.ness,  humanity,  or  shame  for  her  sex. 

The  passions  of  women,  are  generally  quicker,  and  warmer, 
than  those  of  men  ;  consequently  they  are,  as  nature  or  education 
may  have  particularly  inclined  them,  often  the  most  faithful  pat- 
rons of  virtue  and  humanity,  or  the  vilest  instruments  of  vice  and 
depravity.  Satan,  certainly  betrayed  no  ordinary  knowledge  of 
the  human  character,  when  he  selected  his  instrument  for  the 
orijrinal  seduction  of  mankind. 


Jealousy,  originates  from  two  opposite  and  distinct  causes. — 
The  e.\cessive  cravings,  malignance,  desires  and  indulgences,  of 
some,  induce  them  to  suspect  that  their  neighbours  and  fellow-be- 
ings are  dictated  by  the  same  evil  inclined  impulse  or  inclination 
as  themselves  ;  and  those  of  the  most  virtuous  habits  and  disposi- 
tion, may  be  taught  to  consider  certain  characters,  and  appearan- 
ces, with  scrupulous  apprehensions. 

Hence,  some  people  can  hardly  be  persuaded  to  take  sufficient 
precautions  againsst  the  hypocrisy,  treachery  and  malice  of  their 
fellow-beings.     Honest  and  reasonably  disposed,  themselves,  they 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  36« 

are  naturally  inclined  to  consider  others  so,  too — until  they  have 
learned  otherwise  :  while  others,  urged  by  the  unceasing  dictates 
of  a  malignant  and  corrupt  temper,  habit  or  disposition,  are  sus- 
picious, without  just  or  reasonable  cause.  Rogues  or  made  fools, 
themselves,  they  are  apt  to  think  the  world  so,  too. 


Mankind  seldom  declare  any  thing,  which  they  do  not  know, 
believe,  or  hope  to  be  true.  Hence,  if  a  person  say  you  will  be 
beat,  in  a  particular  suit  at  law,  or  that  you  will  be  unsuccessful, 
or  any  way  unfortunate,  in  any  particular  interest,  enterprise  or 
undertaking,  it  is  evident  he  has  knowledge  of  some  particular 
facts  or  circumstances  to  justify  his  belief,  or  that  he  only  hopes 
the  result  will  be  as  he  has  declared.  In  either  of  the  former  ca- 
ses, it  is  obviously  his  duty,  as  a  neighbour,  good  citizen,  or  fel- 
low-being, to  explain  himself,  and  give  the  particular  facts,  or  rea- 
sons on  which  he  founds  his  belief ;  but,  if  he  h^;s^  knowledge  of 
any  thing  that  would  justify  his  predictions,  and  withholds  the 
same  from  you,  or  if  he  only  hopes  the  result  will  be  as  he  has  de- 
clared, in  either  case,  the  arts  are  base  and  unmanly. 

In  this  way,  people  frequently  betray  a  malicious  or  unfriendly 
disposition,  without  being  fully  sensible  of  their  inconsistency. 


As  mankind  become  depraved  in  mind,  or  lose  their  faculties  of 
reason,  just  so  in  proportion  do  they  generally  profess  to  hate  those 
of  an  opposite  character.  Hence  lunatics  or  mad  men,  often 
strive  to  injure  their  natural  and  best  friends  ;  and  hence  vicious 
and  corrupt  characters,  generally  study  to  annoy  the  most  virtuous 
and  best  people  in  society.  But  it  is  evident  that  the  hatred  of 
the  latter,  proceeds,  rather  from  fear  and  policy y  than  from  a 
sense  of  any  thing  that  is  really  bad  in  human  virtue  and  excel- 
lence. Extreme  ignorance  and  depravity  cannot  bear  the  light 
and  contrast  of  wisdom  and  virtue.  A  corrupt  and  depraved 
monster,  sickens  at  the  very  thoughts  of  an  excellent  and  upright 
man.  They  hypocritically  profess  to  hate,  that  which  they  actu- 
ally admire,  and  even  envy^  but  which  they  have  neither  the  cour- 
age, wisdom,  nor  patience,  to  attain.  Vicious  and  depraved  char- 
acters, dread  the  contrast  of  truth  and  virtue,  becaftse  it  exposes 

47 


870  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

their  crookedness  and  inferiority.     But  when  any  thing  is  really 
bad  in  its  nature  and  tendency,  we  hate  it,  sincerely. 

Hence,  too,  bad  governments,  or  corrupt  and  unprincipled  men 
in  power,  generally  study  to  annoy  and  sacrifice  the  btst  men  in 
vociety,  for  the  gratification  and  benefit  of  the  worst — sacrifice 
virtue,  industry,  and  true  merit,  to  pamper  and  indulge  indolence, 
vice  and  folly. 


Pruits  of  political  imbecility  and  corruption. 

In  some  places,  men  get  rid  of  their  debts,  by  their  own  acts  of 
insolvency. 

In  such  cases,  the  individual  who  thinks  proper  to  fail,  gener- 
ally selects  two  or  three  of  his  particular  friends,  to  whom  be  pri- 
vately assigns,  what  he  pleases  to  call  his  property,  for  distribution 
among  his  creditors,  according  as  he  has  chose  to  class  or  rate 
their  particular  claims.  And  thus,  in  some  places,  every  bank> 
rupt  or  failing  character,  makes  a  law  particularly  to  suit  himself.' 
If  any  of  the  creditors  refuse  to  abide  by  his  law — that  is,  if  they 
object  to  take  the  amount,  or  proportion  of  property  assigned  for 
them,  and  give  up  or  discharge  their  claims,  they  are  generally 
made  to  understand,  that,  if  they  persist  in  their  determination, 
they  will  lose  tlie  whole  of  their  claim,  as  the  debtor  will  consume 
the  property  in  his  expenses  of  living,  and  in  fighting  them  in  law, 
if  they  attempt  to  enforce  a  collection  of  their  dues. 

Notwithstanding  all  this  indulgence  to  bankrupts,  insolvents,  or 
failing  characters^  some  have  the  hypocrisy  and  impudence  to 
complain,  and  whine  about  their  hard  case,  and  style  themselves 
unfortunate  insolvent  debtors — but  seldom  a  word  do  we  hear  about 
the  truly  unfortunate  and  abused  creditors,  who  are  continually 
swindled  out  of  their  property,  in  this  way. 

After  all  this,  if  an  honest  creditor  or  other  person  has  the  dis- 
cernment to  detect  the  knavery  and  hy|X)crisy  of  a  swindling  debt- 
or, and  makes  the  facts  known  to  his  neighbors ;  or  if  any  one 
has  the  courage  to  make  frequent  and  special  notice  of  the  knav- 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  371 

ery  and  fraud  of  individuals  in  such  cases— perhaps  their  retiring 
from  business  upon  a  fortune  thus  swindled  out  of  their  poor  cre- 
ditors ;  or  if  a  cheated  creditor  or  other  person  has  the  spirit  to  re- 
sent the  insolence,  haughtiness  or  airs  of  some  of  these  exonerated 
bankrupts  soon  after  their  pretended  misfortunes  ;  it  is  quite  pro- 
bable, by  so  doing,  where,  and  while  such  a  loose  state  of  morals 
and  of  the  laws,  or  their  execution  exist,  (actually  encouraging 
swindling,)  he  may  be  threatened  with  some  outrage  or  infliction  of 
the  cluh  law. 


There  is  no  considerable  body  of  men  often  assembled  in  this 
country,  more  puffed  for  their  talents,  learning,  experience  and 
patriotism,  than  those  who  have  had  the  principal  making  and  al- 
teration of  our  constitutions — (who  are  mostly  lawyers  ;)  and 
yet,  if  a  dozen  farmers  and  mechanics,  of  good  common  sense 
and  information,  could  not  be  found  in  almost  any  populous  coun- 
ty, that  could  have  devised  a  more  just  and  efficient  rule  for  ap- 
pointing senators  for  congress,  than  appears  in  practice,  of  late,  in 
several  of  our  state  legislatures,  they  certainly  ought  to  be  pitied 
for  their  ignorance  and  want  of  capacity. 

When  the  two  houses  of  a  state  legislature  disagree  in  their 
choice  of  a  senator  for  congress,  let  there  be  a  joint  ballot — and 
especially  if  the  feio  persist  in  attempts  to  govern  the  many  ;  and 
if  there  is  no  one  who  has  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of 
votes  given  in  joint  ballot  on  the  first  vote,  then  let  the  second 
vote  be  for  one  of  the  three  highest  candidates,  and  the  third  for 
one  of  the  two  highest  ;  and  if  there  should  possibly  be  an  exact 
tie  in  any  case  or  stage  of  the  business,  let  it  be  decided  by  the 
casting  vote  of  the  presiding  officer. 

This  would  aflbrd  a  just,  expeditious  and  sure  mode  of  electing 
senators  for  congress  ;  and  which  I  recommend  to  the  people  of 
Pennsylvania,  New- York,  Connecticut,  New-Hampshire,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  some  other  states. 

Some  think  we  have  got  a  new  fangled  aristocracy  organizing 
in  this  country — ihefew  striving  to  controul  the  many,  by  a  com- 
bination of  privileged  interests,  and  an  obstinate  adherence  to 
tlieir  own  will. 


87f  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

King-craft,  priest-craft,  and  other  hypocritical  artifices  of  un- 
principled and  designing  men,  has  perverted  the  true  meaning 
and  proper  application  of  words  to  their  base  and  crooked  de- 
signs and  purposes.  Thus,  in  the  true  style  of  this  language  and 
policy,  we  find  rakes,  profligates  and  libertines,  called  high  fel- 
lows— when  in  strict  truth  and  veracity,  they  are  Imo  characters  ; 
and  when  a  person  is  enticed  or  prompted  to  a  base  action,  it  is 
called,  in  this  language,  putting  them  vp  to  it — ^just  as  if  vice  was 
the  upward,  and  virtue  the  downward  way  of  life.  Those,  too, 
who  have  taken  the  lead  in  playing  the  devil  with  mankind,  have 
sometimes  assumed  the  titles  of  (His)  **  holiness'*  ;  "  Most  CcUho' 
lie"  (majesty  ;)  "  3Iost  Christian" —(Uis)  "  excellency" — (His) 
''grace"—"  Right  reverend"—'*  Right  honourable"--"  Most 
worshipful"  and  the  like  hypocritical,  absurd  and  pernicious  per- 
versions of  the  true  meaning  and  proper  application  of  words. 


It  appears  quite  common,  I  would  almost  s^y  fashionable ^  with 
some  people — who  profess  to  lament  the  ruinous  excitements  and 
indulgences  in  lottery  gambling,  and  drunkenness,  to  impute  the 
evil  to  "  the  rabble" — (just  as  if  they  ruled  in  society,)  and  say 
there  is  no  remedy  for  the  evils,  in  the  present  state  of  our  politi- 
cal affairs,  as  it  would  render  unpopular,  whoever  should  under- 
take to  make  or  enforce  good  and  wholesome  laws  and  regulations 
for  their  correction.  The  simple  truth  is,  the  farmers  and  me- 
chanics, who  constitute  three-fourths  of  our  freemen  or  electors, 
generally  are  subjected  to  the  most  burdens  and  other  injuries, 
by  the  progress  of  these  evil  excitements  and  indulgences  ;  and 
nine-tenths  of  whom  are  interested  in  their  correction  and  re- 
straint, and  wherever  their  interests  and  wishes  have  been  duly 
consulted  and  regarded,  the  business  has  been  effectually  done. 

The  people  of  the  state  of  New- York,  in  order  to  regulate  and 
restrain  their  legislators  more  effectually  in  the  performance  of 
their  duty  and  prevent  further  mischief,  have  expressly  forbid 
them,  by  the  provisions  of  their  new  constitution,  from  granting 
any  more  lotteries.  This  language  is  unequivocal  of  the  virtue 
and  good  sense  of  the  people,  when  and  wherever  they  are  duly 
consulted  and  regarded. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  S73 

In  order  to  understand  this  business  fairly,  we  must  see  who — 
what  profession,  class  of  men,  or  persons  individually  or  collect- 
ively, are  instrumental,  or  interested  in  furnishing  the  means  of 
excessive  drinking,  and  gambling,  and  in  the  fruits  of  intemper- 
ance generally — in  the  promotion  of  human  ignorance  ?  poverty  1 
ill  health  ?  embarrassments  ?  crimes  1  and  degradation  ? — Who 
are  they  ?  Surely  not  the  farmers  and  mechanics,  who  are  inter- 
ested in  directly  the  reverse.  Their  interest  and  true  glory  chiefly 
depends  on  the  general  prevalence  of  human  knowledge,  sobriety, 
industry,  prosperity  and  happiness. 


True  courage,  is  presence  of  mind,  wisely  exercised  in  peril- 
ous situations,  or  exerted  in  cases  of  extreme  danger. 

It  mainly  consists  in  encountering  dangers  iinderstandingly — 
necessarily,  and  wisely,  to  remove  some  existing  evil,  or  to  com- 
bat and  ward  off  impending  injuries,  or  to  guard  against  approach- 
ing troubles,  and  finally  to  gain  relief,  security,  or  some  benefit, 
by  resolute  and  discerning  exertions. 

To  encounter  hazards  ignorantly,  or  unnecessarily,  evinces  stu- 
pidity and  folly,  or  any  thing,  rather  than  true  bravery. 

A  truly  brave  action,  is  founded  in  superior  virtue  and  wisdom. 

An  honest  and  well  informed  man,  wisely  acting  in  a  good 
cause,  feels  a  conscientious  approbation  and  support,  that  makes 
him  resolute,  bold  and  determined.  But  a  person  knowingly  act- 
ing against  the  cause  of  justice  and  humanity,  often  trembles  at 
the  mere  rustling  of  a  leaf. 


National  glory,  is  the  just  fruits  of  superior  virtue  and  know- 
ledge, in  a  nation  or  people.  A  true  pride  of  character,  or  an 
exultation  understandingly  resulting  from  the  possession  and  ex- 
ercise of  exalted  virtue  and  wisdom.  But  to  plunder,  slaughter, 
or  .  nslave  our  fellow-beings  ;  and  especially  because  they  are  not 
BO  polite,  accomplished,  numerous,  warlike  or  expert  in  the  use  of 
arms,  as  their  assailants  ;  or  because  they  were  peculiarly  vulner- 
able or  exposed  in  their  local  situation,  property  or  concerns  ;  or 
in  consequence  of  some  overruling  calamity,  misfortune  or  dis- 
tress ;  or  from  their  being  off  their  guard,  or  putting  too  much 


374  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

confidence  in  the  justice,  good  faith,  or  civilized  character  of  their 
neighbours  or  assailants  ;  ought  to  brand  a  nation  or  people  with 
infamy ^  rather  than  honour. 


Extract  from  the  published  proceedings  of  the  New- York  state 
legislature. 

"  The  speaker  presented  a  report  from  the  clerk  of  Monroe 
county,  of  the  number  of  appeals  from  justices'  courts  made  in 
the  county,  which  report  was  made  at  the  request  of  the  grand 
jury,  and  by  direction  of  the  court. 

The  clerk  reports  that  during  the  year  1826,  114  justices'  re- 
turns were  filed  on  appeals. 

Forty-two  causes  were  tried,  in  which  261  witnesses  were 
sworn. 

Costs  in  28  causes  in  which  records  have  been  filed,  amount  to 
$1161. 

In  the  remaining  cases  the  probable  amount  of  costs  is 
$535  44.     Total  81701  44. 

And  the  whole  amount  for  which  verdicts  were  rendered  is 
only  8545  57. 

In  tlie  remaining  72  causes,  which  are  either  pending  or  have 
been  settled  or  dismissed  by  the  court,  the  probable  cost  is  $8 
on  each  side,  wliich  amounts  to  81152,  which  sum,  added  to 
$1701  44,  makes  a  total  of  82852  44  ;  the  amount  of  costs  on 
appeals  in  that  county,  in  one  year,  besides  expenses  not  taxable 
in  loss  of  time,  of  parties  and  witnesses." 

Here  may  be  seen  the  ruinous  progress  of  litigation,  as  cultiva- 
ted and  managed,  from  small  beginnings,  by  persons  interested  in 
instituting,  perplexing  and  prolonging,  unnecessary,  vexatious  and 
expensive  law  squabbles. 

Had  it  not  been  for  the  aid,  advice  or  design  of  lawyers  ;  and 
perhaps  a  few  others  like  themselves,  interested  or  habituated  in 
promoting  unnecessary,  perplexing,  and  expensive  law  systems 
and  proceedings,  probably  most  of  the  suits  never  would  have 
been  brought  ;  and  many  of  the  rest  of  the  cases  would  have 
been  settled,  or  the  acti  )ns  complied  with  without  trial  or  any  ac- 
tual and  serious  resistance  to  justice  ;  and  few  or  none  of  the  par- 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  375 

ties  would  have  been  so  unwise  as  to  have  appealed,   and  particu- 
larly under  such  vexatious,  expensive  and  ruinous  circumstances. 


Every  unnecessary  or  injudicious  delegation  or  grant  of  au- 
thority, has  a  general  tendency  to  diminish  the  liberty,  influence 
and  power  of  those  who  give  it,  and  to  increase  the  power  and  in- 
fluence of  those  who  receive  it.  Hence  it  is  bad  policy  for  indi- 
viduals, and  for  communities  in  general,  to  delegate  more,  or 
higher  authorities,  than  is  actually  necessary  for  judiciously  con- 
ducting their  respective  concerns. 

A  virtuous  and  enlightened  people,  would  therefore  be  cautious 
how  they  granted  special  privileges  to  individuals,  singly,  or  col- 
lectively, and  how  they  enlarged  the  authority  of  men  for  public 
purposes.  Licenses,  investing  individuals  with  special  indulgen- 
ces, and  those  incorporating  associations  of  men  with  peculiar 
privileges,  for  whatever  purpose  ;  and  commissions,  and  acts  in- 
vesting individuals  with  special  authorities  for  public  purposes, 
are  cases  most  commonly  indulged. 

In  delegating  authority  to  the  federal  government,  the  states 
should  grant  no  more,  nor  greater  powers,  than  what  were  actually 
necessary  for  the  judicious  management  of  the  general  concern  ; 
and  these,  as  well  as  all  other  grants  of  public  authority,  should 
be  correctly  and  explicitly  defined. 

Besides,  every  additional  grant  of  power,  generally  increases 
the  expectations  and  demands  of  those  invested  with  them.  Men 
will  very  naturally  expect  an  increased  rate  of  compensation,  as 
you  elevate  their  rank,  power  or  employment.  Greater  wages  will 
generally  be  expected  for  serving  the  public,  than  for  like  per- 
formances for  individuals  ;  and  more  for  fulfilling  an  engagement 
ander  the  national  government,  than  for  a  like  oflice  or  agency 
rendered  to  a  state. 

Hence,  although  the  public  means  are  far  greater  than  those  of 
any  individual,  it  often  costs  the  public  much  more  to  carry  into 
operation  an  undertaking,  than  it  would  a  private  individual,  or 
even  a  common  company  concern.  The  Cumberland  road  is  a 
memorable  evidence  of  public  extravagance  and  mismanagement 


376  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

In  the  ancient  world,  to  discourage  lives  and  deeds  of  consid- 
erable virtue  and  public  usefulness — to  render  actions  of  distin- 
guished  beneficence  and  humanity,  unnecessarily  difficult  and 
hazardous,  cruelties  were  practised,  and  martyrdom  generally  clo- 
sed the  lives  of  public  benefactors  ;  and,  after  they  were  dead^ 
the  knaves  and  tyrants  of  society,  sometimes  sainted  them,  or 
othervvays  hypocritically  exalted  their  character  as  much  above 
their  actual  merits,  as  they  had  kept  them  below,  while  living. — 
This  was  done,  as  is  even  practised  at  the  present  day,  by  some,  to 
hoist  actual  merit  out  of  the  common  reach — to  check  the  pro- 
gress of  true  civilization — a  correct  knowledge  and  practice  of 
truth,  justice,  virtue,  and  human  improvement. 

Some  biographers,  from  the  same  error,  sometimes  attempt  to 
make  out,  in  the  life  and  character  of  those  who  have  acquired 
distinguished  excellence,  that  in  their  birth  or  nature^  something 
extraordinary  had  been  indicated  about  them.  As  much  as  to 
say,  to  those  who  have  none  of  these  wonderful  indications  of  na- 
ture in  their  favour,  that  it  would  be  vain  or  useless  for  them  to 
attempt  the  acquisition  of  any  considerable  degree  of  merit,  or 
human  excellence  ! 

Satan,  certainly  could  not  have  devised  a  more  efficient  meth- 
od of  discouraging  emulation  to  deeds  and  lives  of  distinguished 
virtue  and  human  excellence. 


Imputing  corruption,  deceit,  or  evil  designs,  to  the  human  heart, 
is  absurd,  since  the  heart  is  not  an  organ  of  perception,  compari- 
son and  reflection,  susceptible  of  entertaining  ideas y  thought,  mo- 
tive, choice,  intention  or  design.  The  head  contains  the  organs 
of  perception,  thought,  reason,  will  and  design,  that  chiefly  guide 
and  rule  the  voluntary  actions  of  rational  beings. 

"  Reason's  compariog  balance  rules  the  whole.'' 

It  is  the  mind — the  human  understanding,  that  is  susceptible  of 
corruption,  by  being  impressed  with  false  ideas,  and  misdirected 
by  hypocritical  examples,  and  thereby  perverting  the  human  fac* 
ulties  to  bare  designs  and  purposes. 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  377 

Malice  and  treachery,  are  harboured,  cultivated,  and  directed, 
by  the  human  will.     *'  The  mind  is  the  standard  of  the  man." 

Passions  are  the  elements  of  life — the  current  and  the  wind 
that  propels,  while  reason  hands  the  sails  and  guides  the  helm  of 
life  :  or,  to  use  a  more  modern  emblem — the  heart  is  the  boiler, 
that  unconsciously  ejects  the  propelling  fluid,  and  the  head  is  the 
steward,  engineer,  and  pilot,  that  provides  fuel  and  water,  regu- 
lates the  operations  of  the  machinery,  and  guides  the  helm. 

To  impute  motive  or  design  to  the  current,  wind,  or  steamer, 
would  be  ridiculous,  since  they  are  incapable  of  reason  or  under- 
standing— like  the  simple  organ  through  which  the  invigorating 
fluid  of  animal  life  involuntarily  rushes  into  its  arterial  conduct- 
ors. 

Imputing  moral  depravity  and  imperfection  to  the  works  and 
involuntary  operations  of  nature,  is  charging  the  Creator  with 
turpitude,  injustice,  and  imperfection  ;  and,  of  course,  exonera- 
ting the  creature  from  the  charge  of  moral  depravity,  corruption 
and  evil  designs. 

With  individuals,  as  with  nations,  and  communities  of  long 
standing,  the  head,  and  not  the  body,  is  the  general  seat  of  cor- 
ruption. 

Properly  speaking,  the  heart  of  a  healthy  and  perfectly  made 
man,  is  never  bad — but  the  mind  is  often  shockingly  corrupted, 
the  understanding  bewildered  and  depraved,  and  the  human  fac- 
ulties thereby  perverted  to  base  designs  and  purposes. 

Sailors  call  a  healthy  and  generous  minded  man,  a  fellow  of 
good  pluck  :  this  appears  more  to  the  purpose,  as  a  well  construct- 
ed and  healthy  state  of  the  liver,  and  lights  or  lungs,  (which  to- 
gether with  the  heart  constitute  the  pluck,)  materially  affects  our 
temper  and  disposition. 

Finally — "  the  mind  is  the  standard  of  the  man" — the  centre 
and  seat  of  intellectual  knowledge — the  ruler  of  the  voluntary  ac- 
tions of  all  rational  beings. 

48 


378  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

The  Power  and  Worth  of  a  Good  Moral  Sense  and  Habit. 

Practice  is  far  more  powerful  tlian  precept  :  for  although  we 
may  specify  very  correctly  the  obligations  aiid  duties  of  human 
beings,  yet  the  letter  of  the  law  may  be  evaded  ;  while  the  exam- 
ple and  practice  of  just  and  wise  rules,  carries  a  language  and 
force  that  cannot  easily  be  mistaken  or  evaded. 

In  proportion  as  a  sound  and  valuable  coin  is  put  into  circula- 
lion,  the  debased  currency  disappears  ;  and  truth,  justice,  and 
merit  prosper. 

When  respectable  married  ladies  refused  to  associate  with  kept 
mistresses,  it  effected  far  more  than  the  written  law  to  break  up 
the  custom. 

If  mechanics  and  manufacturers  would  resolve  not  to  encour- 
age runaway  apprentices — by  refusing  to  employ  those  who  come 
to  them  without  a  proper  discharge  from  the  obligations  of  their 
apprenticeship,  and  a  certificate  of  good  character,  it  would  do 
more  to  restrain  giddy-headed  youth,  and  to  maintain  the  fidelity 
and  respectability  of  minai-  apprenticeships,  than  perhaps  all  our 
legal  regulations,  without  such  a  practice. 


Were  I  to  choose  the  condition  of  my  birth,  education  and  for- 
tune, I  would  prefer  to  be  born  of  honest  parents,  in  moderate 
circumstances,  and  to  possess  a  good  constitution,  and  natural 
talents,  and  to  be  brought  up  in  habits  of  virtue,  industry  and  use- 
fulness, and  regularly  to  increase  my  information  and  fortune, 
with  the  progress  of  years.  If  a  person  was  wisely  and  properly 
educated  and  instructed,  they  might  be  taught  to  have  rational 
ideas  of  adversity  and  prosperity,  without  experiencing  any  con- 
siderable degree  of  the  actual  miseries  of  life  ;  and  thus  their 
whole  lives  might  be  rendered  one  continual  scene  of  temperate 
and  rational  enjoyments. 


Acts  of  incorporation,  for  companies  allowed  to  contract  debts 
upon  the  faith  of  their  alleged  capital,  should  never  exempt  the 
private  property  of  the  stock  holders  from  the  final  fulfilment  of 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  37^ 

their  engagements  ;  for  if  there  is  no  danger  of  their  failure,  the 
responsibility  is  merely  nominal  ;  but  if  tliere  is  an  actual  hazard 
in  assuring  the  fulfilment  of  their  engagements,  certainly  the  risk 
ought  to  fall  upon  those  who  are  to  be  immediately  benefitted  by 
the  concern  ;  more  especially  as  they  have  the  keeping,  manage- 
ment and  controul  of  the  property  and  business  of  the  concern. 


If  banking  privilege's  are  really  worth  considerable  sums  of 
money,  why  do  our  public  servants  give  them  away  ?  and  espe- 
cially for  the  particular  benefit  of  a  few  wealthy  or  speculative  in- 
dividuals ?  Why  not  ratlier  sell  the  privileges  for  the  public  ben- 
efit, at  what  they  are  actually  worth,  under  such  regulations  and 
restrictions  as  amply  to  secure  the  public  against  any  losses  or  in- 
jury from  loose  or  improper  transactions. 


It  is  very  easy  to  lay  banking  and  other  company  concerns,  un- 
der such  restrictions  and  regulations,  as  to  guard  the  public 
against  any  serious  injury  from  their  transactions  ;  and  no  doubt 
this  would  always  be  the  case,  if  those  who  have  the  chief  man- 
agement in  making  and  administering  the  laws,  had  not,  unfortu- 
nately, a  different  and  distinct  interest  from  the  common  good. — 
We  have  heard  no  complaints  of  late  years  from  the  numerous 
banks  and  other  company  concerns  in  the  state  of  Rhode-Island  ; 
and  most  probably  because  the  people ^  and  not  the  lawyers ^  chief- 
ly govern  in  that  state  ;  and,  of  course,  endeavour  to  make  and 
administer  laws  for  their  own  general  use,  protection,  and  the 
promotion  of  the  common  good.  This  is  a  proud  monument  to 
the  justice  and  wisdom  of  the  people  of  Rhode-Island,  more  es- 
pecially at  this  unparalleled  period  of  hanh  and  other  company 
swindling —  1 825-6. 


Suppose  the  laws  should  restrict  the  holding  of  bank  stock — so 
that  not  less  than  a  certain  number  should  be  allowed  to  controul 
the  stock  of  any  banking  concern — varying  their  number  in  some 
measure  to  the  amount  of  capital  invested  in  the  institution ;  that 
no  person  should  be  allowed  to  hold  bank  stock  to  more  than  one 
third,  or  one  half  the  amount  of  the  free  and  clear  property  they 


380  BRIEF  GENER4L  REMARKS 

were  actually  worth  ;  and  that  their  private  property  should  be 
hoJden  to  an  equal  amount  of  their  bank  stock,  for  the  final  pay- 
ment of  the  debts  of  the  concern. 


We  employ  public  agents  to  7n>;/>cc^  provisions,  lumber,  and  a 
variety  of  articles  of  merchandize,  to  guard  the  public  against 
fraud  in  their  quantity,  quality,  and  condition  ;  while  the  issuing 
6T  bank  bills — the  currency  of  the  country — the  common  reward 
for  labour — the  most  sought  for  exchange  for  property  generally — 
as  to  their  essential  quality  and  fitness  for  public  intelligence  and 
security,  and  the  amount  put  in  circulation  from  each  bank  re- 
spectively, are  pretty  much  left  to  the  ignorance  and  cupidity  of 
interested,  designing  and  irresponsible  individuals,  without  an  ef- 
ficient public  inspection  and  controul. 

If  there  was  a  uniform  stamp — an  accurate  impression  of  con- 
siderable size,  of  some  kind  of  work  the  most  difficult  to  coun- 
terfeit, put  on  all  the  bills  of  every  bank  and  denomination  exact- 
ly alike — under  the  inspection  and  controul  of  a  public  agent,  to 
serve  as  a  kind  of  public  test,  or  general  standard  fur  genuine 
bills,  lawfully  issued,  it  would  be  of  great  use  and  importance  to 
the  public  generally.  Magistrates,  and  the  public  in  general 
might  be  thus  furnished  with  a  convenient  and  infallible  guide  to 
detect  counterfeits  by  ;  the  banks,  as  well  as  individuals,  might  be 
easily  restrained,  by  this  regulation,  from  all  unlawful  issues  of 
bills.' 

If  these  hints  were  duly  attended  to,  the  good  people  of  this 
country  would  soon  cease  to  be  rubbed  of  their  earnings  and  prop- 
erty, and  the  weak  and  unwary  corrupted,  by  the  arts  and  efTorts 
cf  counterfeiters,  bank-swindlers,  and  their  aids  and  participators. 


Adventuring  in  lotteries,  is  a  kind  o^ secret  and  silent  gambling, 
that  tends  powerfully — and  particularly  where  it  is  cncuurnged,  to 
the  waste  and  destruction  of  the  very  elements  of  genuine  repub- 
licanism— the  justice,  equality  and  self-dependence  of  the  people 
—by  deluding,  impoverishing  and  corrupting  the  jnani/  for  the 
benefit  of  the  few ;  and  finally  plunging  its  hapless  victims,  from 


0N  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  381 

a  condition  of  comparative  virtue  and  self-dependence,  into  a  state 
of  despair,  depravity,  poverty  and  servitude. 

Paris,  and  other  fashionable  hotbeds  and  nurseries  of  vice  and 
monarchy  in  Europe,  make  great  use  of  lotteries  to  promote  their 
objects ;  and  no  doubt  many  of  the  leading  promoters  of  lotteries 
in  this  country,  at  the  present  day,  hypocritically  aim  at  the  de- 
pravity and  downfall  of  a  virtuous  and  free  people. 


The  cause  of  truth  and  virtue,  is  so  self-evident,  and  manifest- 
ly reasonable,  just  and  humane,  that  even  knaves  and  tyrants,  in 
pursuing  their  unjust  and  cruel  purposes,  upon  an  open  and  learn- 
ed scale,  generally  have  to  resort  to  some  pretext  of  error  or  wick- 
edness, in  their  intended  victims,  for  which  they  are  professedly 
convicting  and  punishing  them. 


We  have  had  tioo  revolutions  in  this  country — the  first  took  the 
rule  from  the  British  king  and  nobles,  and  left  it  chiefly  in  the 
hands  of  lawyers  and  others  who  composed  the  natural  aristocra- 
cy of  our  own  country  ;  the  second,  although  designed  to  disarm 
this  aristocratic  league  of  privileged  interests  and  individuals,  in 
favour  of  just  and  equal  measures,  and  place  the  power  of  govern- 
ment firmly  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  was,  nevertheless,  mainly 
defeated,  by  the  hypocritical  arts  and  management  o^ pretended 
republicans  and  patriots — who,  while  they  openly  professed  to  be 
XzhoMung  for  the  people ,  were  secretly  striving  to  delay,  pervert, 
or  defeat,  every  measure  and  attempt  to  complete  the  reform  in- 
tended ;  and  have  finally  left  the  government  of  the  whole  United 
States,  pretty  much  in  the  hands  of  the  lawyers  and  their  aristo- 
cratic confederates  in  interest  and  policy,  with  their  several  tools 
and  underlings. 

A  third  revolution,  it  is  hoped  and  trusted,  will  soon  place  the 
power  of  government  effectually  in  the  hands  of  the  people, 
and  guard  them  against  any  further  dominion  and  controul,  of 
any  distinct  interest,  profession,  or  class  of  men.  This,  it  is  ho- 
ped will  be  effected  peaceably,  by  the  force  of  truth,  justice  and 
reason,  and  without  bloodshed  or  violence. 


332  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

**  In  the  vice  chancellor's  court,  Great-Britain,  a  suit  lately 
ended  with  the  consent  of  both  parties,  which  has  lasted  ^fit/ 
years. 

"The  statues  of  England  occupy  45,000  close  quarto  pages, 
and  the  reports  of  common  law  decisions  continaally  referred  to, 
are  contained  in  do  less  than  35,000  other  pages.  So  that  the 
evidential  books  of  legal  authority  consist  of  about  100,000  pa- 
ges. These  books  are  of  course  exclusive  of  the  different 
abridgments  and  treatises  of  law,  and  arguments  and  comments 
on  legal  decisions.  Of  these,  Vesey's  Comyn's  and  Bacon's 
works,  contain  a  quantity  of  tyi)e  equal  to  200,000  common  octa- 
vo pages  1" — Niles'  RegiUer. 

These  are  among  the  numerous  facts  and  examples  concerning 
the  character  and  operation  of  the  British  law  system,  which 
many  of  our  lawyers  are  endeavouring  to  patronize  and  follow  ; 
while  others,  however,  of  the  better  sort,  (who  deserve  every  aid, 
protection  and  encouragement,  and  the  highest  honour  and  reward 
for  their  noble  conduct,)  have  devoted  themselves  to  the  prepara- 
tion and  establishment  of  a  truly  civilized  and  republican  code  <^ 
law. 

Many  of  our  courts,  and  particularly  that  of  the  United  States, 
is  so  tedious,  and  exorbitantly  expensive,  as  to  prove  ruinous  to 
many  who  have  concerns  therein,  and  is  far  beyond  the  means 
and  use  of  many  who  have  occasion  for  its  protection.  The  ex- 
penses of  one  of  the  parties  to  a  suit  of  ordinary  magnitude  in 
this  court,  has  been  known  to  be  as  high  as  twe.nty  thousand 

DOLLARS ! 


"  The  present  Attorney  General  of  England,  in  a  speech  rela- 
tive to  the  Chancery  Court,  delivered  on  the  22d  of  May  last, 
(1827,)  observed  that  there  were  then  six  thousand  certificated  at- 
torneys in  the  country,  each  making,  on  an  average,  a  thousand 
pounds  sterling  a  year  by  his  profession."  (Amounting  to  over 
twenty-six  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars!) 


Is  the  American  press  free,  to  promulgate  every  good  and 
wholesome  truth  that  concerns  the  people  at  large — or  is  there  a 


ON  A  VARIETY  OF  SUBJECTS.  383 

secret  censorship  and  controul  exerted  over  it,  by  any  profession 
class,  league  or  combination  of  men,   who  have  an  interest  differ- 
ent and  distinct  from  the  general  good  ?   and  who  finally  manage 
to  ensnare,  intimidate  and  prevent  the  exercise  of  a  necessary  and 
manly  freedom  of  the  press. 

It  highly  concerns  our  good  people  to  see  to  this  matter,  in 
earnest,  for  themselves,  and  before  it  be  too  late  If  the  press  is 
not  sold,  enslaved,  or  any  way  prevented  from  doing  its  duty  to  the 
people,  let  it  speak  out  boldly  and  answer  for  itself.  There  is  ev 
ery  reasonable  encouragement  for  the  attempt.  By  maintaining 
the  truth  and  usefulness  of  printed  matter,  enhances  its  value, 
and  increases  a  general  desire  for  reading.  Which  tends  greatly 
to  promote  the  business,  honour  and  usefulness  of  printing.  An 
article  or  product,  will  generally  diminish,  both  in  value,  and  de- 
man(2,  in  proportion  as  it  is  adulterated,  or  any  way  debased  or  in- 
jured, in  quality  and  worth. 


*'  During  the  period  which  elapsed  between  the  overthrow  of 
the  British  government  in  the  United  States  and  the  establishment 
of  the  various  systems  of  government,  in  the  various  states  of  the 
union,  there  was  a  pretty  strong  current,  in  favour  of  a  proposi 
tion,  that  there  is,  in  the  nature  of  human  society  a  foundation 
for  thp  three-fold  divisions  of  the  one,  iYiQfeto,  and  the  many." — 
North  American  Review. 


Laws,  and  appointments  to  office,  made  by  the  public  servants, 
should  be  faithfully  designed  for  the  promotion  of  the  best  good  of 
the  many — the  people,  the  whole  community  together — instead  of 
the  aristocracy — ihefew  individuals  who  generally  study  to  con- 
troul the  making  and  administration  of  the  laws,  and  the  appoint- 
ments to  office,  to  favour  their  own  privileged  interests  and  de- 
signs. 


When  the  learned  and  wealthy  form  aristocratic  leagues ;  and 
when  any  body  or  number  of  men,  secretly  or  openly  join  for  the 
purpose  of  taking  unjust  and  undue  advantages  of  their  fellow- 
men  ;  and  whenever  men  combine  their  power  and  efforts  to- 


384  BRIEF  GENERAL  REMARKS 

wrong,  distress  or  any  way  injure  a  fellow-being,  the  commoB 
people  should  unite  against  them — the  friends  of  justice  and  hu- 
manity slibold  exert  their  best  efforts  to  counteract  and  defeat 
the  design  ;  and  Hnally  to  establish  and  maintain,  good  and  equal 
rules  for  the  government  of  the  whole.  This  is  just,  and  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  the  preservation  of  human  liberty,  and  the 
rights  of  mankind  in  general. 


Some  people  say,  "  we  must  takr  the  world  as  it  is" — ^just  as  if 
it  were  not  the  duty  of  every  good  man,  and  every  good  woman, 
to  counteract  the  efforts  of  those,  who  from  ignorance  or  design, 
are  labouring  to  make  the  world  worse;  and  finally  to  exert  our- 
selves to  improve  the  general  character  and  condition  of  mankind. 


THE   END. 


/ 


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